BS  2825.4  .B39  c.l 
Beckwith,  Isbon  T. 
The  apocalypse  of  John 


THE  APOCALYPSE   OF   JOHN 


^    '^^    o    *^  ^ 

THE  MACMILLAN   COMPANY 

NEW  YORK   •    BOSTON    •    CHICAGO   ■    DALLAS 
ATLANTA   •    SAN    FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Limited 

LONDON  •  BOMBAY  •  CALCUTTA 
MELBOURNE 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  Ltd. 

TORONTO 


/-<v\'(  or  p;i/;v22>> 

FEL3  :■)  1932  ^ 

.^ 

THE  ^  ""^^ 

APOCALYPSE  OF  JOH]^ 

STUDIES  IN   INTRODUCTION 

WITH 

A   CRITICAL  AND  EXEGETICAL   COMMENTARY 


/  BY 

ISBON   T.   BECKWITH,   Ph.D.,   D.D. 

FORMERLY    PROFESSOR    OF    THE    INTERPRETATION    OF    THE    NEW    TESTAMENT 

IN    THE    GENERAL    THEOLOGICAL    SEMINARY,    NEW    YORK,    AND 

OF    GREEK    IN    TRINITY   COLLEGE,    HARTFORD 


THE   MACMILLAN   COMPANY 
1919 

All  rights  reserved 


COPTEIQHT.    1919, 

By   the   MACMILLAN   COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  November,  1915, 


NortoooU  ^rc28 

J.  S.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  <fe  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

For  the  understanding  of  the  Revelation  of  John  it  is  essen- 
tial to  put  one's  self,  as  far  as  is  possible,  into  the  world  of  its 
author  and  of  those  to  whom  it  was  first  addressed.  Its  mean- 
ing must  be  sought  for  in  the  light  thrown  upon  it  by  the  con- 
dition and  circumstances  of  its  readers,  by  the  author's  inspired 
purpose,  and  by  those  current  beliefs  and  traditions  that  not 
only  influenced  the  fashion  which  his  visions  themselves  took, 
but  also  and  especially  determined  the  form  of  this  literary 
composition  in  which  he  has  given  a  record  of  his  visions. 
These  facts  will  explain  what  might  seem  the  disproportionate 
space  which  I  have  given  to  some  topics  in  the  following  Intro- 
ductory Studies. 

The  Apocalypse  is  the  one  book  of  the  New  Testament  whose 
theme  is  the  doctrines  of  the  Last  Things,  the  fulfillment  of  the 
Kingdom  of  God,  that  is,  to  use  the  common  theological  term, 
the  doctrines  of  Eschatology.  But  these  had  a  growth,  running 
through  the  periods  of  biblical  history;  and  the  Apocalypse, 
springing  from  the  heritage  of  these  centuries,  contains  much, 
especially  as  regards  form,  which  belongs  to  this  eschatological 
development.  The  more  fully,  then,  one  comprehends  the 
earlier  eschatology,  its  history,  and  the  prevalence  of  its  princi- 
pal conceptions,  the  better  is  one  fitted  to  understand  the 
Apocalypse  in  its  leading  aspects.  I  have  therefore  given  a 
rather  long  chapter  to  the  eschatology  of  the  Old  Testament 
and  late  Jewish  writers,  together  with  that  of  the  different 
parts  of  the  New  Testament.  Reference  is  frequently  made  to 
this  to  elucidate  the  Apocalypse. 

A  second  topic  requiring  somewhat  extended  notice  is  that 
of    the   late    Jewish   writings    called    by  scholars  Apocalyptic. 


vi  PREFACE 

These,  broadly  speaking,  are  visions,  whether  actual  or  assumed, 
of  the  unseen  world,  chiefly  of  the  coming  ages.  These  writ- 
ings form  a  distinct  class,  with  certain  characteristic  concep- 
tions, forms,  symbols,  and  methods  of  composition.  To  this 
class  belongs  the  Revelation  of  John,  which,  though  incompara- 
bly superior  to,  and  in  important  particulars  differing  from,  all 
others  of  the  kind,  yet  agrees  with  them  in  many  leading  ideas, 
as  well  as  in  imagery,  language,  and  manner  of  writing.  There 
is  scarcely  a  paragraph  in  the  Revelation  which  does  not  re- 
ceive some  illumination  from  other  writings  of  this  group.  A 
knowledge  of  the  characteristics  of  this  so-called  apocalyptic 
literature  is  then  indispensable  in  the  study  of  the  Apocalypse 
of  John. 

Two  closely  related  topic:',  ilio  Times  of  the  Apocalypse  and 
its  primary  Purpose,  necessarily  enter  into  the  study  of  one 
preparing  himself  to  read  the  book  from  the  author's  stand- 
point. Like  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament,  the  Reve- 
lation, while  containing  truth  for  all  time,  was  immediately 
occasioned  by  a  concrete,  practical  purpose  for  the  Church  in 
the  age  in  which  it  was  written.  The  relation  of  the  Roman 
Empire  to  the  Church  at  the  close  of  the  first  century  (the  time 
of  the  Apocalypse),  and  especially  the  establishment  of  a  state- 
religion  in  the  emperor-worship,  which  plays  a  foremost  part  in 
the  Revelation,  contained  within  them  the  principle  of  the 
supreme  struggle  between  the  world  and  Christianity.  That 
struggle,  already  beginning  at  the  time,  was  viewed  as  destined 
to  reach  its  climax  in  a  future  not  very  remote.  The  primary 
purpose  of  the  Apocalypse  was  to  help  the  Church  to  meet  the 
conflict  then  and  afterwards.  The  relation  of  the  book  to  its 
age  must  therefore  claim  adequate  space  in  prefatory  study. 

As  the  Apocalypse  is  a  prophetic  book,  the  subject  of  the 
right  reading  of  prophecy  in  general  presents  inquiries  which 
cannot  be  passed  over  too  briefly.  I  have  discussed  certain 
canons  for  the  interpretation  of  prophecy,  recognized  by  present- 
day  scholars,  which  may  give  some  measure  of  guidance  in  dis- 
tinguishing the  transitory  element  from  the  permanent,  and  I 
have  tried  to  show  the  application  of  such  canons  to  some  of  the 
perplexing  questions  of  the  Revelation.  The  great  spiritual 
revelations  given  in  the  Apocalypse  regarding  the  coming  of 


PREFACE  vii 

God's  kingdom  are  conveyed  in  forms  of  the  Prophet's  time ; 
and  the  usefulness  of  his  book  for  a  subsequent  age  depends 
largely  upon  the  separation,  so  far  as  is  practicable,  of  the 
permanent  from  the  transitory. 

Criticism^  technically  so  called,  demands  a  considerable  place 
in  a  study  of  the  Apocalypse  at  the  present  time.  For  some 
decades  now  the  view  that  the  book  lacks  unity  has  attracted 
the  support  of  a  numerous  group  of  scholars,  and  a  large  body 
of  critical  literature  has  been  occupied  with  proposed  analyses 
of  it  into  different  documents  of  widely  differing  authors,  which 
supposedly  have  been  revised  and  combined,  perhaps  through 
several  revisions,  into  the  present  form ;  or,  as  others  would 
maintain,  the  present  form  of  the  book  is  the  result  of  a  suc- 
cession of  revisions  and  enlargements  of  a  single  original  docu- 
ment. These  theories  enter  into  nearly  all  recent  discussions 
of  the  Apocalypse.  The  investigations  upon  which  they  are 
founded,  carried  on  often  with  singular  acuteness,  are  of  great 
value  in  the  study  of  the  book,  even  if  the  conclusions  are  not 
always  accepted.  They  cannot  then  be  ignored  by  the  inter- 
preter or  passed  over  in  a  few  words.  Yet  they  need  to  be 
tested  by  the  methods  of  a  strict  exegesis,  and  especially  in  the 
light  of  the  peculiar  literary  characteristics  of  the  author  of  the 
Apocalypse.  In  these  respects  they  are  not  infrequently  found 
wanting.  I  have  given  in  the  Introduction  a  survey  with  some 
discussion  of  the  representative  hypotheses,  and  at  the  end  of 
the  commentary  on  each  paragraph  of  the  book  have  taken  up 
the  principal  criticisms  of  the   paragraph.  In  view  of   the 

prominence  of  the  subject  in  recent  study  of  the  Apocalypse,  it 
is  proper  to  state  here  the  position  which  I  have  taken  in  regard 
to  the  originality  and  unity  of  the  book.  As  all  students  are 
aware,  the  author's  mind  was  stored  to  a  marvelous  degree  with 
the  ideas,  the  language,  and  the  imagery  found  in  the  Old 
Testament  and  in  apocalyptic  writings.  The  evidence  of  this 
appears  on  every  i^age,  one  might  almost  say  in  every  para- 
graph of  a  few  verses.  That  his  visions  themselves  should  have 
been  shaped  more  or  less  by  that  with  which  his  mind  was  filled 
would  be  inevitable ;  still  more  would  this  influence  be  felt  in 
any  deliberate  effort  to  describe  tliese  spiritual  experiences. 
The  Apocalyptist  did  not  write   down   his  visions  while  in  a 


Viii  PREFACE 

state  of  ecstasy,  but  after  all  were  ended.  No  doubt  they  were 
in  themselves  beyond  the  possibilities  of  adequate  portrayal. 
And  as  he  recalls  them,  and  seeks  to  describe  them  and  put 
them  into  systematic  form,  as  he  has  done  in  his  ])ook,  he  labors 
with  careful  deliberation  and  all  the  resources  at  his  command 
to  give  his  readers  some  apprehension  of  the  great  scenes  re- 
vealed to  him  and  their  significance.  In  this  then  he  becomes, 
not  a  mechanical  recorder  of  something  seen  and  heard,  but  a 
literary  artist  struggling  to  give  form  to  inspired  ideas,  as  do 
often  the  poets  and  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament.  His  por- 
trayal becomes  a  carefully  studied  composition.  He  writes  in 
the  traditional  manner  of  the  apocalyptic,  using  its  familiar 
conceptions,  its  language,  and  its  imagery.  Symbols  and  other 
suggestions  are  derived  very  frequently  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, sometimes  from  common  Hebrew  folk-lore,  and  in  some 
instances  apparently  from  apocalyptic  sources  not  preserved  to 
us.  There  are  passages  in  which  critics  are  probably  right  in 
finding  traces  of  the  influence  of  some  unknown  apocalyptic 
writing  —  passages  which,  if  taken  by  themselves,  would  seem 
to  belong  to  a  different  connection,  or  different  historic  circum- 
stances. But,  as  may  be  certainly  concluded  from  the  Apoca- 
lyptist's  use  of  the  Old  Testament,  these  are  very  far  from  being 
fragments  incorporated  into  his  book  bodily  and  apart  from  the 
connection.  Like  certain  passages  of  the  prophets  unmistaka- 
bly before  his  mind  in  some  places  and  shaping  his  representa- 
tion, so  these  sources  have  suggested  to  him  pictures  or  symbols, 
which  he  transforms  and  applies  with  the  utmost  freedom. 
Without  resorting  to  an  unjustifiable  method  of  exegesis,  para- 
graphs exhibiting  such  influence  may  be  shown  to  have  for  the 
Apocalyptist  a  meaning  bearing  directly  on  his  theme  and  fitting 
into  the  general  plan  which  he  conceives  and  carries  out  from 
the  beginning.  In  this  sense,  then,  I  hold  that  the  book  is  a 
unit,  the  work  of  one  mind  ;  that  it  has  a  wonderful  plan  to 
which  every  part  contributes,  a  plan  carried  out  with  extraor- 
dinary power  to  its  great  culmination.  But  both  the  plan 
and  its  execution  are  marked  by  traits  wliich  are  peculiar  to  the 
author.  I  have  accordingly  given  a  paragraph  to  the  illustra- 
tion of  some  of  the  leading  characteristics  in  what  may  be  called 
the  author's  literary  manner,  because  the  recognition  of  these 


PREFACE  ix 

is  important  for  the  right  interpretation  of  the  book,  and  be- 
cause a  failure  to  recognize  them  is  a  frequent  cause  of  the 
denial  of  its  unity. 

I  have  given  in  the  Introduction  a  Summary  of  the  Contents 
of  the  Apocalypse,  embodying  the  interpretations  adopted  and 
showing  the  meaning  of  each  division  of  the  book  in  itself  and 
its  place  in  the  plan  of  the  whole.  This  chapter  is  designed  to 
be  read  in  connection  with  the  text  in  order  to  exhibit  the  unity 
of  the  book  and  to  give  the  reader  a  succinct  view  of  the  tre- 
mendous drama  as  it  moves  on  from  the  beginning,  with  the 
forces  shown  at  work  within  it,  till  it  reaches  its  climax  in  tlie 
end. 

While  the  work  here  offered  is  intended  first  of  all  for  theo- 
logical seminaries  and  colleges,  for  the  clergy  and  other  special 
students,  I  have  also  sought  to  make  it  helpful  to  that  large 
number  of  readers,  not  professional  scholars,  who  are  interested 
in  the  Revelation  and  are  accustomed  to  the  use  of  biblical 
Commentaries,  especially  those  who  seek  aid  in  fitting  them- 
selves for  the  instruction  of  maturer  classes  in  the  Bible. 
Accordingly  I  have  in  general  translated  into  English  matter 
in  other  languages.  As  more  convenient  for  this  class  of  read- 
ers, the  English  words  given  in  the  notes  not  infrequently  cover 
more  than  the  Greek  words  actually  quoted  from  the  text.  I 
have  in  some  cases  retained  the  more  familiar  forms,  e.g.  the 
name  Jehovah,  the  abbreviation  2  Es.  instead  of  4  Ez.  for  the 
Apocryphal  book  2  Esdras.  Sections  likely  to  interest  the 
special  student  only  are  printed  in  finer  type.  I  would  espe- 
cially call  the  attention  of  the  readers  here  in  mind  to  the  Sum- 
mary of  the  Contents  spoken  of  above,  in  connection  with  which 
the  Revised  Version  should  be  used.  For  the  effective  use  of 
the  Summary  they  should  prepare  themselves  by  reading,  if 
only  superficially,  the  chapters  in  the  Introduction  on  Escha- 
tology,  the  Apocalyptic  Writings,  the  Times  and  the  Purpose 
of  the  Revelation,  the  Permanent  and  Transitory  Elements  in  it. 
I  have  hoped  that  such  a  study  of  the  Revelation,  aided  also  by 
occasional  reference  to  the  discussions  and  notes  in  the  Com- 
mentary proper,  might  suffice  to  show  even  the  non-professional 
reader  that  this  book  of  the  New  Testament  —  to  many  an 
enigma  —  is  one  of  the  most  comprehensible,  as  it  is  one  of  the 


X  PREFACE 

most  splendid,  books  of  our  Bible,  and  —  I  might  also  add  —  a 
book  of  extraordinary  literary  power. 

No  effort  has  been  made  in  the  folloAving  work  to  give  a  full 
bibliography  for  the  various  subjects  touched  upon  ;  but  a  con- 
siderable number  of  those  publications  which  for  one  reason  or 
another  are  most  noteworthy  are  mentioned  in  their  respective 
places.  F'or  the  Greek  text  on  which  the  Commentary  is  based 
see  p.  727. 

I.  T.  B. 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 


PREFACE       V 

ABBREVIATIONS xiii 

INTRODUCTORY  STUDIES       ........  1 

I.     The  Eschatological  Hope 3 

Primitive  Age        .........  4 

Patriarchal  and  Pre-Monarchical  Age          ....  8 

Monarchical  Age 16 

Exilic  and  Post-Exilic  Age 30 

The  New  Testament  Era 82 

II.     Apocalyptic  Literature 166 

Characteristics 169 

Occasion 175 

Jewish  Apocalyptic  Writings 177 

III.  The  Times  of  the  Apocalypse  of  John     ....  197 

IV.  The  Purpose 208 

V.     Question  of  the  Unity 216 

Critical  Analyses  .........  224 

VI.     Some     Characteristics     of     the     Author's     Literary 

Manner 239 

VII.     Summary  of  the  Contents  of  the  Apocalypse        .        .  255 
VIII.     Permanent    and    Transitory   Elements   in    the   Apoca- 
lypse       291 

IX.     Theology  op  the  Apocalypse 810 

X.     History  of  Interpretation 318 

XL     Early  Circulation  and  Recognition          ....  337 

XII.     Authorship 343 

The  Apocalypse  and  the  Fourth  Gospel      ....  353 

XIII.  The  Two  Johns  of  the  Asian  Church       ....  362 

John  the  Presbyter 362 

Question  of  John  the  Apostle  at  Ephesus  ....  366 

XIV.  The  Beast  of  the  Apocalypse 393 

Symbol  of  the  Roman  Emperors 394 

Symbol  of  Antichrist 397 

Antichrist  as  Nero  reincarnated 400 

The  Second  Beast 408 

XV.     The  Text 411 

COMMENTARY 417 

Criticism  and  Textual  Notes :  see  end  of  respective  divisions. 

INDEX .783 

xi 


ABBREVIATIONS 

This  list  is  not  meant  to  include  all  the  works  referred  to,  but  only  to 
make  clear  references  which  might  be  obscure.  Other  abbreviations  not 
given  here  will  probably  be  obvious  in  their  connections.     See  also  p.  416. 

al :  others,  elsewhere. 

Apocalyptic  writings.  Ap.  Abr. :  Apocalypse  of  Abraham  —  Ap.  Bar. : 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  (Syriac)  —  Asc.  Is. :  Ascension  of  Isaiah  —  Ass. 
Mos. :  Assumption  of  Moses  —  En. :  Enoch  (Ethiopic)  —  2  Es. :  2  Esdras 
(of  the  Apocrypha,  commonly  cited  4  Ez.) — Jub. :  Book  of  Jubilees 

—  Od.  of  Sol. :  Odes  of  Solomon  —  Ps.  Sol. :  Psalms  of  Solomon  —  Sib. 
Or.:  Sibylline  Oracles  — SI.  En.:  Slavonic  Enoch  — Test  XII  Pat: 
Testaments  of  the  XII.  Patriarchs  —  Test  Lev  :  Testament  of  Levi,  etc. 

—  Vit.  Ad. :  Life  of  Adam  and  Eve. 
Baldensperger  :  Messian-Apok.  Hojfnung,  etc.     3d  ed.     1903. 
Beet:  Last  Things.     1905. 

Bertholet:  vol.  11.  of  Stade's  Bih.  Theol.  d.  A.  T.     1911. 
Blass:   Gram.d.neutest.  Griech.     1896. 
Blj :   Commentaar  op  de  Openbaring.     1908. 
Bouss:  ^ousset,  Antichrist.     Eng.tr.     1896. 

Judenthum :  Religion  d.  Judenthums  im  neatest.  Zeitalt.     1903. 

JUd.  Ap. :  .Jiidische  Apokalyptik.     1903. 

Kom  :  Offenbarung  Johannis.     2d  ed.     1906, 
Box  :   The  Ezra  Apocalypse.     1912. 
Briggs,  Mess.  Ap. :  Messiah  of  the  Apostles.     1895. 

Mess.  P. :  Messianic  Prophecy.     1886. 
Bruce,  Pa mZ;  St.  Paul's  Conception  of  Christianity.     1894. 
Bruckner:  Entstehung  d.  paulin.  Christol.     1903. 
Burton :  Moods  and  Tenses  in  N.  T.  Greek.     3d  ed.     1898. 
Buttm..:  Gram.  ,f  N.  T.  Greek.     Eng.tr.     1878. 
Calmes  :  V Apocalypse  devant  la  Criti([ue.     1907. 
CB. :  Cambridge  Bible  for  Schools  and  Colleges. 
Charles,  Eschat. :   Christian  Doctrine  of  Future  Life.     1899. 

Studies  :  Studies  in  the  Apocalypse.     1913. 
Cornill :  Introd.  to  Canon.  Books  of  O.  T.     Eng.  tr.     1907. 
1  )alman,  iror/e;    Worte  Jesu.     1898. 
Davidson,  r/«eoZ. :  Theology  of  0.  T.     1904. 
Deissmann  :  Licht.  vom  Ost.     2d  and  3d  ed.     1909. 
Denney,  Jesus :  Jesus  and  the  Gospels.     1908. 
Dewick,  Eschat. :  Primitive  Christian  Eschatology.     1912. 
Driver,  Introd.  :  Introduction  to  Lit.  of  O.  T.     7th  ed.     1898. 


INTRODUCTORY   STUDIES 

One  who  would  seek  to  help  students  of  the  New  Testament 
to  an  understanding  of  the  Revelation  of  John  ^  cannot  fail  to  be 
aware  of  the  difficulty  of  the  task.  It  is  doubtless  true  that  no 
other  book,  whether  in  sacred  or  profane  literature,  has  received 
in  whole  or  in  part  so  many  different  interpretations.  Doubt- 
less no  other  book  has  so  perjjlexed  biblical  students  through- 
out the  Christian  centuries  down  to  our  own  time.  Its  imagery 
and  symbolism  are  often  strange ;  its  different  parts  seem  to 
lack  coherence,  their  significance  in  themselves  and  in  their 
relation  to  one  another  or  to  a  common  plan  is  often  obscure ; 
the  scenes  unfolded  in  its  visions  might,  if  taken  quite  by  them- 
selves, be  understood  to  symbolize  a  great  variety  of  events  or 
personages  in  the  history  of  the  nations  or  the  Church,  they 
might  be  referred  to  things  past,  things  now  taking  place,  or 
things  yet  to  come.  Visions  like  allegories  lend  themselves 
easily  to  very  varied  application.  It  is  not  surprising  then 
that  most  divergent  and  extravagant  interpretations  of  parts 
of  the  book  have  been  offered  with  confidence  and  urged  with 
a  certain  measure  of  plausibility.^  And  so  in  all  these  diver- 
gences and  uncertainties  it  has  come  about  that  readers  of  the 
New  Testament  have  often  despaired  of  seizing  the  meaning  in- 
tended. The  devout  reader  has  never  failed  to  place  among  the 
most  cherished  parts  of  his  Bible  such  passages  as  the  vision  of 
the  Celestial  City  (chapts.  21-22),  the  vision  of  the  innumerable 
multitude  of  the  redeemed  with  God  and  the  Lamb  (chapt.  7), 
and  the  like,  while  yet  the  Revelation  as  a  whole  has  seemed  to 
remain  for  him  a  sealed  book.  Notwithstanding  all  this  it  may, 
however,  be  said  that  through  the  methods  of  biblical  research 

1  On  the  title,  see  p.  417.      ^  por  different  modes  of  interpretation,  see  pp.  318  ff. 

1!  1 


2  INTRODUCTORY   STUDIES 

followed  in  more  recent  times  results  have  been  reached  which, 
though  they  do  not  solve  all  the  perplexing  problems  of  the 
book,  do  nevertheless  give  a  good  measure  of  certainty  regard- 
ing its  meaning  and  structure  in  the  main.  Not  only  is  the 
day  of  fanciful  interpretation  past,  the  book  is  no  longer  an 
enigma.  Much  as  scholars  may  differ  regarding  many  inter- 
esting questions  pertaining  to  it,  yet  these  questions  do  not 
profoundly  affect  the  view  to  be  taken  of  its  fundamental  scope 
and  contents.  Whether  certain  portions  have  been  incorporated 
from  other  apocalypses,  whether  these  are  of  Jewish  or  Chris- 
tian origin,  whether  an  earlier  or  later  date  be  assigned  to  the 
book,  whether  the  author  was  St.  John  the  Apostle  or  another 
John,  these  and  similar  questions  may  be  differently  answered 
by  different  scholars  without  materially  changing  our  view  of 
the  great  aim  of  the  book,  or  even  of  the  general  features  of  its 
plan  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  received  into  the  Sacred  Canon 
and  has  been  handed  down  to  us.  Regarding  its  essential  char- 
acteristics something  approaching  unanimity  may  be  said  to 
have  been  reached  among  the  larger  number  of  scientific  inter- 
preters. This  gain  in  the  interpretation  of  the  book  has  been 
won  chiefly  through  a  better  apprehension  of  the  history  of  its 
leading  thoughts  in  the  ages  preceding  its  appearance,  through 
a  fuller  study  of  the  large  class  of  apocalyptic  literature  to 
which  it  belongs  in  manner  and  form,  through  the  critical  study 
of  sources,  taking  the  word  '  source '  in  a  comprehensive  sense, 
and  through  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  nature  and  scope  of 
prophecy.  This  advance  is  a  conspicuous  result  of  applying  to 
biblical  study  the  historical  method.  By  the  historical  method 
of  studying  any  ancient  writing  we  mean  the  endeavor  to 
realize  as  fully  as  possible  the  historic  past  out  of  which  the 
work  sprang.  This  includes  not  only  the  circumstances  which 
called  forth  the  writing  and  its  meaning  for  its  time,  but  also 
the  forces  which  entered  into  its  production  —  the  writer's 
characteristics  and  heritage,  the  history  of  his  conceptions,  his 
obligations  to  his  predecessors,  his  use  of  traditional  types  and 
forms,  in  fact  whateVer  went  to  make  up  the  man  as  he  wrote 
and  whatever  shaped  the  contents  and  form  of  his  writing. 
That  such  a  method  is  equally  applicable  to  those  books  in 
which  divine  inspiration  is  a  constitutive  factor  is  unquestion- 


ESCHATOLOGY  3 

able,  inasmuch  as  the  divinely  illumined  writer  must  receive 
his  message,  not  magically,  but  through  concepts  which  belong 
to  his  own  modes  of  thought,  and  must  impart  it  in  familiar 
human  forms.  We  may  confidently  believe  that  such  a  study 
is  one  of  the  ways  through  which  the  Divine  Spirit,  promised 
as  a  guide  in  truth,  is  ever  leading  the  Church  on  to  a  better 
understanding  of  the  word  of  God.  If,  then,  we  would  under- 
take the  study  of  the  Revelation  of  John  with  the  hope  of 
reaching  an  interpretation  in  keeping  with  the  procedure  and 
results  of  sober-minded  biblical  research,  avoiding  arbitrary 
hypotheses,  we  must  approach  the  work  through  certain  pre- 
liminary studies.  In  the  brief  space  of  an  Introduction  the 
topics  here  referred  to  cannot  be  treated  with  fullness,  but  it  is 
hoped  that  such  a  survey  may  be  taken  as  will  furnish  what  is 
requisite  for  entering  on  an  intelligent  prosecution  of  our  task. 

I.     The  Eschatological  Hope 

As  the  central  topic  of  the  Apocalypse  is  the  consummation 
of  the  hope  of  God's  people  we  naturally  begin  our  study  with 
a  survey,  as  brief  as  practicable,  of  that  hope  from  its  first 
recorded  expression  on  through  the  ages  with  its  changes  in 
character  and  form  down  to  its  culmination  in  the  teaching  of 
our  Lord  and  his  Apostles  and  its  most  elaborate  exhibition 
in  this  book  of  the  Apocalypse.  What  we  are  here  concerned 
with  relates  to  the  things  of  the  Last  Days,  the  final  state  to 
which  the  children  of  God,  whether  the  individual  or  the  people 
as  a  whole,  have  from  age  to  age  looked  forward.  In  speaking 
of  this  as  the  eschatological  hope,  we  use  the  term  'eschatology ' 
in  a  broad  sense  denoting  the  doctrine  of  the  Last  Days  in 
whatever  form  they  were  in  any  particular  age  conceived. 
While  the  word  is  sometimes  taken  in  a  limited  sense  in  rela- 
tion only  to  the  people  of  God,  or  the  nations  of  the  world, 
as  an  organic  whole  and  not  with  reference  to  the  individual 
except  as  a  part  of  that  whole,^  yet  in  its  broader  use  it  denotes 
the  doctrme  of  the  End,  whether  the  aspect  he  individual  or  gen- 
eral, national  or  universal,  earthly  or  heavenly."^  When  this 
expectation  is  spoken  of  as  messianic,  the  term  being  taken  as 

1  So  Volz  1.  2  Cf.  Davidson  Theol.  401. 


4  ESCHATOLOGY 

practically  synonymous  with  eschatologieal,  it  must  be  kept  in 
mind  that  reference  is  not  always  made  to  the  presence  of  the 
personal  Messiah,  but  to  that  final  state  of  glory,  the  fully 
established  Kingdom  of  God,  whether  earthly  or  heavenly, 
which  forms  the  object  of  hope  at  the  particular  time  under 
consideration.  There  are  times  when  the  figure  of  a  personal 
Messiah  is  wanting,  or  at  least  inconspicuous,  in  the  anticipa- 
tions of  the  coming  kingdom.  ^  But  since  such  anticipations 
find  their  consummation  only  in  the  days  of  the  Messiah,  they 
maybe  regarded  appropriately  as  a  part  of  the  messianic  hope.^ 
In  tracing  the  growth  of  the  eschatological  liope  among  the 
Hebrews  we  cannot  always  fix  in  the  minuter  details  the  char- 
acteristics of  a  particular  age,  nor  the  precise  date  at  which 
different  phases  appear  or  disappear,  because  there  is  often 
uncertainty  concerning  the  exact  age  of  the  historical  docu- 
ments, because  also  some  of  these  documents  contain  portions 
inserted  at  a  later  time  and  some  retain  traditional  elements 
which  may  be  intended  as  figurative  rather  than  literal.^  But 
taking  Hebrew  history  in  its  larger  divisions,  we  may  be  reason- 
ably certain  regarding  the  nature  of  the  eschatological  expecta- 
tions in  the  respective  periods  and  can  generally  perceive  the 
influences  which  have  caused  the  changes  in  the  transition  from 
one  period  to  another. 

1.  The  Primitive  Age.  In  the  first  period  of  biblical  history, 
that  contained  in  the  first  eleven  chapters  of  the  book  of  Gene- 
sis, we  have  a  legendary  story  of  a  primitive  age  before  the 
separation  of  mankind  into  the  tribes  that  formed  the  nations 
of  the  earth.  As  an  introduction  to  his  history  of  the  Hebrew 
people  the  author  has  here  brought  together  a  group  of  narra- 
tives (from  what  source  derived,  we  need  not  here  inquire) 
relating  to  the  earlier  ages  of  the  world  and  man,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  setting  forth  certain  fundamental  truths  of  religion. 
And  in  this  story  of  primitive  humanity  there  are  contained 
two  striking  religious  promises.  The  first  occurs  in  the  tragedy 
of  Eden  in  the  words  addressed  to  the  Serpent,  '  I  will  put 
enmity  between  thee  and  the  woman,  and  between  thy  seed 
and  her  seed ;  he  shall  bruise  thy  head  and  thou  shalt  bruise 

1  See  p.  40.  «  Cf.  Stade  213.  3  cf.  Volz  1. 


PRIMITIVE  AGE  5 

his  heel.'  ^  The  doom  here  uttered  announces  the  bitter  con- 
flict to  be  waged  through  all  time  between  the  race  of  men  and 
the  race  of  the  Serpent,  the  ever-continuing,  agonizing  struggle 
of  humanity  against  the  power  of  evil.  At  the  same  time  there 
is  implied^  though  not  directly  declared,  the  hope  of  victory  for 
man.  The  evil  power  in  the  narrative,  the  Serpent,  is  the  chief 
offender ;  it  is  upon  him  that  the  sentence  falls  first,  and  in  a 
struggle  with  him  ordered  by  God  he  cannot  be  the  victor.  As 
he  grovels  in  the  dust  his  head  is  to  be  crushed  beneath  the 
heel  of  man,  who  though  in  bitter  pain  does  not  succumb  to 
his  foe. 2  At  the  very  threshold  of  his  history  and  in  the  im- 
measurable calamity  of  his  failure  as  described  by  the  Hebrew 
writer,  a  vision  of  future  blessing  is  opened  to  man.  '  Hence- 
forth man's  gaze  is  no  longer  turned  backwards  in  longing 
after  a  lost  Paradise,  but  is  directed  hopefully  to  the  future.'  ^ 
The  absence  of  all  particularistic  or  Hebraic  coloring  in  this  nar- 
rative seems  to  mark  it  as  prehistoric  in  its  essential  religious 
features,  that  is,  as  preserving  evidence  of  a  religious  hope 
existing  in  the  race  out  of  which  the  Hebrews  sprang.  In 
tracing  the  external  features  of  the  story  to  an  early  legend  we 
do  not,  it  must  be  observed,  change  the  religious  character  of 
the  narrative.  The  history  of  man's  moral  struggle  and  fail- 
ure does  not  thereby  lose  any  of  its  reality  and  truthfulness. 
Rightly  has  this  passage  been  called  the  Protevangelium,  First 
Grospel,  for  it  contains  the  first  promise  of  ultimate  triumph  in 
the  conflict  with  evil.  For  the  same  reason  it  may  be  called 
messianic,  though  it  is  doubtful  whether  there  is  any  direct 
reference  to  a  personal  Messiah.  The  term  '  seed  of  the  woman  ' 
is  quite  general  in  the  narrative  —  there  is  nothing  to  indicate 
a  limitation.  All  mankind  is  the  seed  of  the  Mother  of  man.* 
And  as  the  conflict  announced  is  for  universal  humanity,  so  is 
the  promise.  'The  verse  must  not  be  interpreted  so  as  to 
exclude  those  minor,  though  in  their  own  sphere  not  less  real, 
triumphs  by  which  in  all  ages  individuals  have  resisted  the 
suggestions  of  sin  and  proved  themselves  superior  to  the  power 
of  evil.'  ^  It  is  true  that  the  promise  is  fully  realized  only 
in  that  One  of  the  seed  of  the  woman,  who  brought  to  nought 

1  315.  2  cf.  Dillmann  Kom.,  Driver  Gen.  ad  loc.  »  Orelli  90. 

*  Schultz  567.  5  Driver  Gen.  57. 


6  ESCHATOLOGY 

him  that  had  the  power  of  death. ^  The  prophecy  then  is  mes- 
sianic like  many  others,  in  that  it  anticipates  an  ideal  which 
can  be  completely  reached  only  in  the  Messiah  and  the  condi- 
tions of  the  messianic  era. 

The  serpent  in  the  narrative  is  not  the  Satan  of  the  later  Scriptures. 
The  identification  of  the  two  belongs  to  a  later  period  in  Hebrew  thought. 
He  is  a  demon  in  animal  form.  Legends  of  demoniac  animals,  especially 
serpents,  are  found  elsewhere  in  Semitic  traditions  (cf.  Stade  Geschichte  d. 
Volkes  Israel  160  ;  Marti  Religion  d.  Alt.  Test.  18).  Such  a  legend  our  writer 
has  made  use  of  in  the  story  of  the  Fall.  The  mythological  serpent  fur- 
nishes him  a  symbol  of  the  power  seducing  man  to  evil  (cf.  Schultz  615) . 
These  narratives  of  the  '  origins '  are  in  the  form  of  myths  current  for  cen- 
turies among  various  branches  of  the  Semitic  race.  They  relate  to  a  period 
immeasurably  remote  from  any  historical  record ;  they  contain  many  ele- 
ments which  cannot  be  taken  as  actual  history.  But  the  great  truths  con- 
tained in  them  touching  God  and  the  spiritual  life  of  man  are  clear.  With 
an  insight,  possible  in  that  age  only  through  divine  illumination,  the  writer 
seizes  fundamental  truths  of  religion,  and  taking  up  current  narratives  in  a 
purified  form  uses  them  as  vehicles  for  his  God-given  message.  And  nothing 
reveals  the  influence  of  a  divine  inspiration  more  strikingly  than  the  fact 
that  these  narratives,  when  compared  with  the  forms  preserved  among  other 
branches  of  the  race,  are  seen  to  be  so  wonderfully  purged  of  all  irreligious 
and  immoral  elements.  Such  narratives  then  fall  into  the  same  category 
as  parables,  allegories,  figures,  etc. ;  they  are  the  forms  only  —  the  substance 
is  the  revealed  truth  enshrined  within  them  (cf.  Ottley  57,  Peters  183  f.). 

A  second  promise  belonging  to  this  period,  and  opening  an- 
other aspect  of  religious  hope,  is  recorded  in  Gen.  9^^^-.  In  the 
sequel  to  the  story  of  the  flood,  in  that  new  beginning  of  human 
history,  Noah,  the  second  progenitor  of  the  race,  forecasts  in 
poetic  form  the  characteristics  and  destinies  of  his  three  sons' 
descendants,  the  three  great  branches  of  the  human  family  as 
known  to  the  Hebrew  writers.  Here  as  elsewhere,^  by  what 
has  been  called  the  prophetical  interpretation  of  history.,  the  des- 
tiny of  a  people  is  conceived  to  be  determined  by  a  blessing  or 
a  curse  pronounced  upon  an  ancestor.  While  a  curse  falls  upon 
the  race  of  Ham  and  wide  dominion  on  the  earth  is  given  to 
that  of  Japheth,  the  blessing  of  Shem  is  centered  in  his  relation 
to  God.  '  Blessed  be  Jehovah,  the  God  of  Shem.'  Shem's 
blessing  is  expressed  in  an  outburst  of  praise  to  him  who  is  the 
author  of  the  blessing.     The  good  to  come  to  him  is  not  speci- 

1  Heb.  2".  2  Cf .  the  '  blessing '  of  Jacob,  Gen.  49  ;  that  of  Moses,  Dt.  32. 


PRIMITIVE  AGE  7 

fied  —  it  is  enough  that  Jehovah  is  his  God.  His  blessing  con- 
sists fundamentally  in  that  peculiar  relation  to  God  which  is 
not  the  portion  of  his  brothers.  We  have  not  here  a  duplicate 
of  the  promise  to  Abraham,  but  rather  one  of  the  steps  prepara- 
tory to  the  latter.  No  covenant  is  formed  with  Shem  as  with 
Abraham ;  there  is  no  institution  of  a  new  national  unit,  no 
promise  to  Shem's  seed  as  such,  but  the  assurance  of  a  special 
blessing  to  his  family  because  they  know  Jehovah  and  have 
him  for  their  God. 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  precise  _/brm  of  the  oracle  given  in  this  passage 
is  influenced  by  the  history  of  the  Hebrews,  the  descendants  of  Shem,  and 
reflects  their  consciousness  of  their  peculiar  character  as  the  people  of  God. 
This  passage,  as  well  as  that  containing  the  final  promise  spoken  of  above, 
belongs  to  a  document  (J)  which  the  author  of  Genesis  has  incorporated 
into  his  book  and  which  doubtless  dates  at  the  earliest  from  a  time  succeed- 
ing the  establishment  of  the  Hebrew  monarchy  (cf.  Driver  Introd.  123, 
Cornill  76).  Yet  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conviction  that  we  have  here 
a  tradition  belonging  to  a  time  prior  to  the  appearance  of  the  Hebrews  in 
history  as  a  people.  This  same  document  (J),  in  giving  the  story  of  the 
foundation  through  Abraham  of  a  nation  which  should  be  God's  peculiar 
people,  does  not  emphasize  Abraham's  descent  from  Shem  ;  and  since  Shem's 
descendants  included  many  other  peoples  besides  the  Hebrews,  that  is,  since 
the  larger  part  of  Shem's  descendants  were  not  among  the  chosen  people, 
this  prophecy  regarding  his  race  is  more  likely  to  have  given  perplexity  to 
a  writer  of  this  later  age,  than  to  have  originated  with  him.  For  him  the 
beginnings  of  the  chosen  people  are  with  Abraham.  The  prophecy  appears 
to  express  one  of  the  religious  hopes  of  a  race,  the  prehistoric  ancestors  of 
the  Hebrews,  which  was  endowed  with  remarkable  religious  apprehension 
and  aspiration.  In  fact  the  religious  conceptions  of  the  Hebrews  in  his- 
toric times  imply  a  period  of  prehistoric  revelation  from  which  they  started 
and  through  which  they  reached  a  stage  so  advanced. 

Such  are  the  two  hopes  of  this  primitive  period  —  the  one 
altogether  ideal,  touching  man  universally,  the  other  limited 
to  a  tribe,  but  beginning  that  course  of  development,  through 
a  process  of  selection,  in  which  the  ideal  is  ultimately  to  reach 
its  realization.  With  profound  insight  into  the  divine  charac- 
ter the  writer  who  gathered  up  these  traditions  saw  expressed 
here  the  hope  of  a  closer  relation  with  God  in  spite  of  the 
entrance  of  sin  —  a  relation  grounded  not  merely  in  descent 
but  in  the  moral  attitude  of  man.  The  blessing  is,  however, 
not  thought  of  as  independent  of  the  family  or  tribe  ;  so  indi- 


8  ESCHATOLOGY 

vidualistic  a  conception  was  impossible  in  that  stage  of  society. 
The  special  relation  to  (Tod  is  moral  but  it  is  realized  only 
through  membership  in  the  family  whose  God  is  Jehovah.  We 
might  sum  up  the  two  liopes  in  one,  as  an  aspiration  toward 
the  sublime  ideal  of  victory  over  evil,  realizing  itself,  not  in  isola- 
tion and  individually,  but  in  the  corporate  body  of  a  family  who 
know  and  recognize  Grod.  It  was  this  that  gave  vitality  and 
direction  to  all  subsequent  eschatological  expectation  among 
the  Hebrews.  The  prophecies  of  a  primitive  revelation  taken 
up  by  them  in  prehistoric  time  gave  them  an  outlook  which 
appears  among  almost  no  other  people  of  the  ancient  world. 
The  Hebrews  were  almost  alone  among  the  nations  in  putting 
their  Golden  Age  in  the  future  rather  than  in  the  past,  though 
they  often,  as  will  appear  farther  on,  conceived  that  future 
under  earthly  and  temporal  aspects.  It  is  interesting  to  notice 
that  each  of  the  promises  of  which  we  have  been  speaking  came 
to  man  after  a  failure  involving  the  race  in  disaster.  The  Fall 
in  Eden  at  the  outset,  and  the  ail-but  universal  wickedness  that 
brought  on  the  visitation  of  the  Flood,  might  have  shut  every 
door  of  hope.  Nothing  is  more  characteristic  of  the  concep- 
tions of  the  Hebrew  religion  than  this  clear  apprehension  of 
God's  dealing  with  his  children.  To  them  that  sit  in  the 
region  and  shadow  of  death  light  springs  up.  And  so  through 
the  later  history  the  most  striking  outbursts  of  eschatological 
hope,  as  expressed  in  the  prophets  and  in  the  apocalyptic 
writings,^  appear  in  times  of  national  calamity. 

2.  I7ie  Patriarchal  and  pre-Monarchical  Age.  In  turning 
from  the  earlier  chapters  of  Genesis  (1-11)  to  the  later  narra- 
tives, we  pass  from  the  legendary  age  of  the  human  family  to 
the  beginnings  of  a  historic  people  —  the  one  people  chosen  out 
of  the  tribes  of  the  ancient  world  to  be  the  recipient  of  God's 
special  revelation  and  the  medium  of  religious  knowledge  to 
men.  The  transition  is  too  great  to  be  readily  measured  in 
time,  but  it  is  rapid,  abrupt  even,  as  regards  the  religious 
aspect  given  in  the  biblical  record.  This  is  not  strange,  be- 
cause the  writer  views  the  legendary  age  in  the  light  of  an 
inspired  perception  of  God's  purposes  from  the  beginning,  and 

1  Oil  the  Apocalyptic  writings  see  p.  166. 


PATRIARCHAL  AND  PRE-MONARCHICAL  AGE  9 

he  sees  in  the  early  Hebrew  history  the  immediate  steps  in  the 
development  of  these  purposes.  In  our  present  inquiry  it  will 
suffice  to  take  this  history  from  its  beginning  to  the  age  imme- 
diately preceding  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy  in  the 
person  of  Saul,  as  constituting  a  single  period.  For  in  this 
period  the  idea  of  a  chosen  people,  a  Kingdom  of  God  on  earth, 
first  arises  and  reaches  a  certain  definite  stage  in  its  realization. 
The  migration  of  a  Semitic  clan  from  the  far  east  into  Canaan, 
of  which  the  record  is  given  in  the  story  of  Abraham,  was  a 
movement  begun  and  carried  on  in  the  consciousness  of  a 
religious  vocation.  The  great  leader,  following  what  he  recog- 
nized as  a  divine  summons,  led  his  tribe  out  of  heathen  sur- 
roundings, '  not  knowing  whither  he  went,'  ^  and  guided  by 
Providence  came  into  that  land  where  he  remained  to  the  end 
a  sojourner,  a  nomad  dwelling  in  tents  with  the  heirs  of  the 
promise.  But  in  that  long  trial  of  his  faith,  wonderfully 
endured,  God,  according  to  the  narrative  as  given  in  Genesis, 
opened  to  him  a  vision  such  as  has  never  come  to  another,  save 
that  given  to  the  Son  of  Man  in  the  face  of  his  messianic  work, 
though  Abraham  himself  may  have  fallen  short  of  its  full 
meaning  and  scope.  Even  if  it  could  be  shown  that  the  patri- 
archs were  not  actual  personalities,  even  if  in  the  narratives 
concerning  them  we  have  tribal  life  given  under  the  form  of 
personal  histories,  yet  the  essential  truth  contained  in  our 
record  remains  the  same.  The  Hebrew  clan,  as  guided  by  its 
leaders,  became  conscious  of  a  special  religious  character  and 
cherished  these  visions,  dim  though  they  may  have  been,  of  its 
destinies.  The  promises  given  to  Abraham,  the  mission  com- 
mitted to  him,  were  repeated  and  made  more  definite  from  time 
to  time  —  they  were  renewed  to  Isaac  and  Jacob. ^  The  process 
of  selection,  begun  in  Abraham,  continues  in  the  next  succeed- 
ing generations,  in  keeping  with  the  law  of  God's  providence 
by  which  the  fittest  agent  is  chosen  for  working  out  a  given 
end. 3  Isaac  is  chosen,  not  Ishmael ;  Jacob,  not  Esau.  Israel's 
race  thus  chosen  out  of  the  tribes  of  men  was  to  form  the 
people  with  whom  God  enters  into  a  solemn  covenant ;  it  was 

1  Heb.  118.  2  Gen.  122 f-, 7,  1315 f.^  155,  171  ff.,  22'^^«-,  263 f-,  28i3ff. 

3  Cf.   Ro.  911  17  Kar    iK\oyi]v  irp6de(n.s  rod  deov,   'The   divine   purpose    which 
has  worked  on  the  principle  of  selection,'  Sanday  and  Headlam,  ad  loc. 


10  ESCHATOLOGY 

to  be  his  people  and  he  was  to  be  their  God ;  it  was  to  con- 
tinue through  the  ages,  spreading  over  a  wide  earthly  domain, 
unnumbered  in  multitude,  and  bearing  within  itself  blessings 
which  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  should  desire. 

In  the  position  and  outlook  of  the  Hebrew  people  as  thus 
determined  there  are  given  at  least  four  elements  which  are 
characteristic  of  the  eschatological  expectation  of  this  period. 
(1)  The  race  was  to  form  a  nation^  a  unit  among  the  peoples, 
having  its  separate,  organic,  national  life.  The  consciousness 
of  its  national  character,  however  dim  in  the  nomadic  life  of 
the  patriarchal  age,  became  clear  through  the  influence  of  later 
experiences.  The  sufferings  of  common  hardships  in  Egypt, 
the  common  trials  of  the  exodus  and  the  wanderings  in  the 
wilderness,  the  long  struggle  against  common  enemies  in  the 
conquest  of  Canaan,  the  possession  of  a  common  religious  and 
moral  law  intensified  the  sense  of  unity  as  well  as  of  separate- 
ness  from  other  peoples.  In  spite  of  the  jealousies  and  divisions 
that  appeared  among  the  tribes  the  sense  of  a  common  nation- 
ality was  not  lost  in  Israel,  nor  was  there  any  widespread  tend- 
ency to  merge  its  identity  in  the  races  of  kindred  blood  with 
which  it  was  in  near  contact.  (2)  The  Hebrew  nation  was 
to  possess  a  land.  At  first  a  tribe  of  wanderers  in  a  land  '  not 
its  own,'  it  looked  forward  to  a  permanent  settlement  within  a 
territory  geographically  defined  and  ultimately  to  become  as 
wide  in  its  boundaries  as  its  people  were  to  be  numerous.  To 
the  seed  which  was  to  be  as  the  stars  in  multitude  was  prom- 
ised the  land  '  from  the  river  of  Egypt  unto  the  great  river,  the 
river  Euphrates.'  ^  It  was  not  until  centuries  after  Abraham 
that  the  realization  of  this  promise  first  began  in  the  conquest 
of  Canaan,  and  still  several  centuries  later  under  David  and 
Solomon  that  its  virtual  fulfillment  was  reached.  The  literal 
language  of  the  promise  (which  belongs  to  the  document  J) 
was  probably  suggested  by  the  actual  extent  of  the  kingdom 
at  the  time  of  its  greatest  expansion.  But  under  this  form  is 
recorded  the  outlook  given  to  the  patriarchs  and  their  descend- 
ants answering  to  their  consciousness  of  their  divine  vocation. 
The  possession  of  a  large  country  was  inseparable  from  their 
sense    of    their   calling    to    become  a  great  nation.     But   the 

1  Gen.  1518. 


PATRIARCHAL  AND  PRE-MONARCHICAL  AGE  11 

prophecies  of  Israel's  dominion  which  are  found  in  this  period, 
though  colored  by  the  hopes  of  a  later  time,  do  not  yet  prom- 
ise an  extension  which  is  universal.  The  language  of  the 
'  Blessing '  of  Jacob,  '  unto  him  shall  the  obedience  of  the 
peoples  be,i  contemplates  not  all  nations,  but  those  with  which 
Israel  comes  in  contact,  those  in  or  near  Canaan,  as  is  shown 
by  the  limited  scope  of  the  whole  'Blessing.'  Even  the  far- 
reaching  outlook  pictured  in  Balaam's  predictions  ^  promises 
only  victory  over  enemies  and  the  conquest  of  neighboring 
nations.  The  prophetic  vision  is  still  limited  in  space  as  it  is 
in  time.^  (3)  Over  this  nation  and  this  realm  the  sovereign 
ruler  was  God.  The  polity  was  what,  since  Josephus  ^  applied 
the  word  thus,  has  been  called  a  theocracy.  Other  Semitic 
peoples  also  viewed  their  tribal  god  as  their  king.^  And  our 
records  of  the  theocratic  conceptions  of  the  Hebrews  in  tlie  age 
which  we  are  considering  doubtless  reflect  later  ideals.  Yet 
it  seems  clear  that  from  very  early  times  Hebrew  national  life 
was  dominated  to  a  degree  not  found  elsewhere  by  a  sense  of 
the  ruling  presence  of  God.  The  evidence  of  this  is  seen  not 
in  isolated,  occasional  utterances,  but  in  every  movement,  in 
every  phase,  of  their  history.  The  patriarchs,  the  leaders,  the 
judges  are  only  organs  or  agents  of  God.  They  act  in  a  sense 
of  his  immediate  direction.^  The  Mosaic  legislation  —  and  by 
this  we  mean  those  fundamental  religious,  moral,  and  civil  laws 
which  can  be  referred  to  the  great  Lawgiver,  as  contrasted  with 
the  later  elaborate  system  which  we  may  call  Mosaic  because 
it  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  law  of  Moses  —  may  be  said  to  have 
given  the  Hebrew  people  its  organic  existence  as  a  nation ;  but 
everywhere  the  Law  is  regarded  not  as  that  of  Moses,  but  of 
God.  It  is  Jehovah's  voice  which  is  everywhere  conceived  to 
be  speaking  —  the  words  are  his  words,  his  finger  engraves 
them  on  the  tables  of  stone  ;  Moses  is  but  his  prophet.  Before 
the  institution  of  the  monarchy  there  existed  in  the  Mosaic 
state  no  established  officer  or  executive  whose  function  it  was 
in  virtue  of  Ms  office  to  act  as  the  organ  of  God's  rule.  In  great 
crises  God  raised  up  leaders  and  deliverers,  —  Moses,  Joshua, 
the  Judges,  who  were  recognized  as  his  immediate  and  special 

1  Gen.  4910.  2  Num.  23  f.  s  cf.  pp.  301  ff.  ^  c.  Ap.  H.  16. 

5  Cf .  W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets  50.  6  cf .  Riehm  66. 


12  ESCHATOLOGY 

agents  for  meeting  extraordinary  needs.  In  its  ordinary  course 
the  foundations  of  national  life,  social  and  civic,  as  well  as 
religious,  rested  upon  the  recognized  rule  of  the  God  of  the 
Covenant  and  the  God-given  law.^  The  recognition  of  God's 
kingship  carried  with  it  a  sense  of  his  abiding  presence  with 
his  people  —  not  only  in  oracles  and  visions,  in  sacred  rites,  in 
the  glory  that  filled  the  sanctuary,  and  in  all  the  varied  the- 
ophanies  recorded  in  their  story,  but  especially  in  his  living 
word,  which  in  the  language  of  the  later  Deuteronomic  writer 
was  not  in  heaven  nor  beyond  the  sea  but  in  the  mouth  and 
in  the  heart.^  Moses  was  to  the  people  to  Godward  and  he 
brought  their  causes  to  God.^  We  even  find  the  direction  to 
'  bring  unto  God '  or  to  '  come  near  unto  God '  in  special  cases 
where  a  witness  or  judge  is  sought.*  (-i)  The  Hebrews 
-unlike  other  peoples  of  antiquity  were  conscious  of  a  divine 
mission.  God  had  given  them  a  knowledge  of  truth  which  was 
to  shine  forth  from  them  to  lighten  the  world.  While  the  con- 
sciousness of  this  sublime  calling  is  clear  in  later  times  in  the 
writings  of  the  prophets,  it  is  true  that  in  the  age  with  which 
we  are  here  concerned  its  presence  is  seen  but  dimly ;  perhaps 
it  is  nowhere  directly  expressed  with  certainty.  Obviously 
until  the  conception  of  Jehovah  as  merely  the  tribal  god  was 
outgrown,  until  the  uniqueness  of  Israel  was  fully  apprehended 
in  the  light  of  the  uniqueness  of  Israel's  God,  the  sense  of  such 
a  mission  could  not  be  pervadingly  vivid.  Yet  it  could  hardly 
fail  to  be  present  as  an  inspiring  hope  in  the  great  religious 
leaders  when  they  began  to  perceive  that  Jehovah  was  higher 
than  all  gods,  and  that  he  was  a  God  of  mercy  and  goodness 
towards  his  people.  It  may  be  questioned  how  far  absolute 
monotheism  was  apprehended  in  this  age.  But  what  is  some- 
times called  practical  monotheism  is  contained  in  the  beliefs  of 
Israel  from  an  early  time  and  is  expressed  in  forms  which  do 
not  appear  to  be  due  to  a  late  age.  To  the  Hebrew,  Jehovah 
was  not  only  the  God  before  whom  he  himself  had  none  other, 
but  he  was  the  one  God  whom  he  recognized  as  mighty  beyond 
the  boundaries  of  his  own  people,  as  mightier  than  all  the  gods 

1  Cf.  Riehm  76.  2  Dt.  3012^-.  3  Ex.  18i9. 

^  Ex.  216,  228,  1  Sam.  2,-^.     See  R.V.     Most  recent  scholars  are  agreed  in 
translating  Elohim  here  '  (lod,'  not  'Judge,'  as  in  A.V. 


PATRIARCHAL  AND  PRE-MONARCHICAL  AGE  13 

of  the  nations,  as  the  creator  of  heaven  and  earth,  the  sea  and 
all  that  in  them  is.^  Israel's  history  revealed  the  supremacy 
of  Jehovah.  The  God  who  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the 
Patriarch  the  allied  forces  of  Elam,  overthrew  the  heathen 
cities,  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  sent  signs  and  wonders  into 
Egypt,  smote  great  nations  and  all  the  kingdoms  of  Canaan, 
and  gave  their  land  for  an  heritage  unto  Israel,  was  for  the 
Hebrew  a  Lord  above  all  gods.  The  very  covenant  relation 
between  God  and  Israel,  in  which  all  the  religious  ideas  of  the 
Hebrews  centered,  implied  the  isolated  supremacy  of  Jehovah. 
Of  his  own  good  pleasure  he  had  chosen  out  of  all  the  tribes 
that  one  whom  he  would. ^  'A  God  whose  almighty  rule  is  not 
limited  to  that  land  and  people  in  whose  midst  he  is  worshiped 
is  no  mere  national  god.'  ^  Almost  certainly  then  we  might 
expect  to  find  in  the  inspired  leaders  of  Israel,  in  those  who 
caught  a  clearer  vision  of  God  and  his  purposes,  some  percep- 
tion of  blessings  to  flow  out  to  the  nations  —  an  ideal,  seized 
vaguely  perhaps,  yet  destined  to  become  fruitful  even  in  the 
thought  of  that  age.  Many  find  this  doctrine  of  Israel's  mis- 
sion expressed  in  the  words,  'Ye  shall  be  unto  me  a  kingdom 
of  priests.'  '^  Israel  is  thought  to  be  described  here  as  mediat- 
ing between  God  and  the  other  nations,  it  being  the  function 
of  the  priest  to  mediate  between  God  and  another.  It  is  ques- 
tionable, however,  whether  such  a  thought  is  contained  in  the 
words.  The  aim  of  the  passage  is  to  describe,  not  Israel's 
function,  but  its  privilege  as  the  reward  of  obedience,  its  rela- 
tion to  God,  not  to  man ;  it  shall  form  a  kingdom  whose  citi- 
zens are  all  priests,  i.e.  are  wholly  consecrated  to  God's  service 
and  have  immediate  access  to  him.^  But  it  can  hardly  be 
doubted  that  this  lofty  ideal  is  contained  in  the  promise  to 
Abraham,  translated  in  our  Versions,  '  In  thee  shall  all  the 
families  of  the  earth  be  blessed.'  ^  If  this  is  the  exact  meaning 
of  the  words,  we  have  here  an  explicit  declaration  of  the  doc- 
trine afterwards  fully  expressed  in  the  prophets  that  Israel 
should  become  the  medium  of  messianic  blessings  to  the  Gen- 
tiles.'^    The  language  of  the  promise  should,  however,  in  the 

1  Ex.  2011.  2  Ex.  195.  3  Schultz  125.  ^  Ex.  196. 

5  Cf.  Heb.  10^9  ff-     See  among  others  Knobel,  Dillmann,  Baentsch  in  Nowack's 
Bandkom,  on  Ex.  19^.     On  kingdom  see  Com.  1^.  e  Gen.  12^. 

^Cf.  Is.  22  ff-,  Zee.  823. 


14  ESCHATOLOGY 

opinion  of  most  recent  scholars  be  rendered  '  bless  themselves 
in  thee,'  i.e.  in  thy  name.^  The  nations  in  wishing  for  bless- 
ings upon  themselves  would  wish  for  those  possessed  by 
Abraham  and  his  seed  in  whom  they  see  true  blessedness. 
'  Wherever  among  the  nations  a  blessing  should  be  uttered  or 
a  blessing  received,  there  would  Abraham  and  his  descendants 
be  made  mention  of  as  the  highest  type  of  divine  blessing.' ^ 
Whichever  interpretation  is  adopted,  the  bearing  of  the  pas- 
sage upon  Israel's  mission  to  the  Gentiles  is  essentially  the 
same.  Through  the  divine  favor  bestowed  upon  his  people 
Jehovah  was  to  become  known  to  the  nations  and  the  blessed- 
ness which  he  alone  could  give  was  to  be  desired  by  them. 

The  fact  that  in  what  is  probably  the  correct  interpretation  of  our 
passage  the  thought  is  implied  rather  than  expressed  —  is  given  in  germ 
only  and  not  in  clearly  developed  form  —  indicates  the  more  certainly  that 
we  have  here  an  early  conception  rather  than  a  reflection  thrown  back  from 
a  later  time.  Elements  which  i-eally  belong  to  a  later  period,  e.g.  the  royal 
glory  of  Judah  anticipated  by  several  centuries  in  the  '  Blessing '  of  Jacob 
(Gen.  49^  ff-)  or  the  triumph  of  the  king  of  Israel,  celebrated  by  Balaam 
(Num.  24''),  many  generations  before  the  anointing  of  Saul,  reveal  them- 
selves distinctly  as  descriptions  of  facts  given  in  experience  rather  than  as 
prophecy  (cf.  Schultz  .563,  Ottley  297).  It  is  further  to  be  noted  that  the 
passages  which  contain  the  intimation  here  spoken  of,  Gen.  12^,  IS^^,  22'^^, 
26*,  28^*,  all  belong  to  J,  a  document  antedating  the  time  of  those  prophets 
in  which  this  function  of  Israel  is  first  distinctly  expressed;  cf.  Driver 
Intnxl  15  f.,  123. 

While  the  prophecies  of  this  period,  read  in  the  light  of  subsequent  his- 
tory, can  be  seen  to  imply  in  their  ultimate,  ideal  significance  the  messianic 
age  and  the  Messiah,  and  so  in  this  sense  may  be  classed  as  messianic  proph- 
ecy, there  is  as  yet  no  certain  reference  directly  to  a  personal  Messiah.  The 
obscure  utterance,  translated  in  A.V.  and  the  text  of  R.V. '  till  Shiloh  come ' 
(Gen.  49^"),  has  been  taken  by  very  many  to  point  to  Christ.  Scholars 
differ  greatly  in  regard  to  the  exact  meaning  of  the  phrase,  bixt  most  are 
agreed  that  Shiloh  cannot  be  a  proper  name  or  recognized  title  designating 

1  The  promise,  with  slight  variations  in  form  but  the  same  hi  sense,  is  given 
in  Gen.  123,  igis^  22i8,  264,  28"  — thrice  to  Abraham,  and  confirmed  to  Isaac 
and  Jacob.  In  the  first,  second,  and  fifth  places  the  verb  is  in  the  conjugation 
Niphal  and  is  therefore  ambiguous,  i.e.  it  may  be  refiexive  ('bless  themselves') 
or  passive  ('be  blessed ').  In  the  other  two  cases  it  is  in  the  Hithpael  and  is 
necessarily  reflexive.  The  certain  passages  would  seem  to  determine  the  sense 
of  the  uncertain.  Hence  most  recent  interpreters  translate  'bless  themselves.' 
Cf.  among  others  Dillmann,  Driver,  Knobel  in  loc,  Rielim  71  f .  ;  Schultz  570  f.  ; 
Briggs  Mess.  P.  89  f . 

2  Schultz  570  f .  For  a  similar  idea  cf.  Gen.  48^0,  '  In  thee  will  Israel  bless, 
saying,  God  make  thee  as  Ephraim  and  as  Manasseh.' 


PATRIARCHAL  AND  PRE-MONARCHICAL  AGE  15 

the  Messiah.  (Cf.  Driver  Geii.  410  ff.,  Dillmann  ad  loc,  Briggs  95  ff.,  Schultz 
564  ff.,  Westcott  hitr.  Ill,  Hast.  IV.  500,  aud  Cheyne  in  En.  Bib.  IV.  4469  ff.). 
The  words  of  Moses,  '  God  will  raise  up  unto  thee  a  prophet  like  unto  me ' 
(Dt.  18^^),  though  subsequently  seen  to  reach  their  ideal  fulfillment  in 
Christ  (cf.  Ac.  3^2),  veiav  priinarUy  not  to  a  particular  person  but  to  any  one 
of  a  succession  of  prophets  who  should  arise  to  meet  permanently  the  need 
of  the  people.  Israel  is  forbidden  to  resort  to  the  heathen  practices  of 
augury  and  divination  —  a  revelation  is  to  be  given  to  them  through 
prophets  who  shall  be  raised  up  for  them  from  time  to  time  according  to 
theu-  needs.  (Cf.  Driver  in  ICC,  Bertholet  in  Marti's  Kom.  ad  loc,  Schultz 
626,  Ottley  299.)  So  also  Balaam's  prediction,  '  There  shall  come  forth  a 
star  out  of  Jacob '  (Num.  24^"),  though  often  understood  of  the  Messiah, 
refers  as  the  context  shows  to  the  victorious  sway  of  Israel  and  its  triumph 
over  the  Moabites  and  Edomites  (cf.  Gray  in  ICC,  Knobel,  Dillmann, 
Baentsch  in  Nowack's  Kom.  ad  loc). 

It  is  evident  now  that  among  these  characteristics  of  the  life 
and  hope  of  Israel  in  the  age  which  we  have  been  considering, 
the  central  one,  that  which  conditions  and  gives  significance  to 
the  rest,  is  the  idea  of  a  theocratic  people,  a  kingdom  of  which 
God  is  the  sovereign  and  in  which  the  citizens  are  in  covenant 
relation  with  him.  God  reigns  over  a  people  whom  he  has  made 
his  own  and  bound  to  himself  in  a  covenant  of  obedience  and 
blessing.  There  emerges  thus  in  this  period  the  idea  of  a  King- 
dom  of  Grod  —  an  idea  which  in  one  form  or  another  has  ever 
since  contained  the  most  essential  element  in  eschatological  ex- 
pectation. The  eschatological  hope  of  this  period  might  then  be 
defined  as  an  anticipation  of  a  theocratic  kingdom  to  he  realized 
within  national  (Hebrew^  and  territorial  (^Palestinian')  limits,  hut 
containing  withi^i  it  a  hlessedness  which  other  peoples  should  recog- 
nize and  desire. 

It  should  be  noticed  that  the  future  to  which  Israel  looks 
forward  for  the  fulfillment  of  this  hope  is  not  thought  of  as 
indefinitely  remote.  There  is  nothing  in  the  narrative  to  indi- 
cate that  Abraham  in  founding  the  new  race  looked  beyond 
the  earlier  generations  for  the  full  possession  of  the  promised 
land  and  the  other  covenant  blessings.  For  Jacob,  predicting 
the  destinies  of  his  descendants  in  the  '  latter  days,'  lit.  '  the 
end  of  the  days,'  ^  that  'last  time '  is  not  projected  into  a  future 
beyond  the  era  which  is  to  follow  upon  the  deliverance  from 
Egypt  and  the  establishment  in  Canaan.     '  The  horizon  bouud- 

1  Gen.  491. 


16  ESCHATOLOGY 

ing  his  field  of  vision  lies  where,  according  to  the  promises 
given  him,  his  posterity  has  grown  into  tribes  and  taken  up  its 
abode  in  the  promised  land.'  i  Even  Moses,  who  gave  to  the 
kingdom  its  organic  form  and  fundamental  law,  can  hardly 
have  looked  to  a  far-oif  age  for  its  consummation.  To  him, 
too,  the  complete  establishment  of  the  people  with  its  civil  and 
religious  ordinances  in  their  destined  home,  constitutes  the  '  end 
of  the  days,'  the  final,  unending  era.  The  ordinances  of  his  law 
are  not  characterized  as  imperfect,  temporary,  typical  of  or  pre- 
paratory to,  something  better.  His  utterances  do  not  reveal 
a  consciousness  that  this  form  of  the  kingdom  was  merely  pro- 
visional and  not  final.  But  these  limitations  in  the  outlook  of 
Israel's  forefathers  do  not  destroy  the  reality,  or  diminish  the 
value,  of  the  revelation  attributed  to  this  age.  The  prophecies 
given  contained  only  the  germ  of  the  great  truths  which  un- 
folded themselves  slowly  through  the  future  and  which  are  to 
reach  fruition  only  in  the  consummation  of  the  Messiah's  king- 
dom. As  in  all  prophecy,  the  abiding  truth  is  necessarily  given 
in  local  and  temporal  forms.  ^ 

3.  Tfie  Monarchical  Age.  By  this  designation  is  intended 
the  period  from  the  institution  of  the  monarchy  down  to  the 
Babylonian  captivity.  In  the  preceding  paragraph  we  have 
reviewed  the  leading  eschatological  ideas  in  what  may  be 
called  the  formative  period  of  Hebrew  history.  The  patriarchal 
age,  the  sojourn  in  Egypt,  the  years  in  the  wilderness  with  the 
revelation  at  Sinai,  the  conquest  of  Canaan,  and  the  anarchic 
centuries  of  the  Judges  contributed  each  its  own  factor  to  the 
preparation  for  the  most  splendid  era  that  followed  in  the  mon- 
archy. After  the  imperfect  and  disappointing  beginnings  of 
the  monarchy  in  the  reign  of  Saul,  the  Hebrew  kingdom  under 
David  and  Solomon  rose  rapidly  to  the  height  of  its  glory  and 
new  elements  entered  into  its  eschatological  hopes.  In  this 
brief  period  the  kingdom  may  be  said  to  have  taken  a  place 
among  the  great  world-powers.  The  condition  of  the  neigh- 
boring nations  favored  its  expansion,  it  became  a  military 
power,  and  its  domain  is  said,  in  tradition  probably  not  greatly 
exaggerated,  to  have  reached  from  Egypt  to  the  Euphrates, 
and  to  the  Orontes  on  the  north.  Internally  the  tribes  of 
1  Orelli  116.  2  See  pp.  293,  301. 


MONARCHICAL  AGE       .  17 

Israel  were  now  welded  together  into  at  least  organic  unity, 
industry  and  an  extensive  commerce  brought  in  great  wealth, 
a  central  capital  strongly  fortified  and  splendidly  adorned  was 
established  at  Jerusalem,  and  through  the  building  of  the 
temple  with  a  magnificence  befitting  the  sole  sanctuary  of 
Jehovah  and  the  ordering  of  the  worship  with  a  pure  and 
elaborate  ceremonial  the  political  capital  became  also  the  re- 
ligious center  for  all  Israel.  Zion  became  the  home  of  the  ark, 
the  dwelling-place  of  the  Most  High.  It  was  David  who  had 
raised  the  tribe  of  Judah,  hitherto  inconspicuous,  to  the  head- 
ship of  Israel,  who  had  formed  a  great  kingdom,  founded  an 
ideal  capital,  and  had  made  it  the  shrine  of  the  national  religion 
by  bringing  up  into  it  the  ark  of  God.  He,  the  warrior,  the 
conqueror,  the  friend  of  his  people,  the  king  in  whom  in  spite 
of  grievous  failures  there  were  traits  of  the  saint,  more  nearly 
than  any  other  in  Hebrew  history  approached  the  ideal  ruler 
of  God's  people,  and  after  a  long  reign  he  left  the  throne  to  his 
dynasty,  which  held  it  in  unbroken  succession  more  than  four 
centuries,  that  is,  till  the  overthrow  of  the  kingdom  by  the 
Babylonians.  Naturally  the  uniqueness  of  the  Davidic  house 
and  of  the  tribe  of  Judah  gave  them  a  unique  position  in  the 
political  and  religious  conceptions  of  the  Hebrew  people.  And 
this  position  was  not  permaneiitly  changed  by  the  disruption  in 
the  second  generation  after  David  which  resulted  in  the  exist- 
ence of  two  kingdoms,  the  northern  and  the  southern  —  Israel 
and  Judah.  Wliile  the  northern  kingdom  did  not  recognize 
the  supremacy  of  the  house  of  David,  it  does  not  appear  to 
have  claimed  the  leadership  of  the  whole  nation  in  either  politi- 
cal or  religious  concerns.  It  was  stronger  and  richer  than  the 
southern  kingdom,  at  times  it  was  zealous  for  the  religion  of 
Jehovah ;  in  it  were  contained  elements  which  contributed  to 
the  development  of  the  national  faith  —  in  it  first  arose  the 
great  order  of  the  prophets,  to  it  belonged  the  labors  of  Elijah, 
Elisha,  Hosea,  and  Amos.  But  on  the  other  hand  its  govern- 
ment was  throughout  unstable,  rebellion  with  change  of  dynasty 
was  frequent,  no  one  city  remained  continuously  the  seat  of 
rule,  there  existed  no  central  sanctuary,  and  when  the  kingdom 
was  overthrown  by  the  Assyrians  and  the  people  deported,  it 
ceased  forever  to  be  a  factor  in  the  national  or  religious  life  of 


18  ESCHATOLOGY 

the  Hebrews.  The  captives  became  merged  with  their  heathen 
captors  and  were  as  a  body  lost  to  the  people  of  Israel.  In 
striking  contrast  the  people  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah  which 
survived  a  century  and  a  half  longer,  the  scene  of  the  labors  of 
a  series  of  great  prophets,  passed  through  the  furnace  of  the 
Babylonian  captivity  purified,  holding  to  their  religion  and 
national  hopes,  prepared  to  return  to  their  land  with  religious 
conceptions  fraught  with  momentous  consequences  for  all  time. 
Hebrew  history  henceforth  is  the  history  of  the  Judseans.  The 
eschatological  hopes  center  in  Judah  and  the  house  of  David  — 
it  is  here  that  the  religious  development,  the  future  of  the 
kingdom  of  God,  lies. 

The  division  of  Israel  into  two  kingdoms  could  not  even  in  the  northern 
kingdom  entirely  stifle  the  consciousness  of  a  unity  resting  in  oneness  of 
blood  and  religion.  Among  the  prophets  of  the  north,  while  it  does  not 
appear  that  Elijah  or  Elisha  touched  upon  the  separation  as  one  of  the  sins 
which  they  rebuked,  or  counseled  a  return  to  union  with  Judah,  yet  Hosea 
saw  in  the  northern  secession  a  rebellion  against  Jehovah  and  the  theocratic 
community.  To  him  the  rulers  were  iisurpers  (8*,  13^^).  The  sanction 
which  God  would  seem  to  have  given  to  the  rending  of  the  kingdom  and 
the  appointment  of  the  northern  kings  (1  K.  11^^  16^,  2  K.  9^)  is  explained 
by  Hosea  as  a  visitation  of  divine  anger  (IS^i).  '  The  disunion  of  north  and 
south  was  so  great  that  for  the  sake  of  peace  it  was  better  to  separate.  But 
when  the  moral  and  spiritual  decay  of  N.  Israel  had  reached  such  a  point 
as  in  the  time  of  Hosea,  no  prophet  with  any  spiritual  insight  could  fail  to 
perceive  that  the  usurping  kings  lacked  the  divine  blessing '  (Cheyne,  in 
CB.  Hosea  87).  In  view  of  Hosea's  declarations  it  is  probable  that  he 
looked  for  the  reunion  of  the  divided  kingdom  under  the  leadership  of 
Judah.  This  hope  is  directly  expjessed  in  several  passages  (1^^,  3^)  which, 
however,  are  by  many  critics  {e.g.  Stade,  Cornill,  W.  R.  Smith,  Marti)  referred 
to  a  later  hand.  Amos  Q^^*-,  which  would  show  that  prophet  to  have  been 
in  essential  agreement  with  Hosea,  is  also  assigned  to  the  hand  of  an  editor 
by  many  {e.<j.  Cheyne,  Wellhausen,  Duhm.  Driver  in  CB.  Joel  and  Amos 
119  ff.  defends  the  passage).  In  the  prophets  and  poets  of  the  southern 
kingdom  there  is  no  recognition  of  two  divisions  in  the  theocratic  people  as 
a  permanent  factor  in  the  purposes  of  God,  no  consciousness  of  a  leadership 
separate  from  .Judah  or  of  any  capital  city  save  Jerusalem.  Israel  in  their 
warnings  and  promises  to  a  very  large  extent  means  the  whole  people.  North 
and  South  alike.  Their  prophetic  oracles  are  addressed  to  each  in  turn  or 
both  in  common. 

The  Eschatological  Hopes  of  This  Period.  This  long  period, 
so  momentous  in  Hebrew  history,  so  varied  in  national  and 
religious  developments,  gave  birth  to  conceptions  and  hopes  of 


MONARCHICAL  AGE  19 

great  importance  in  the  history  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  in 
the  unfolding  of  his  purposes  for  his  people.  (1)    The  theo- 

cratic king.  As  the  government  of  Israel  took  in  this  period 
the  new  form  of  the  monarchy,  so  there  arose  in  thought  the 
new  element  of  the  theocratic  king  —  an  element  destined 
to  exert  the  profoundest  and  most  far-reaching  influence  in 
eschatological  hopes.  As  we  have  seen  above,^  the  government 
of  Israel  in  the  preceding  period  was  theocratic  ;  Israel  had  no 
king  but  Jehovah.  All  rule  emanated  directly  from  God ;  all 
who  exercised  authority  were  only  his  organs.  And  in  the 
institution  of  the  monarchy  there  was  no  departure  from  this 
fundamental  principle.  Viewed  from  one  point  the  institution 
was  regarded  as  a  falling  away  from  the  high  ideal  of  Jehovah's 
sole  and  direct  rule.^  But  God  revealed  the  broader  aspect  of 
his  purpose.  The  conditions  of  the  age  made  necessary  a  visi- 
ble, personal  representative  of  the  divine  ruler  to  maintain  his 
kingdom  among  the  nations,  and  to  carry  it  forward  toward  a 
higher  realization. ^  The  human  kingship  was  not  in  conflict 
with  the  divine,  nor  even  coordinate  with  it.  The  two  were 
in  ideal  one.  The  theocratic  king  was  the  embodiment  of  the 
divine  rule.  This  close  relation  was  shown  in  the  events  of 
the  first  institution  of  the  monarchy.  It  was  God  who  chose 
the  person  to  be  made  king ;  it  was  he  who  bade  his  prophet 
consecrate  the  chosen  one  as  his  '  anointed.' ^  He  was  placed 
over  Israel  by  God  in  God's  stead.  He  stood  thus  in  the  rela- 
tion of  a  divine  personage.  Therefore  while  in  the  preceding 
period  religious  thought  centers  in  the  theocratic  people^  in  this 
era  it  culminates  in  the  theocratic  king.  Perhaps  only  minds 
of  deeper  insight  perceived  the  full  significance  of  the  kingly 
office,  but  imperfectly  as  the  ideal  was  realized,  there  was  found 
here  the  germ  out  of  which  the  wonderful  figure  of  the  ideal 
king  portrayed  by  later  prophets  and  poets  is  only  a  growth. 
The  glowing  colors  irradiating  his  majestic  perfections  as  we 
see  him  pictured  in  many  passages  in  the  prophets  and  the 
psalms  are  referred  by  an  increasingly  large  number  of  critics 
to  the  period  after  the  exile,  but  there  is  little  in  these  repre- 
sentations which  is  not  in  germ  at  least  implied  in  his  theocratic 
character  as  perceived  in  this  age.  In  this  unique  relation  of 
1  P.  11.  2  cf.  1  S.  S^ff-  3  cf.  1  S.  915  ff-  4  1  s.  916, 


20  ESCHATOLOGY 

the  theocratic  king  to  God  and  his  people  there  is  contained 
what  Later  prophets  saw  in  the  unfolded  vision  of  the  Messiah. 
The  figure  of  the  personal  king  may  fall  into  the  background 
or  even  disappear  at  times,  but  it  emerges  again  as  the  domi- 
nating factor  in  the  hope  of  God's  people,  until  it  culminates, 
transformed  and  spiritualized,  fulfilling  all  prophecy,  in  the 
person  of  him  who  is  '  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords.'  ^ 

(2)  The  Day  of  Jehovah.  Another  fact  brought  into  promi- 
nence by  the  political  and  spiritual  history  of  Israel  in  this 
period  is  the  expectation  of  the  day  of  Jehovah,  that  is,  Jeho- 
vah's intervention  in  the  affairs  of  the  world  to  judge  his  cause 
and  the  cause  of  his  people. ^  This  expectation  appears  in 
Amos,  the  earliest  of  the  written  prophets,  but  already  as  an 
article  of  belief  current  among  the  people.^  It  was  born  of 
Israel's  relation  to  Jehovah  as  his  people.  They  alone  among 
the  nations  were,  as  they  believed,  the  object  of  his  love  and 
concern  ;  their  cause  was  his  cause.  But  after  the  brief  glory 
of  David  and  Solomon's  era  they  were  harassed  by  enemies 
on  every  side ;  Egypt,  Syria,  and  Assyria,  one  after  another, 
afflicted  them,  and  in  their  affliction  they  sighed  for  the  day 
of  Jehovah,^  when  God  by  a  signal  intervention  should  anni- 
hilate forever  the  power  of  their  foes  and  establish  his  people 
in  everlasting  peace.  In  the  popular  conception  the  coming 
crisis  was  .one  of  assured  joy  and  triumph  for  Israel ;  it  was  to 
be  the  consummation  of  the  nation's  hope.  The  expectation 
as  cherished  by  the  people  at  large  rested  on  the  outward  and 
national  relation  to  Jehovah.  His  moral  character  was  largely 
overlooked.  If  his  people  kept  his  ordinances,  if  they  duly 
offered  the  sacrifices,  observed  the  fasts  and  feasts,  and  all  the 
ceremonial  prescriptions  of  the  law,  their  part  of  the  covenant 
was  performed,  and  they  could  claim  that  Jehovah  on  the  other 
hand  should  perform  his.  That  he  would  do  this  was  their 
certain  belief.  The  Day  of  the  Lord  then  could  be  to  them  a 
day  of  joy  only ;  to  their  enemies  a  day  of  confusion  and 
destruction.     But  the  great  prophets  of  the  eighth  and  seventh 

1  Rev.  1916. 

2  The  use  of  '  day  '  in  this  expression  comes  from  the  Hebrew  use  of  the  word 
in  the  sense  of  'day  of  battle,'  or  'victory'  ;  of.  Is.  9^.  See  W.  R.  Smith, 
Prophets  397.  ^  cf .  m.  «  Am.  loc.  cit. 


MONARCHICAL  AGE  21 

centuries  before  Christ,  whose  mission  was  preeminently  to 
preach  the  holiness  and  righteousness  of  God  and  the  corre- 
sponding character  required  in  his  people,  gave  to  the  Day  an- 
other aspect,  which  becomes  paramount  throughout  this  period. 
From  the  time  of  Amos  on,  it  is  proclaimed  as  a  crisis  in  which 
God  will  manifest  in  the  sight  of  the  world  his  indignation 
against  all  iniquity,  whether  among  the  heathen  or  in  his 
chosen  people.  The  prophets  found  predominant  in  Israel 
corruption,  civil  and  social,  injustice,  inhumanity,  profligacy, 
greed,  oppression  of  the  poor,  almost  every  form  of  moral  fail- 
ure, though  joined  with  zeal  in  the  external  observances  of 
religion.  It  became  their  special  office  then  to  correct  the 
popular  misconception  of  the  Day  of  Jehovah  and  to  proclaim 
it  as  a  visitation  preeminently  upon  the  sin  of  Israel  itself.  ^ 
At  the  same  time  it  is  to  be  a  day  of  judgment  upon  the 
nations  '^  — ■  not  merely  for  their  treatment  of  God's  people,  but 
for  their  offenses  against  the  laws  of  universal  morality.^  Dif- 
ferent prophets  make  prominent  diiferent  aspects  of  the  Day, 
but  throughout  the  period  it  is  conceived  as  a  crisis  in  the 
affairs  of  Israel  and  the  nations,  the  vindication  of  the  right- 
eous character  of  God.  It  is  to  be  a  day  '  upon  all  that  is 
proud  and  haughty  and  upon  all  that  is  lifted  up,  .  .  .  and 
the  loftiness  of  man  shall  be  bowed  down  and  the  haughtiness 
of  men  shall  be  brought  low,  .  .  .  and  the  idols  shall  utterly 
pass  away.  And  men  shall  go  into  the  caves  of  the  rocks  and 
into  the  holes  of  the  earth  from  before  the  terror  of  Jehovah 
and  from  the  glory  of  his  majesty  when  he  ariseth  to  shake 
mightily  the  earth.' ^  It  should  be  noticed  that,  in  this  crisis, 
Jehovah  himself  is  to  come  forth  manifesting  himself  in  the 
fullness  of  his  power  and  glory.  Great  movements  among  the 
nations,  the  overthrow  of  kingdoms,  commotions  in  the  natural 
world  may  accompany  his  coming,  but  they  do  not  constitute 
its  essential  character.  He  may  employ  kings  and  peoples  as 
his  agents,  but  all  such  agencies  are  unessential  features  in  the 
picture  —  often  they  are  absent  from  it.  This  event  then  is  es- 
sentially different  from  the  interventions  of  providence  which 
have  from  time  to  time  taken  place  in  the  past.     Those  might 

1  Cf.  Am.  32,  Hos.  13«S  Is.  12<«-,  Zeph.  l^.  2  Cf.  Is.  13,  Zeph.  1. 

3  Cf.  W.  P.  Smith  134.  « Is.  2^2 ff-. 


22  ESCHATOLOGY 

be  spoken  of  as  a  day  of  the  Lord  —  this  alone  as  the  Day ;  it 
is  final,  eschatological.  While  such  a  crisis  necessarily  implies 
judgment,  we  do  not  find  in  this  period  the  later  idea  that  all 
the  tribes  of  the  earth  shall  be  gathered  before  Jehovah's  throne 
to  be  judged,  nor  is  there  present  the  later  belief  in  a  resurrec- 
tion of  the  dead  to  share  in  the  judgment.  ^  The  events  of  the 
Day  belong  to  time  and  earth,  and  are  thought  of  as  near. 
Zephaniah's  cry,  '  The  great  day  of  Jehovah  is  near,  it  is  near 
and  hasteth  greatly,'  ^  expresses  the  common  expectation  of  the 
prophets.  Isaiah  saw  in  the  coming  overthrow  of  Assyria  the 
precursor  of  the  day,^  while  for  Zephaniah  its  tokens  were 
found  in  the  threatening  movements  of  a  foe  commonly  identi- 
fied with  the  Scythian  hordes  who  at  this  time  invaded  western 
Asia.*  'The  prophets  wrote  and  spoke  usually  amidst  very 
stirring  scenes.  Great  events  were  passing  around  them.  .  .  . 
The  noise  of  falling  empires,  the  desolations  of  the  kingdom  of 
God,  the  revolutions  in  men's  thoughts  revealed  to  their  ear 
his  footsteps.  .  .  .  God  was  so  near  that  his  full  presence 
which  he  had  promised  appeared  imminent.'  ^  Henceforth  the 
Coming  of  God,  called  variously  '  the  day  of  the  Lord,'  '  the 
great  day,'  'that  day,'  'the  day  of  judgment,'  etc.,  conceived 
under  different  forms,  accompanied  by  different  circumstances, 
appears  as  the  central  event  about  which  all  eschatological 
expectations  range  themselves.  Most  of  the  prophets  contain 
oracles  regarding  it ;  ^  it  forms  the  principal  theme  of  Zepha- 
niah and  Joel ;  it  is  fundamental  in  much  of  the  later  non- 
canonical  literature,  in  the  teaching  of  our  Lord  and  the 
writers  of  the  New  Testament,  and  in  the  hope  of  the  Christian 
Church. 

(3)  The  Remnant.  The  prophets  who  proclaimed  the  punish- 
ment to  be  visited  upon  Israel  for  its  sins,  even  to  the  downfall 
of  the  state  and  captivity  among  the  heathen,  yet  foresaw  that 
God  would  not  make  'a  full  end'  of  his  people.'''  The  funda- 
mental belief  of  the  Hebrews,  Jehovah  is  Israel's  God,  Israel  is 
Jehovah's  people,  could  never  absolutely  lose  its  force  in  the 

1  Hos.  1314  refers  to  the  restoration  of  the  nation,  not  tlie  resurrection  of  the 
individual.  2  i".  31424-27. 

4  Cf.  Davidson  in  CB.  Zeph.  98.  ^  Davidson  Theol.  381. 

6  Cf.  Is.  212 ff-,  Jer.  307 ff-,  Ezk.  30,  Ob.is,  Zee.  14.  Mai.  3.  '  Jer.  S"*. 


MONARCHICAL  AGE  23 

prophets'  hopes.  They  looked  for  the  preservation  of  at  least 
a  kernel  of  faithful  ones  whom  (rod  would  own  as  his.  The 
idea  appears  first  in  the  dramatic  story  of  Elijah.  Alone  in  the 
desert,  crying  in  despair,  '  I,  even  I  only,  am  left,'  there  comes 
to  him  the  answer  of  God,  '  Yet  will  I  leave  me  seven  thousand 
in  Israel.'^  Amos  whose  ministry  falls  in  the  period  doubly 
darkened  by  Israel's  moral  degradation  and  Assyria's  irresistible 
advance  toward  the  west,  appears  to  see  no  gleam  of  hope  for 
the  nation.  '  The  virgin  of  Israel  is  fallen ;  she  shall  no  more 
rise,' 2  and  it  can  hardly  be  questioned  that  he  included  the 
southern  kingdom  also  in  his  prophecy  of  destruction.^  But 
his  very  preaching  implies  the  thought  of  the  possible  repent- 
ance and  escape  of  at  least  some  of  his  people.  His  call,  '  Seek 
ye  me  and  ye  shall  live,'  "^  expresses  the  supreme  motive  of  his 
work  and  reveals  his  hope  of  a  possible  remnant,  even  if  with 
some  we  attribute  to  a  later  source  the  more  distinct  expressions 
of  such  a  hope.^  Hosea  in  the  narrative  of  his  faithless  wife, 
received  back  again  after  suffering  and  shame  had  wrought 
repentance  ^  — ■  whether  the  narrative  be  historical  or  allegori- 
cal —  sets  forth  symbolically  the  same  hope.  But  it  is  in  Isaiah 
that  the  doctrine  of  the  Remnant  becomes  most  prominent. 
Though  he  saw  his  prophecies  against  the  northern  kingdom  '^ 
fulfilled  in  the  Assyrian  Conquest,  and  though  he  foresaw-  a 
similar  destruction  moving  inevitably  upon  the  kingdom  of 
Judah,^  yet  from  the  outset  he  never  lost  his  faith  that  there 
should  be  '■  left  therein  gleanings  as  the  shaking  of  an  olive  tree,'  ^ 
which  should  form  the  nucleus  of  a  new  and  purified  people  of 
God.  Following  a  Hebrew  custom  he  gives  a  symbolical  name 
to  a.  son,  Shear-jashub,^'^  '  a  remnant  shall  return,'  and  in  the 
narrative  of  his  call  and  consecration  to  the  prophetic  work  the 
message  committed  to  him,  proclaiming  the  utter  waste  and 
desolation  of  the  land,  contains  also  the  hope  of  the  '  holy  seed ' 
remaining  as  the  stock  of  the  felled  tree.^^  Even  though  the  last 
clause  in  6^^  is  wanting  in  the  LXX.  and  may  be  open  to  suspi- 
cion, it  was  a  correct  perception  of  Isaiah's  mission,  which  placed 

1  1  K.  19".  18.  2  52. 

3  Even  if  with  Diilim,  al.  we  reject  2'*  *-,  it  is  plain  that  Amos  classes  Israel  and 
Judah  together.     Cf.  31,  61  ;  W.  R.  Smith,  Prophets  398,  Smeud  181. 

4  54.  5  E.g.  312,  515,  98-15.     Cf.  Stade,  220.  6  i_2. 

7  78,  84,  173,  281  ff-.  8  325 f.^  1011,  291  ff-.  9  176.  10  73.  11  613. 


24  ESCHATOLOGY 

this  factor  among  the  words  defining  his  divine  commission.^ 
'  Within  the  corrupt  mass  of  Judah  there  ever  remains  a  seed 
of  true  life,  a  precious  remnant,  the  preservation  of  which  is 
certain.  Beyond  this  the  prophet  sets  no  limit  to  the  severity 
of  the  troubles  through  which  the  land  must  pass.'^  Micah 
does  not  in  the  parts  universally  accepted  by  critics  express  the 
doctrine,  but  the  record  of  his  prophecies  is  too  brief  to  justify 
the  belief  that  he  did  not  share  in  the  hope  of  his  great  contem- 
porary.^ Jeremiah  who  above  all  other  prophets  is  the  mournful 
herald  of  coming  calamities  —  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and 
the  temple,  the  overthrow  of  the  kingdom  and  the  miseries  of 
the  exile  '^  —  nevertheless  held  up  to  the  hope  of  his  hearers  the 
reverse  side  of  the  picture,  the  escape  of  a  remnant.^  The 
possibility  of  a  better  future  for  at  least  a  part  of  his  people 
underlies  Zephaniah's  proclamation  of  the  Day  of  Jehovah,'' 
as  also  Nahum's  prophecy  of  the  fall  of  Nineveh  and  Habakkuk's 
prophecy  of  the  overthrow  of  the  Chakheans.  The  motive  of 
both  Nahum  and  Habakkuk  is  to  give  comfort  and  encourage- 
ment to  their  people  through  the  assurance  that  God  is  about  to 
destroy  their  enemies.  And  the  hope  of  a  Remnant  who  will 
take  refuge  in  Jehovah,'^  a  Remnant  of  the  righteous  who  should 
live  by  their  faithfulness,^  clearly  pervades  their  prophecies, 
though  criticism  may  deny  the  authenticity  of  passages  where  it 
is  particularly  expressed.^  Thus  the  prophets  throughout  this 
period  saw  beyond  the  on-coming  Day  of  Jehovah  an  Israel 
within  Israel  surviving  the  great  denouement  and  forming  the 
nucleus  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  the  heir  of  all  its  hopes  and 
promises.  It  is  to  be  a  holy  remnant  disciplined  through,  and 
redeemed  out  of,  the  fierce  onset  of  trial.  Henceforth  it  is  seen 
that  membership  in  a  chosen  race  and  a  chosen  nation  is  not  in 
itself  enough  to  constitute  membership  in  God's  people.  It  is 
too  much  to  say  that  we  have  here  the  beginning  of  the  idea  of 
the  ChurQh  as  contrasted  with  the  nation  —  we  have  rather  the 
germ  from  which  one  element  in  that  idea  arises.  The  one 
truth  that,  '  he  is  not  a  Jew  who  is  one  outwardly,'  ^^  is  beginning 

1  Cf.  also  19,  285.  2  w.  R.  Smith  258.  3  Cf.  Stade  230. 

4  712  ff.^  911^  131-11^  1,51  ff..  5  233,  241  ff-,  4428,  46-8. 

6  Cf.  22,  even  if  2^,  3i3  be  attributed  to  a  later  author.     Cf.  Stade  251,  Cornill 
358.  '  Nah.  1^.  8  Hab.  2i  9  U.g.  Nah.  V\  Hab.  3i3. 

10  Ro.  228. 


MONARCHICAL  AGE  25 

to  make  its  way ;  the  correlative  truth  that,  '  the  Gentiles  are 
fellow-heirs  and  fellow-members  of  the  body,'  ^  is  not  yet  appre- 
hended. The  racial  limits  are  not  yet  outgrown.  The  escha- 
tological  element,  however,  which  is  contained  in  this  hope 
remains  under  varying  and  expanding  forms  as  the  heritage  of 
all  subsequent  ages,  pictured  in  resplendent  imagery  by  prophets, 
apostles,  and  evangelists ;  and  the  Church  still  looking  on  be- 
yond the  great  Day  of  the  Lord  beholds  in  the  clear  light  of 
assured  hope  the  kingdom  of  God,  the  vast  Remnant,  which  no 
man  can  number,  ransomed  from  death  and  destruction  —  the 
kingdom  of  righteousness  foreseen  by  the  prophets,  where  God 
will  abide  with  his  people. 

(4)  Tlie  perpetuation  of  the  nation  and  of  the  Davidic  kingdom. 
In  all  the  vicissitudes  of  these  centuries  it  remained  a  steadfast 
article  in  the  religion  of  at  least  the  people  that  the  relation 
between  Jehovah  and  Israel  could  not  be  broken  and  that  there- 
fore God  would  defend  his  people  against  their  enemies,  or 
would  not  suffer  them  to  continue  permanently  under  foreign 
domination.  The  history  of  his  leadings  through  all  the  past, 
the  signal  deliverances,  the  prosperity  and  glory  bestowed  at 
times  assured  the  Hebrews  as  a  people  of  their  continuance  in, 
or  in  case  of  conquest,  of  their  restoration  to,  the  land  of  their 
fathers.  How  ineradicable  this  popular  expectation  was  is  seen 
in  the  fact  that  the  prophets  from  Amos  on  throughout  the 
period  are  struggling  unceasingly  and  with  little  apparent  suc- 
cess to  convince  the  people  that  the  retention  of  Jehovah's  favor 
and  the  perpetuation  of  the  nation  depend  upon  a  thorough 
moral  and  religious  reformation.  Hardly  less  certain  is  it  that 
the  popular  expectation  always  placed  at  the  head  of  this  king- 
dom of  the  future  a  prince  of  David's  line.  Any  other  attitude 
toward  the  leadership  was  scarcely  conceivable.  To  David  was 
due  the  first  successful  establishment  of  the  kingdom ;  its  most 
splendid  era  was  reached  in  his  reign  and  that  of  his  son  ;  for 
more  than  four  centuries  his  house  had  held  the  throne  continu- 
ously; 2  limitation  to  his  line  was  the  law  of  succession  recognized 

1  Eph.  36. 

2  Athaliali\s  short  usurpation  is  not  an  exception,  for  it  was  looked  upon  as  a 
usurpation  and  it  was  only  as  the  wife  of  one  Davidic  king  and  the  mother  of 
another  that  she  succeeded  in  getting  her  power. 


26  ESCHATOLOGY 

without  dissentient  voice.  No  prophet  even  had  suggested  the 
substitution  of  a  non-Davidic  prince.  '  The  throne  of  David ' 
had  become  synonymous  with  'the  throne  of  Judah.'i  The 
striking  narrative  in  2  S.  7  of  the  everlasting  covenant  formed 
by  Jehovah  with  David  and  the  promise  concerning  his  son,  '  I 
will  establish  the  throne  of  his  kingdom  forever.  I  will  be  his 
father  and  he  shall  be  my  son,'  even  if  it  be  post-exilic  in  date, 
formulates  vividly  the  popular  thought  in  pre-exilic  times. ^ 

When  on  the  other  hand  we  turn  to  inquire  what  were  the 
expectations  of  the  prophets^  as  contrasted  with  the  people, 
regarding  the  nation  and  the  kingship  in  the  future,  the  ques- 
tion becomes  a  difficult  one  because  of  the  tendency  among 
recent  critics  to  assign  much  in  the  present  form  of  the  pre- 
exilic  books  to  post-exilic  sources.  But  in  the  absence  of  clear 
evidence  to  the  contrary  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  as  will 
appear  below  (fine-print  passage)  that  the  prophets  cherished 
expectations  similar  to  those  of  their  countrymen  and  looked  for 
an  ultimate  building-up  of  God's  people  into  a  kingdom  of 
power  ruled  by  a  Davidic  king,  though  at  the  same  time  a 
kingdom  and  a  king  immeasurably  above  the  popular  idea  in 
moral  and  religious  aspects.  The  holiness  of  Jehovah  which 
formed  the  background  of  prophetic  preaching  demanded  a 
holy  people  with  whom  God  might  dwell,  a  holy  king  who 
should  serve  as  his  agent  and  representative.  Passages  then 
which  express  the  hope  of  an  era  of  glory  for  Israel,  however 
much  expanded  and  colored  by  the  exuberant  ideas  of  a  later 
time,  may  not  unreasonably  be  taken  to  rest  on  implications 
contained  in  actual  utterances  of  the  prophets.  That  such 
utterances,  however,  were  less  prominent  among  their  oracles 
was  natural.  They  were  engrossed  in  what  they  saw  to  be  an 
almost  impossible  task  —  they  were  struggling  to  bring  their 
people  to  repentance  and  to  convince  them  of  the  certainty  of 
divine  punishment.  Naturally  then  they  did  not  dwell  largely 
upon  the  prospect  of  deliverance  or  restoration. 

It  is  doubtless  true  that  the  figure  of  the  future  king  does  not  take  so 
conspicuous  a  place  in  the  prophets  of  this  period  as  later.     He  does  not 

1  Cf.  Jer.  13",  2230,  3630. 

2  2  S.  7  is  regarded  by  most  recent  critics  as  post-exilic.  Cf.  Enc.  Bib.  IV. 
4278,  Kittel,  Hist.  ofHeb.  II.  160,  Eug.  trans.,  Hast.  IV.  389. 


MONARCHICAL  AGE  27 

certainly  appear  as  the  instrumentality  through  which  Jehovah  will  deliver 
his  people  or  establish  his  kingdom.  Passages  in  which  such  a  function  is 
attributed  to  him  {e.g.  Is.  11'*,  Mich.  5^)  are  out  of  harmony  with  the  usual 
representation  and  are  by  a  large  number  of  scholars  held  to  be  later.  It 
is  Jehovah  himself  who  is  usually  represented  as  intervening  thus  in  behalf 
of  his  people  and  kingdom.  It  may  be  assumed  with  scholars  generally 
that  Is.  4Q-66 ;  llio-i*  ^^g  ^gt  Isaian.  The  messianic  Psalms,  as  a  part  of 
the  Hebrew  hymnal  through  the  later  ages,  were  subjected  to  such  additions 
and  adaptations  that  even  those  originating  in  this  period  do  not  furnish 
unquestionable  evidence  of  the  hope  of  his  time.  Objection  is  also  urged 
against  other  passages  referring  to  the  future  ruler  in  Israel,  e.g.  Am.  9^^, 
Hos.  35,  Mic.  52-4,  Jer.  235*-,  SO^,  SS^^ff-  (so,  Stade,  Driver,  Corniil,  uL);  yet 
even  if  such  objection  be  accepted  as  established,  it  by  no  means  follows,  as 
will  be  seen  below,  that  the  person  of  a  coming  Davidic  king  was  absent  at 
this  time  from  the  hope  of  the  prophets.  Criticism  in  its  extreme  form  has 
adopted  the  canon  that  a  restoration  or  building  up  of  Israel  into  an  ideal 
kingdom  to  be  ruled  by  an  ideal  king  of  David's  line  was  wholly  absent 
from  the  vision  of  the  prophets  before  the  exile.  (Cf.  Volz  Die  vorexil. 
Jahweprophetie.)  This  canon  would  exclude  from  our  immediate  inquiry 
not  only  those  paragraphs  which  on  linguistic,  historical,  and  similar 
grounds  are  held  to  be  later,  but  also  all  phrases  and  turns  of  expression 
which  imply  the  condition  of  the  era  called  in  the  broader  sense  messianic. 
But  though  the  earlier  conceptions  of  the  kingdom  and  the  person  of  the 
king  may  lack  some  of  the  characteristics  found  in  the  richly  developed 
picture  of  a  later  time,  it  is  very  questionable  whether  this  extreme  position 
will  be  established  as  the  general  verdict  of  scholars.  There  are  considera- 
tions which  point  to  the  opposite  conclusion.  (1)  The  prophets  of  this 
period  though  far  above  the  people  in  religious  insight  were  nevertheless  too 
much  men  of  their  time  to  conceive  of  a  great  religion,  even  the  religion  of 
Jehovah,  wholly  apart  from  a  nation.  The  world  had  not  yet  reached  that 
conception.  The  universalism  so  far  as  it  is  apprehended  is  not  that  of  the 
Church  in  which  there  is  '  neither  Jew  nor  Greek,  but  all  are  one  in  Christ ' 
(Gal.  3^8)  ;  the  national  idea  is  not  yet  superseded.  The  predictions  of  the 
conversion  of  the  Gentiles  found  in  the  prophets  of  this  time  (e.g.  Is.  2^^-, 
Ilab.  2^^  Zeph.  21^),  whether  belonging  to  this  or  a  later  era,  are  parts  of 
prophecies  which  include  the  preservation  of  the  nation  of  Israel.  Is.  19^3-25^ 
which  Montefiore  (Hihbert  Lectures^;  149)  calls  'the  high-water  mark  of 
eighth  century  prophecy,'  assigns  to  Israel  the  central  place  among  the 
nations  and  gives  it  the  most  honorable  title,  '  mine  inheritance.'  So  far 
from  teaching  or  intimating  that  the  national  form  is  to  be  displaced  by 
another,  the  prophets  are  passionately  striving  to  save  the  nation  by  leading 
it  to  repentance ;  they  assure  Israel  of  the  unfailing  perpetuity  of  their 
state,  if  based  on  righteousness  and  loyalty  to  Jehovah.  The  Remnant, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  an  essential  factor  in  the  thought  of  this  time,  is 
not  a  new  creation,  it  is  always  a  residue  of  God's  people  —  the  Israel  of 
old  through  which  will  be  maintained  God's  righteous  rule  among  men. 
Precisely  in.  what  way  and  when  the  Remnant  may  realize  its  purpose  may 


28  ESCHATOLOGY 

not  be  distinctly  seen,  but  there  is  no  intimation  that  it  is  thought  of  as  an 
invisible  society  apart  from  the  forms  of  a  state.  (2)  The  circumstances 
of  the  years  following  upon  the  return  from  the  exile  were  not  fitted  to 
originate  expectation  of  an  ideal  kingdom  ruled  by  a  Davidic  prince.  A 
comparatively  small  portion  of  the  exiles  returned  to  a  desolated  land,  to  a 
city  and  sanctuary  in  ruins ;  the  work  of  rebuilding  the  temple  (declared  the 
chief  purpose  of  the  return,  Ezr.  1^)  was  carried  on  slowly,  meeting  apathy 
and  opposition ;  as  subjects  of  a  Persian  satrap  the  Israelites  were  oppressed 
by  galling  exactions ;  they  were  surrounded  by  hostile  tribes ;  and  if  their 
hearts  turned  to  the  house  of  David  for  hope,  they  had  to  remember  that  the 
kingdom  had  rapidly  declined  through  four  inglorious  reigns  and  had  finally 
expired.  These  were  not  times  to  f/ive  rise  to  great  hopes,  but  rather  to 
revive  and  amplify  for  comfort  and  encouragement  promises  uttered  by 
prophets  belonging  to  better  days. 

Hosea  announced  the  overthrow  and  captivity  of  Israel  (5^^),  but  there 
is  also  revealed  to  him  in  his  personal  history  Jehovah's  recovery  of  his 
people.  Gomer,  the  prophet's  wife,  becomes  the  type  of  Israel  who  in  exile 
will  repent  and  be  restored  to  its  country  (2^,  'd^-*).  The  prominence  which 
the  prophet  gives  to  the  story  of  Gomer  may  well  raise  the  presumption 
that  we  have  at  least  a  Hosean  basis  in  l^o*'-,  lli"*-,  14^-^  and  similar  pas- 
sages foretelling  a  restoration.  Isaiah  predicts  the  ruin  of  the  land,  even 
of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  (S^*-,  5^^),  but  in  certain  prophecies  also  prom- 
ises the  protection  or  speedy  relief  of  Jerusalem  (10-**  ,  29''*',  31^).  Guthe 
(Das  Zukunftshild  d.  Jesala,  27  ff.)  explains  the  conflict  as  follows :  he 
attributes  the  former  series  of  predictions  to  the  prophet's  earlier  years 
when  the  Assyrian  power  threatened  the  destruction  of  both  the  northern 
and  southern  kingdoms,  but  when  the  catastrophe  had  swept  away  the 
former,  leaving  the  latter  still  safe,  the  prophet  'believed  that  from  the 
course  of  events  he  had  discovered  the  wonderful  plan  of  Jehovah  more 
accurately  than  before  and  therefore  changed  his  utterances.'  Hiihn  also 
refers  the  difference  to  a  change  in  historical  circumstances.  (Cf .  also  Cheyne, 
En.  Bib.  II.  2181.)  Ilackmann  (Die  Zukituftsenrartiiiu/d.  Jesaia)  refers  to  a 
non-Isaian  source  the  passages  which  declare  the  inviolability  of  Jerusalem 
(p.  162),  Doubtless  a  more  certain  determination  of  the  chronological 
order  of  Isaiah's  oracles  is  essential  for  the  solution  of  the  problem.  But 
whether  his  predictions  of  the  ruin  of  Judah  and  Jerusalem  belong  to  his 
earlier  or  later  career,  he  evidently  expected  that  the  Remnant,  which  is  so 
conspicuous  an  element  in  his  thought,  would  consist,  not  of  returned  exiles 
but  of  a  body  of  faithful  ones  defended  and  preserved  within  their  own 
land.  The  significant  name  given  to  his  son,  Shear-jashub,  means  '  a  remnant 
shall  return,'  i.e.  to  Jehovah,  not  from  exile.  In  the  passages  unquestionably 
Isaian  there  is  no  reference  to  the  Babylonian  captivity.  Isaiah  '  uniformly 
regards  the  intervention  of  Jehovah  in  the  Assyrian  crisis  as  the  supreme 
moment  of  human  history  and  the  turning  point  in  the  destinies  of  the 
kingdom  of  God '  (Skinner  Is.  in  CB.  285).  And  the  Remnant  whose 
preservation  he  anticipates  he  foresees  destined  to  form  a  new  and  purified 
state  —  a  state  in  which  the  dross  has  been  purged  away,  in  which  the 


MONARCHICAL  AGE  29 

judges  are  restored  as  at  the  first  and  the  counselors  as  at  the  beginning 
(125 f.  —  a  passage  generally  accepted  as  Isaian  in  substance).  The  designa- 
tion of  the  magistrates  here  is  general  and  without  doubt  includes  also  the 
Davidic  king,  though  there  is  nothing  to  suggest  the  extraordinary  person- 
ality of  the  Messiah.  (Cf.  Stade  229.)  These  expectations  furnish  reasonable 
ground  for  attributing  to  the  prophet  himself  so  sober  a  picture  of  the 
restored  state  with  its  purely  human  king  as  is  given  in  'd2^-^,  and  for  finding 
an  Isaian  element  in  other  predictions  of  the  ideal  age.  .  Jeremiah,  apart 
from  the  oracles  attributed  to  him,  showed  his  assurance  of  the  restoration 
of  his  people  in  that  while  a  prisoner  in  the  '  court  of  the  guard '  and  in  the 
darkening  hours  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  he  purchased  land  near  the  city 
and  in  the  transaction  attended  strictly  to  the  legal  formalities  of  witnesses 
and  the  recording  of  the  deed  (32*'«').  Ilis  view  of  his  act  as  a  prophecy 
addressed  to  his  people  is  certainly  expressed  in  the  words,  whether  his  or 
those  of  an  editor,  'houses  and  fields  and  vineyards  shall  yet  again  be 
bought  in  this  land.'  The  same  prophecy  is  contained  in  the  vision  of  the 
baskets  of  figs  (24,  generally  accepted  as  Jeremian),  in  which  the  good  figs 
symbolize  the  captives  upon  whom  Jehovah's  pleasure  rests.  '  I  will  set 
mine  eyes  upon  them  for  good  and  I  will  bring  them  again  to  this  land ' 
(v.  6)  —  words  which,  even  if  they  be  not  those  of  Jeremiah,  express  his 
interpretation  of  the  vision.  With  such  expression  of  his  outlook  we  seem 
to  have  sufficient  ground  for  attributing  to  him  the  substance  at  least  of  the 
wonderful  promise  of  the  New  Covenant  to  be  made  in  the  coming  days 
(8131  «■•).  But  it  should  be  noticed  that  the  New  Covenant,  of  which  the  full 
spiritual  meaning  is  first  set  forth  in  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (8  ^^■),  does 
not  here  contemplate  a  religion  wholly  individualistic  and  independent  of 
the  nation ;  it  aims  rather  to  show  how  the  relation  between  God  and  his 
people  shall  abide  forever,  that  is,  when  the  conditions  of  the  covenant  are 
fulfilled  in  the  hearts  of  all.  (Cf.  Smend  249.)  Ezekiel's  prophecies  of 
the  restoration,  even  those  given  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (17^^*^),  do  not 
belong  to  the  period  under  consideration  here,  for  he  began  his  prophetic 
work  in  exile,  after  the  first  deportation  of  Hebrews  to  Babylon,  which  was 
the  beginning  of  the  final  catastrophe. 

These  four  great  conceptions  which  we  have  considered  above 
as  dominating  the  religious  and  national  thought  of  the  Monar- 
chical Age  form  the  principal  features  of  its  outlook  regard- 
ing the  future  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  The  eschatological 
hope  of  the  period  may  be  briefly  summed  up  as  follows :  The 
great  Day  of  Jehovah  is  near,  when  the  Q-od  of  holiness  will  come 
with  might,  destroying  the  Gfentiles  ivho  have  exalted  themselves 
against  him,  and  at  the  same  time  overwhelming  with  punishment 
for  their  iniquities  the  kingdom  and  nation  of  his  chosen  people. 
But  preserving  a  Remnant  formed  of  those  who  have  continued 
faithful  and  those  who  have  profited  hy  the  discipline  of  suffering^ 


30  ESCHATOLOGY 

he  will  in  the  end  build  tip  in  Judah  and  Jerusalem  his  abiding 
kingdom  of  righteousness  and  peace,  cohere  he  himself  will  divell 
and  where  as  foremost  among  the  counselors  and  judges  theocratic 
kings  of  David'' s  line  will  hold  the  throne.  In  such  a  summary 
it  is  not  necessary  to  include  every  religious  idea  belonging  to 
this  period  which  may  have  been  influential  in  the  eschatology 
of  a  later  time;  For  example,  the  advance  in  the  apprehension 
of  theoretical  monotheism  must  have  had  a  profound  influence 
in  broadening  the  hope  of  the  recognition  of  Jehovah  by  the 
nations  of  the  world.  How  far  that  influence  was  felt  in  this 
age  cannot  be  fixed  definitely  because  of  the  uncertainty  which 
in  the  opinion  of  many  attaches  to  the  date  of  certain  parts  of 
our  documents.  The  same  might  be  said  regarding  the  rela- 
tion of  the  ideal  Davidic  king  to  the  developed  figure  of  the 
Messiah,  or  the  world-wide  dominion  of  the  coming  kingdom. 
Into  the  critical  questions  thus  involved  it  is  obviously  impos- 
sible to  enter  here,  nor  is  it  essential.  In  a  general  view  of 
pre-Christian  eschatology  it  is  not  fundamentally  important  to 
determine  whether  these  conceptions  became  clear  before  or 
after  the  exile. 

4  The  Exilic  and  Post-Exilic  Age.  The  period  meant  to 
be  covered  by  this  designation  is  that  extending  from  the 
Babylonian  Captivity,  586  B.C.,  to  the  final  disruption  of  the 
nation  after  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Romans 
70  A.D.  The  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  the  deportation  of  the 
Hebrews  by  Nebuchadnezzar  into  the  Babylonian  Captivity 
formed  a  turning-point  in  the  destiny  of  God's  people. 
Henceforth,  with  the  exception  of  the  very  brief  period  of 
independence  under  the  Maccabees,  they  remain  to  the  end 
the  subjects  of  a  foreign  power.  Their  rulers,  whether  gov- 
ernors, high-priests,  or  so-called  'kings,'  are  but  vassals  of  the 
Gentiles.  This  foreign  domination,  following  the  succession 
of  the  world-empires,  is  in  turn  Babylonian,  Persian,  Greek 
(soon  alternating  between  Greco-Syrian  and  Greco-Egyptian), 
and  Roman.  1     And  the  government,  so  far  as  it  was  in  the 

1  In  538  B.C.  Cyrus  overthrew  Babylon  and  established  the  Persian  Empire  ; 
this  in  turn  was  overthrown  by  Alexander  in  833  ;  finally,  after  some  eighty  years 
of  independence  under  the  Maccabees,  through  the  taking  of  Jerusalem  in  63 
jB.c.  Judea  becacje  a  tributary  and  afterwards  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  31 

hands  of  the  Hebrews,  was  during-  the  greater  part  of  the  time 
that  of  a  religious  community  rather  than  of  a  nation.  In 
the  course  of  this  long  period  the  process  of  dispersion,  begun 
forcibly  by  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,  continued  chiefly 
as  a  voluntary  movement  and  with  enormous  results.  The 
larger  part  of  the  Hebrews  remained  behind  in  Babylon  and 
its  neighborhood  when  by  the  permission  of  Cyrus  the  return 
from  the  Captivity  took  place,  and  from  time  to  time  through- 
out the  later  centuries  migrations  occurred  to  every  center  of 
the  known  world.  Josephus,  writing  in  the  end  of  our  period, 
says,  '  One  cannot  easily  find  a  place  in  the  world  which  has 
not  received  this  tribe  and  is  not  held  in  possession  by  it '  ^  — 
a  dispersion  of  incalculable  influence  in  the  spread  of  Christian- 
ity in  the  apostolic  age.  But  through  all  these  centuries  Pal- 
estine continued  the  fatherland,  Jerusalem  the  metropolis,  of 
these  widely  scattered  millions.  The  Holy  Land,  the  Holy 
City,  formed  the  true  home  of  the  people  and  their  religion, 
though  Babylon  and  Egypt  (Alexandria)  became  influential 
centers  of  the  life  and  thought  of  Judaism.  From  all  quarters 
of  the  earth  devout  Israelites  came  up  to  the  great  feasts  at 
Jerusalem ;  ^  every  adult  male  wherever  resident  paid  yearly 
a  temple-tax  of  two  drachms.  ^ 

Doubtless  the  two  strongest  forces  in  keeping  actively  alive 
this  sense  of  racial  oneness  and  of  the  importance  of  the  Holy 
Land  as  the  national  center  were  the  Law  and  the  hope  of  a 
coming  era  of  deliverance  and  triumph  —  a  messianic  era.* 
Ezekiel,  who  at  Babylon  in  the  darkness  of  the  captivity 
opened  up  visions  of  a  brighter  future,  is  the  exponent  of  both 
these  forces,  the  two  poles,  as  they  are  sometimes  called,  of  the 
post-exilic  religion.  The  latter  factor,  the  messianic  hope, 
forms  the  principal  theme  of  the  other  great  prophecies  belong- 
ing to  the  time  of  the  exile,  those  contained  in  Second  Isaiah.^ 
These  prophecies  have  gathered  up  and  grandly  unfolded  the 
hopes  of  pre-exilic  times  and  have  handed  on  the  same  through 

1  Ant.  XIV.  72.  2  Acts  29-".  3  Mt.  IT^^,  Joseph.  JB.  VII,  GG. 

4  Cf .  Baldensperger  88  ff. 

5  Second  Isaiah  is  the  most  common  designation  among  scholars  for  Is.  40-66, 
which  are  the  work  of  a  prophet  or  prophets  later  than  the  time  of  Isaiah. 
Whether  these  chapters  are  all  to  be  assigned  to  a  Dentero-Is.  or  in  part  to  a 
Trito-Is.  (Duhm,  Stade,  al. )  is  not  important  here. 


32  ESCHATOLOGY 

the  following  centuries  as  they  appear  in  the  later  prophets,  in 
oracles  inserted  in  earlier  prophecies  by  later  hands,  and  in 
non-canonical  literature.  Through  nearly  the  whole  of  this 
period  there  was  nothing  in  the  external  and  political  condi- 
tion of  Israel  to  encourage  belief  in  a  great  destiny  for  the 
nation.  It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  a  greater  contrast 
between  expectation  and  present  reality.  Yet  Israel  was  Jeho- 
vah's people,  and  Jehovah's  kingdom  must  be  exalted  above  all 
the  earth.  This  faith  was  inextinguishable,  and  became  clearer 
with  the  growing  perception  of  the  oneness  and  holiness  of 
God.  Divine  revelation,  continued  through  a  long  line  of 
prophets,  foretold  the  ultimate  triumph  of  God's  kingdom  — 
a  triumph  to  which  the  Church  is  ever  looking  forward  with 
sure  confidence.  But  the  truth  thus  given  was  necessarily  ap- 
prehended under  the  familiar  traditional  forms,  and  the  king- 
dom in  which  all  the  hope  of  Israel  centered  was  consequently 
conceived  under  local  and  temporal  aspects.  Eschatological 
expectation  in  its  leading  features  started  from  traditional 
standpoints.  But  other  influences  also  came  in  which  affected 
it  profoundly,  especially  the  advancing  conception  of  the  indi- 
vidual as  contrasted  with  the  national  unit.  The  nation,  while 
it  stood,  formed  the  religious  unit,  and  the  individual's  worth 
even  for  himself,  with  his  hopes  and  aspirations,  centered  in 
his  membership  in  that  unit.  But  with  the  downfall  of  the 
state  the  dignity  and  the  value  of  the  individual  before  God 
came  into  clearer  consciousness.  This  place  of  the  individual 
in  religious  truth  is  first  set  forth  fully  by  the  exilic  prophet 
Ezekiel,^  and  forms  perhaps  his  greatest  contribution  to  reli- 
gious thought,  though  in  this  as  in  some  other  respects  his 
starting  point  is  found  in  Jeremiah .^  In  the  same  line  with 
this  individualizing  influence  which  arose  from  the  changed 
political  stiitus  of  the  nation  was  that  of  the  Law,  the  more 
potent  of  the  two  great  forces  in  post-exilic  Judaism  mentioned 
above.  During  the  (Captivity,  and  in  the  case  of  the  Jews  of 
the  dispersion  through  this  whole  period,  religious  life  was  cut 
off  from  the  temple-worship  with  its  sacrificial  rites ;  the  law 
then,  with  such  ordinances  as  might  be  observed  everywhere, 
especially  circumcision  and  the  sabbath,  became  the  outward 
1  Chapts.  18  and  23.  2  cf.  Jer.  3129  f-. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  33 

sign  and  the  effectual  means  of  union  between  (loci  and  his 
people.  The  law,  not  a  particular  code  merely,  but  the  whole 
revelation  of  God's  will  as  given  in  command,  in  prophecy,  in 
history,  the  perfect  guide  in  religion  and  morals,  becomes  the 
object  of  devout  veneration  and  love,  of  meditation  and  aspira- 
tion. It  is  the  beauty  and  power  of  the  law  in  this  sense  that 
forms  the  theme  of  Psalm  119.^  Hence  the  teachers  of  the 
law,  the  scribes,  become  in  the  course  of  this  period  a  more 
important  factor  than  the  priests  — they  sit  in  Moses'  seat.^ 
In  these  higher  aspects  of  its  relation  to  spiritual  life  the  law 
formed  the  sphere  and  the  norm  of  a  direct  personal  bond 
between  God  and  the  individual  soul.  But  this  truth  of  man's 
personal  worth  in  the  divine  scale  advanced  slowly.  To  make 
it  the  property  of  the  race  there  was  needed  the  creative  trans- 
formation of  the  Master  who  taught  us,  '  the  very  hairs  of  your 
liead  are  all  numbered.'  ^  Yet  in  the  later  years  of  the  period 
under  review  it  influenced  profoundly,  as  will  appear  below, 
belief  and  eschatological  expectation.  Finally  it  should  be 
noticed  that  the  eschatology  of  this  period  could  hardly  fail  to 
be  affected  by  the  contact  of  the  Jews  with  foreign  influences 
such  as  the  Persian  religion,  and  the  philosophy  of  Greece  ;  at 
least  the  growth  of  eschatological  ideas  the  germs  of  which 
existed  among  the  Hebrews  and  other  peoples  in  common  may 
readily  be  understood  to  have  been  facilitated ;  that  such  con- 
tact in  some  instances  modified  Hebrew  thought  and  even 
introduced  new  elements  appears  unquestionable.^ 

The  Eschatological  Hopes  of  This  Period.  It  is  evident  that 
in  a  period  so  long  and  of  so  varied  influences  eschatology  may 
assume  varied  forms ;  but  it  does  not  follow  throughout  a 
regular,  harmonious  advance.  While  in  the  later  years  there 
appear  messianic  hopes  which  have  regard  to  the  individual 
or  the  world  rather  than  the  nation,  and  other  conceptions 
unknown  in  earlier  times  arise,  yet  the  older  forms  of  hope 
continue,  modified  only  partially  or  not  at  all.  Different  ten- 
dencies exist  side  by  side  and  even  in  the  same  writing.  There 
is  more  or  less  jostling  of  the  individual  and  the  national,  the 

1  Cf .  also  Ps.  W  «•. 

2  Mt.  232-     On  Scribism  cf.  Schultz  290  ff.,  Schurer  II,  363  ff.  3  Mt.  lO^o, 
.4  Cf .  p.  79  ff. 


34  ESCHATOLOGY 

local  and  the  universal,  the  visible  and  the  spiritual,  the  temporal 
and  the  eternal.  It  is  therefore  not  possible  to  divide  the  period 
into  parts  by  lines  drawn  chronologically.  We  may  speak  of 
the  earlier  and  the  later  eschatology,  but  it  must  be  kept  in 
mind  that  we  have  not  two  sharply  separated  epochs  in  the  latter 
of  which  the  earlier  ideas  have  been  entirely  outgrown  and 
discarded.  The  expectations  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  period 
are  dominated  by  the  iiational  outlook  and  these  persist ;  on  the 
other  hand  there  appear  in  the  later  centuries  conceptions  of  a 
universal  and  transcendental  character.  These  find  expression  in 
the  apocalyptic  literature  and  are  therefore  sometimes  classed  as 
apocalyptic  eschatology;  not  quite  accurately  however,  because 
this  is  not  the  only  form  of  eschatology  found  in  these  writings. 
The  period  then  may  properly  be  treated  as  a  whole,  and  it  will 
be  convenient  to  trace  out  first  those  hopes  which,  originating 
and  unfolding  within  the  limitations  of  a  natio7ial  outlook,  con- 
tinue throughout,  modified  to  be  sure  in  some  cases  but  not  so 
far  transformed  as  to  become  virtually  new.  A  later  paragraph 
will  give  a  survey  of  the  expectations  which  belong  exclusively 
to  the  closing  centuries  of  the  period,  whether  these  be  older 
conceptions  radically  transformed  or  wholly  new  ones.^ 

(1)  The  comiyig  of  Jehovah  to  deliver  his  people  and  to  establish 
his  kingdom  forever,  (a)  '  Behold,  Jehovah  hath  proclaimed 
unto  the  end  of  the  earth,  Say  ye  to  the  daughter  of  Zion, 
Behold  thy  salvation  Cometh,  .  .  .  And  they  shall  call  them  The 
holy  people,  The  redeemed  of  Jehovah.'  ^  This  ringing  call 
from  the  midst  of  a  people  overthrown,  oppressed,  and  scattered, 
sums  up  the  national  aspect  of  a  hope  which  persists  throughout 
this  period.  The  hope  cannot  be  said  to  have  ever  been  liter- 
ally fulfilled,  but  the  prophecies  that  fostered  it  contain  the 
revelation  of  a  coming  spiritual  deliverance  and  a  spiritual 
kingdom  which  were  apprehended  under  customary  forms  of 
thought.  Not  the  meager  movement  of  the  return  inaugurated 
by  Cyrus'  command,  not  the  brilliant  era  of  the  Maccabees 
answered  even  remotely  to  the  expectations ;  yet  the  hope, 
pushed  on  continuously  into  the  future  as  the  years  passed 
without  its  realization,  is  fundamental  in  the  thought  of  these 

iCf.  pp.  63ff.  2  Is.  62"  f-. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  35 

centuries  and  appears  in  the  prophets,  earlier  and  later,  in  the 
Psalms,  the  Apocrypha,  the  apocalyptic  writers,  and  in  the  New 
Testament.!  Jehovah  will  come  with  a  mighty  hand  and  out- 
stretched arm  to  gather  his  people  out  of  the  countries  wherein 
they  are  scattered,  the  valleys  will  be  exalted  and  the  mountains 
and  the  hills  made  low,  that  his  highway  may  be  prepared.  '  I 
will  bring  thy  seed  from  the  east  and  gather  them  from  the 
west;  I  will  say  to  the  north,  Give  up;  and  to  the  south. 
Keep  not  back '  ^  —  words  which  are  ever  echoing  on  in  the 
hope  of  the  following  years. 

(5)  Jerusalem,  the  seat  of  the  restored  kingdom,  is  to  arise 
from  its  ruins  with  great  splendor.  ^  The  temple  is  to  be  rebuilt 
with  new  glory  ,^  the  land  will  become  supernaturally  fruitful,^ 
peace  and  joy  will  reign  undisturbed  with  wealth  and  length  of 
days,  the  animal  kingdom  will  be  at  peace  in  itself  and  with 
man  ^;  in  short,  the  ideal  age  will  be  realized  and  continue  for- 
ever. A  human  king  does  not  always  form  a  part  of  the 
picture,  yet  when  thought  of  he  is  evidently  a  prince  of  David's 
house. '^  The  supreme  glory  of  the  coming  kingdom  in  the  mind 
of  the  prophets  is  its  spiritual  perfections.  God  himself  will 
dwell  with  his  people  ^  and  they  will  walk  in  his  statutes, 
they  will  all  be  righteous,^  evil  will  be  blotted  out  and  deceit 
quenched,  faith  will  flourish  and  corruption  be  overcome.!*^ 

(c)  With  Jehovah's  deliverance  of  his  people  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  kingdom  there  is  joined,  as  an  essential  factor  in 
eschatological  expectation,  the  overthrow  of  the  hostile  nations 
of  the  world.  The  latter  is  the  preparation  for  the  former  and 
both  alike  manifest  Jehovah's  majesty.  The  powers  that  have 
harassed  Israel  and  defied  God  must  be  swept  away,  that  the 
kingdom  of  his  people  may  be  set  up  in  lasting  security.  The 
Day  of  the  Lord,  which  in  the  pre-exilic  prophets  is  first  of  all  a 
visitation  upon  the  sin  of  Israel, ^^  becomes  now  predominantly 
an  epoch  of  anger  and  retribution  poured  out  upon  the  Gentiles. 

iCf.  inter  al.  Is.  40  ff.,  Ezk.  36  f.,  Jl.  3,  Ob.  vv  17  ff.,  Zee.  8,  Ps.  IO212-22, 
Tob.  13,  Bar.  436-59,  Sib.  Or.  III.  767-795,  Ps.  Sol.  11,  Lk.  2421,  Ac.  16. 
2  Is.  43«f-.  3  Is.  54" f-,  Tob.  13^6%  Sib.  Or.  V.  420  ff. 

*  Hag.  29,  Tob.  14^,  Sib.  Or.  V.  423. 

6  Ezk.  3426  f,  Jl.  418,  Am.  913,  Ps.  7216,  En.  10",  Ap.  Bar.  29S.  6  is.  6525. 

7  Ezk.  3724,  Am.  911,  Zee.  128,  Ps.  sO^f-,  Ps.  Sol.  17^.  s  Ezk.  43^,  Zee.  2io. 
9  Ezk.  3625  ff-,  Is.  6021.                10  2  Es,  &"f:              11  Cf.  p.  21  ff. 


36  ESCHATOLOGY 

The  overwhelming  penalty  of  Israel's  trangression  has  fallen  in 
the  destruction  of  the  nation  and  the  captivity ;  '  She  hath  re- 
ceived of  the  Lord  double  for  all  her  sins.'  ^  Henceforth  the 
more  lurid  light  of  the  picture  falls  upon  the  nations  that  have 
exalted  themselves  against  Jehovah.  As  most  of  the  pre-exilic 
prophecies  contain  paragraphs  directed  against  the  hostile  powers 
of  that  time,  so  in  this  period  similar  oracles  form  essential  por- 
tions of  the  utterances  of  Ezekiel,  Second  Isaiah,  most  of  the 
later  prophets,  and  many  post-canonical  writers.^  As  in  the 
earlier  period  so  in  this,  the  coming  of  Jehovah's  kingdom  is  near 
at  hand.  For  Ezekiel  it  lay  just  beyond  the  downfall  of  Egypt 
which  is  predicted  as  near ;  ^  Second  Isaiah  looked  for  it  as  the 
sequel  to  Cyrus'  overthrow  of  the  Babylonian  power ;  *  Haggai 
foresaw  it  in  the  events  to  follow  the  return  led  by  Zerubbabel 
and  the  completion  of  the  temple ;  ^  the  author  of  the  book  of 
Daniel,  in  the  overthrow  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  the 
Greco-Syrian  power ;  *^  the  author  of  2  Esdras,  in  the  downfall 
of  Rome.^ 

(d)  The  idea  of  a  second  conflict  with  hostile  powers  appears 
for  the  first  time  in  Ezekiel.^  With  him  as  with  the  other 
prophets  the  destruction  of  the  well-known  enemies  of  Israel 
in  the  near  future  is  to  be  followed  by  an  era  of  messianic 
peace  and  felicity.^  But  according  to  Ezekiel  after  a  long 
continuance  of  this  messianic  era,  '  in  the  latter  days,'  ^^  Gog  of 
the  land  of  Magog  will  come  from  the  uttermost  parts  of  the 
north  leading  a  host  made  up  of  hordes  from  the  north  and  the 
south  and  from  far  off  parts  of  the  earth  ;  they  will  come  up 
against  Israel  and  cover  the  land  like  a  cloud.  But  Jehovah 
will  send  upon  them  a  sword,  pestilence,  hailstones,  fire,  and 
brimstone;  they  will  fall  upon  the  mountains  and  in  the  fields, 
and  be  given  to  the  birds  and  beasts  to  devour.  It  is  a  final 
rally  of  the  powers  of  earth  against  the  kingdom  of  God's  peo- 
ple.    These  invaders  from  the  north  are  taken  by  many  to  be 

1  Is.  402. 

2  Cf.  P:zk.  25-32,  Is.  47,  Jl.  3,  Ob.  v  15,  Zee.  9,  En.  90i8f,,  Ap.  Bar.  LS^ff-, 
Sib.  Or.  III.  303-333. 

3  Ezk.  2921,  303*-  ;  cf.  Davidson  Ezk.  in  CB.  215,  217  f.  <  Is.  4424-28. 
5  Hag.  2*-9.            6  Dan.  723-27.     cf.  Driver  in  CB.  ad  loc. 

7  2  Es.  68-10.     Cf .  Rev.  19  ff. 

8  38-39.    Cf.  Stade  295,  Hulni  44,  Briggs  Mess.  P.  283.        9  34-37.        lo  388.  i6. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  37 

the  Scythian  hordes  that  overran  and  terrorized  western  Asia 
in  the  seventh  century  B.C.;  but  neither  Gog  nor  Magog  can 
be  identified  with  any  known  king  or  land.  Whatever  the 
truth  as  regards  the  connection  of  the  names  with  any  historic 
people,  the  reference  in  Ezekiel  is  to  an  event  falling  after  a 
long  continuance  of  the  messianic  era,  the  final  gathering  of 
the  nations  under  a  great  leader  against  the  messianic  king- 
dom and  their  overwhelming  destruction.  Such  a  messianic 
interval  between  a  first  and  a  second  judgment  of  the  enemies 
of  God's  kingdom  does  not  appear  elsewhere  in  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, but  is  found  sometimes  in  later  writers.  ^  Generally  the 
Messiah's  kingdom  is  represented  as  continuing  in  undisturbed 
peace  forever  after  the  one  great  conflict  which  precedes  its 
establishment.  And  this  conflict  is  oftenest  conceived  under 
forms  and  symbols  similar  to  those  which  make  up  this  picture 
in  Ezekiel.  The  final  effort  of  the  world  against  the  kingdom 
of  God  is  represented  as  a  united  assault  of  the  nations  upon 
the  Holy  Land.^  As  eschatological  figures  Gog  and  Magog 
(the  latter  like  the  former  a  person  instead  of  a  land) 
appear  frequently  in  rabbinical  predictions  among  the  enemies 
whom  the  Messiah  will  conquer.  The  '  Day  of  Gog '  and  the 
'Day  of  Magog'  are  current  expressions.^  Evidently  the 
names  became  traditional  representations  of  the  last  assailants 
of  the  messianic  kingdom,  and  as  such  they  have  passed  into 
the  Revelation.* 

(e)  The  redeemer,  the  champion  of  God's  people  in  this  final 
crisis,  is,  in  the  expectation  of  the  earlier  part  of  our  period, 
Jehovah  himself.  The  messianic  king  does  not  appear  as  the 
instrument  of  deliverance.  This  is  the  representation  through- 
out the  prophets  except  in  Daniel.^  'Behold,  I  myself,  even  I, 
will  search  for  my  sheep  and  will  seek  them  out,  ...  I  will 
deliver  them  out  of  all  places  whither  they  have  been  scattered, 
...   I  will  feed  them  upon  the  mountains    of  Israel.  ...   I 

1  On  the  messianic  Age  as  an  interregnum,  see  p.  76. 

2  Zee.  122  f.^  ya\.  56,  Sib.  Or.  III.  663,  2  Es.  13*  «■,  Rev.  20£-  ^  20*. 

3  Cf.  Weber  System  370  f.,  Volz  176,  Bousset  Jud.  206. 

s  In  Dan.  12'  Michael,  the  patron-angel  of  the  Jews,  appears  as  their  cham- 
pion. Is.  11^  and  Mic.  S^,  both  probably  post-exilic  passages,  refei  not  to  the 
establishment  of  the  kingdom,  but  to  the  kingly  function  of  maintaining  the 
peace  of  the  realm  against  outbreaks  of  evil  within  and  onsets  of  enemies  from 
without. 


38  ESCHATOLOGY 

myself  will  be  the  shepherd  of  my  sheep.'  ^  But  in  later  times 
the  destruction  of  hostile  powers  and  the  exaltation  of  God's 
people  are  often,  though  not  always,  attributed  to  the  Messiah. ^ 
(/)  Foreshadowing  the  advent  of  Jehovah  and  attending  it, 
vast  movements  were  looked  for  among  the  peoples  of  the  earth 
and  in  the  natural  world,  times  of  trial  for  the  people  of  God, 
sifting  them  as  grain, ^  times  of  furious  visitations  upon  the 
Gentiles,  with  great  portents  in  the  earth  and  the  heavens. 
Israel  learned  through  its  own  history,  through  bitter  conflicts 
with  enemies,  that  it  could  enter  into  its  state  of  peace  and 
glory  only  through  suffering  and  distress  ;  the  prophetic  oracles 
foretold  awful  calamities  which  should  sweep  away  the  Gentile 
nations  ;  and  the  universal  belief  that  God  used  the  operations 
of  nature  in  ever  varying  ways  to  further  his  purposes  con- 
cerning men  led  to  the  expectation  that  marvels  in  the  physical 
world  would  attend  marvels  in  human  history.  These  times 
of  distress  as  precursors  and  accompaniments  of  the  coming  of 
the  messianic  era  are  often  called  the  '  messianic  woes,'  ^  and 
they  become  a  standing  feature  in  eschatological  expectation. 
Starting  from  the  foreshadowings  of  the  earlier  prophets,  later 
writers,  especially  the  apocalyptic,  unfold  pictures  of  these 
pre-messianic  troubles  with  vivid  and  often  fantastic  imagery. 
The  author  of  Isaiah  34  gives  an  appalling  description  of  the 
events  of  these  days  :  the  dissolution  of  the  heavens ;  slaughter, 
desolation,  and  war  in  the  earth.  ^  The  prophet  Joel,  whose 
theme  is  the  Day  of  Jehovah,  dwells  upon  the  coming  terrors. 
•  Let  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  tremble  :  for  the  day  of 
Jehovah  cometh,  ...  a  day  of  clouds  and  thick  darkness. 
...  I  will  show  wonders  in  the  heavens  and  in  the  earth  : 
blood  and  fire  and  pillars  of  smoke.  The  sun  shall  be  turned 
into  darkness  and  the  moon  into  blood.    ...   I  will  gather  all 

1  Ezk.  34"  ff-  See  also  Is.  433  ff-  uff.,  Hag.  22iff-,  Zee.  98  «••  "ff.,  2  Mac.  2i8, 
Bar.  5s  «•  ^  cf .  p.  44.  »  Am.  99. 

4  As  distress  and  sorrow  are  spoken  of  in  the  Scriptures  under  tlie  figure  of 
travail-pains,  so  in  the  rabbinical  wi-itings  the  expression  '  the  birth-pains  of  the 
Messiah,'  i.e.  preceding  the  Messiah's  birth,  became  a  current  term  for  the  last 
troubles  preceding  the  messianic  era,  and  occurs  in  conjunction  with  the 
eschatological  terms  Day  of  Gog,  or  Magog,  the  Day  of  Judgment.  Cf .  Volz  173, 
Bousset  Jud.  237  f.  The  same  figure,  tiStves,  travail,  R.V.  is  found  in  Mt.  248, 
Mk.  13«. 

5  Is.  34-35  are  generally  referred  by  critics  to  an  exilic  oi  post-exilic  source. 
Cf.  Driver  Intr.  225  ff.,  G.  A.  Smith  in  Hast.  II.  493. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  39 

nations  and  will  bring  them  down  into  the  valley  of  Jehoshaphat 
and  1  will  execute  judgment  upon  them  there. ^  It  is  to  these 
times  that  the  words  in  Zechariah  refer  :  '  It  shall  come  to  pass, 
tliat  in  all  the  land,  saith  Jehovah,  two  parts  therein  shall  be 
cut  off  and  die  ;  .  .  .  I  will  bring  the  third  part  into  the  fire 
and  will  refine  them  as  silver  is  refined,  and  will  try  them  as 
gold  is  tried.' 2  Similarly  Daniel,  'There  shall  be  a  time  of 
trouble,  such  as  never  was  since  there  was  a  nation.'  ^  In 
post-canonical  writers  such  representations  abound,"^  and  the 
traditional  pictures  are  taken  up  into  the  New  Testament ;  the 
main  theme  in  chapters  6-16  of  the  Revelation  is  the  'messianic 
woes,'  largely  in  traditional  forms.  ^ 

(^)  Allied  to  the  idea  of  such  precursors  of  the  messianic 
era  there  appears  also  in  our  period  the  expectation  of  personal 
forerunners,  who  should  precede  the  incoming  of  the  new  era. 
The  earliest  reference  to  such  a  person  occurs  in  Malachi: 
'  Behold,  I  will  send  you  Elijah  the  prophet  before  the  great 
and  terrible  day  of  Jehovah  come,'  ^  and  upon  the  basis  of  this 
utterance  the  belief  became  general  that  the  great  prophet 
would  appear  again  before  the  coming  of  the  Lord.  Though 
different  activities  were  attributed  to  him,'''  he  is  generally 
represented  as  coming  to  restore  order,  to  remove  wrath  and 
strife  ^  —  a  function  answering  to  the  violent  disorder,  the 
anger  and  variance,  predicted  in  both  civil  and  family  life  in 
the  times  of  the  'messianic  woes.'  Both  rabbinical  writers 
and  the  New  Testament  give  evidence  of  a  widespread  expec- 
tation of  his  appearing  :  '  They  asked  him,  saying,  How  is  it 
that  the  scribes  say  that  Elijah  must  first  come  ?  And  he  said 
unto  them,  Elijah  indeed  cometh  first  and  restoreth  all  things.'  ^ 
In  rabbinical  traditions  Moses  also  is  spoken  of  as  coming  with 
Elijah.  In  Debarim  rabba,  Ch.  3,  God  is  represented  as  saying 
to  Moses,  '  When  I  shall  send  the  prophet  Elijah  ye  shall  both 
come  together.' 10  The  union  of  these  two  foremost  witnesses 
for  Jehovah,  as  forerunners  of  the  messianic  era,  is  especially 

1  21  f-  30  f.^  32.  2  138  f.  3  121.         4  cf.  2  Es.  5,  En.  99-100,  Ap.  Bar.  70. 

5  Cf.  Mt.  24,  Mk.  13,  Lk.  21,  2  Pet.  3.        6  45.       1  cf.  Volz  192.       8  Mai.  46. 

9  Mk.  911  t-  Cf.  Mk.  615,  828,  Mt.  lli^,  Jno.  121.  2.5.  -p^^,  numerous  instances 
in  rabbinical  writers  see  Weber  System  .337  f.,  Volz  192,  Drummond  223  f. 
For  the  fulfillment  of  this  expectation  in  the  person  of  John  the  Baptist  cf.  Mt. 
ll",  par.     With  the  expression  'restore  all  things,'  cf.  Ac.  321. 

10  See  Weber  System  338.     Cf.  Drummond  225,  Volz  193. 


40  ESCHATOLOGY 

interesting,  since  they  appear  together  in  the  account  of  the 
Transfiguration  1  and  again  in  the  vision  of  Rev.  11^^-.  Still 
others  were  spoken  of  as  forerunners.  In  2  Esdras  ^  it  is  said 
that  all  who  have  been  translated  without  tasting  death  will 
appear  at  the  end  of  the  troublous  times,  and  among  these 
Jewish  tradition  included  not  only  Enoch  and  Elijah,  but  also 
Baruch  3  and  Ezra.^  The  earlier  Christian  writers  almost 
universally  understood  Enoch  to  be  the  associate  of  Elijah  as 
one  of  the  'two  witnesses'  in  Rev.  11^.^  The  answer  given  to 
our  Lord,  '  Some,  Elijah,  and  others,  Jeremiah,'  ^  may  imply 
the  existence  of  a  belief  that  the  latter  prophet  would  appear 
before  the  end.  It  should,  however,  be  noticed  that  as  far  as 
the  evidence  shows,  Elijah  stood  before  all  others  in  these 
expectations. 

(2)  The  Ideal  King,  the  Messiah.  The  hope  of  the  former 
period  which  placed  at  the  head  of  the  expected  state  an  ideal 
king  of  David's  house  "*  reaches  in  this  period,  especially  in  the 
later  years,  a  still  clearer  and  higher  development.  Whatever 
doubt  criticism  may  raise  regarding  the  pre-exilic  expectation 
of  a  Messiah,^  in  the  age  following  the  exile  the  hope  is  certain 
and  at  times  powerful.  The  central  position  occupied  by  the 
theocratic  king  in  Hebrew  national  life  throughout  the  cen- 
turies following  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy,  and  on  the 
other  hand  the  universal  existence  of  the  monarchical  form  in 
the  great  world-states  of  these  ages,  make  it  unlikely  that  the 
Jew  should  have  conceived  the  coming  state  under  any  other 
form.  Although  in  many  writers  and  at  certain  epochs  in  our 
period  the  figure  of  the  king  recedes  into  the  background  or 
disappears,  it  does  not  follow  that  the  ideal  state  was  thought 
of  as  wanting  this  representative  of  Jehovah.  Silence  regard- 
ing him  only  indicates  that  his  agency  was  not  always  con- 
ceived to  be  the  essential  force  in  the  great  events  looked 
for.  (a)  But  in  studying  the   course  of  messianic  hope  it 

is  important  to  notice  this  silence,  and  also  the  advance  in 
expectation  from  a  theocratic  dynasty  to  a  single  theocratic 
person.^     In    the    pre-exilic    period,    Nahum,    Zephaniah,   and 

1  Mt.  171-9.  2  626.  3  Ap.  Bar.  762.  4  2  Es.  149. 

5  Cf.  Boiisset  Antichrist  203  ff.         6  Mt.  16".         ^  See  p.  25.  «  See  p.  27. 

9  See  below,  6,  c. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  41 

Habbakuk  spoke  more  or  less  distinctly  of  the  messianic  era 
without  mentioning  the  messianic  king.  So  likewise  in  this 
period  no  mention  is  made  of  him  in  the  eseliatological  utter- 
ances of  Joel,  Obadiah,^  Malachi,'-^  Second  Isaiah,^  and  Daniel.'* 
The  books  of  the  Apocrypha,  though  containing  in  most  cases 
eschatological  references,  do  not,  with  the  exception  of  2  Esdras, 
mention  a  personal  Messiah.  Among  other  non-canonical 
Jewish  writings  in  which  a  Messiali  is  wanting  are  tlie 
Assumption  of  Moses,  Slavonic  Enocli,  the  Book  of  Jubilees. 
But  as  already  pointed  out  the  silence  of  these  writers  does  not 
prove  his  absence  from  their  conception  of  the  coming  kingdom. 
(&)  Doubtless  the  messianic  hope  in  the  beginning  looked 
forward,  not  to  one  individual  messianic  king,  but  to  a  succes- 
sion of  theocratic  kings,  the  unbroken  perpetuation  of  the  Davidic 
line,  and  this  vaguer  phase  of  the  hope  appears  in  our  period, 
especially  in  the  earlier  part  of  it.  The  prophecy  given  in  the 
history  of  David,  '  Thy  house  and  thy  kingdom  shall  be  made 
sure  for  ever  before  thee ;  thy  throne  shall  be  established  for 
ever,'  ^  belonging  to  the  former  period,*^  had  in  view  the  dynasty, 

1  In  Ob.  V  21  the  '  saviours '  are  not  the  Messiah  but  deliverers  raised  up 
Hke  the  '  Judges '  of  old  to  free  Israel  from  their  enemies,  here  the  Edomites, 
though,  like  all  deliverers,  in  a  sense  types  of  Christ. 

2  In  Mai.  31  the  '  messenger  '  is  a  forerunner  sent  to  prepare  for  the  coming  of 
Jehovah,  who  is  to  come  in  his  own  person  to  abide  in  his  temple  among  his 
people.  Whether  the  '  messenger  '  or  '  angel '  in  the  second  part  of  the  verse 
be  identified  with  the  '  messenger '  or  with  the  '  Lord  '  in  the  first  part,  cf . 
R.V.  'and'  or  'even,'  reference  can  hardly  be  made  to  the  theocratic  king, 
since  the  function  here  assigned  him,  whether  of  preparing  for  Jehovah's  com- 
ing or  sitting  as  his  representative  in  a  purifying  judgment,  is  nowhere  else  in 
the  prophets  made  a  part  of  the  Messiah's  activity.  Cf.  Hitzig  in  loc,  Stade 
334. 

3  For  the  'servant  of  Jehovah '  in  2  Is.,  see  pp.  49  ff.  Is.  55'',  often  under- 
stood of  the  Messiah,  refers,  as  most  modern  connnentators  agree,  to  the  histor- 
ical David  or  his  house.     Cf.  Skinner  in  CB.,  Duhm  in  loc. 

*  The  expression  '  one  like  unto  a  son  of  man,'  Dan.  71',  determined  a  subse- 
quent designation  of  the  Messiah,  and  until  recent  times  has  almost  universally 
been  taken  to  refer  to  him  in  person.  But  modern  scholars  are  to  a  large 
extent  agreed  that  the  figure  is  meant  to  characterize  not  an  individual  person 
but  the  nature  of  the  final  kingdom  of  God's  people.  This  seems  to  be  required 
by  the  writer's  own  interpretation  given  in  vv.  16-18,  22,  27,  according  to 
which  the  four  beasts  symbolize  heathen  world-kingdoms,  and  the  '  son  of  man,' 
i.e.  man,  who  is  contrasted  with  the  beasts,  symbolizes  the  coming  kingdom  of 
God  — '  humanity  in  contrast  with  animality.'  Cf.  Driver  Dan.  in  CB.  102  ff. 
The  passage  is  messianic  in  the  broader  sense  ;  the  same  is  true  of  the  difficult 
passage  9"*--'',  where  neither  the  facts  nor  the  chronology  can  be  reconciled 
with  an  application  to  Christ.  ^  2  S.  71^. 

6  On  the  pre-exilic  date  of  the  passage  cf .  Cornill  197  ;  but  others  make  it 
po.st-exilic,    Cf.  Stade  in  Enc.  Bib.  IV.  4278. 


42  ESCHATOLOGY 

and  the  same  is  the  reference  in  the  messianic  promises  in 
Hosea,  '  Afterward  shall  the  children  of  Israel  return  and 
seek  Jehovah  their  God  and  David  their  king,'  ^  and  in  Amos, 
'  In  that  day  will  I  raise  up  the  tabernacle  of  David  that  is 
fallen,  .  .  .  and  will  build  it  as  in  the  days  of  old.'  ^  Jeremiah  ^ 
designates  the  coming  king  as  David  or  a  Branch,  but  the 
words,  '  David  shall  never  want  a  man  to  sit  upon  the  throne  of 
the  house  of  Israel '  "*  show  that  it  is  the  kingly  line  rather  than 
the  individual  person  that  he  has  in  mind.^  The  same  idea  is 
expressed  by  Ezekiel,  who  describes  the  rule  of  the  messianic 
kingdom  under  the  figure  of  the  cedar  (the  Davidic  house) 
which  shall  bring  forth  boughs  and  bear  fruit  '^  —  language  which 
makes  clear  the  meaning  of  '  my  servant  David  '  in  the  prophet's 
other  references  to  the  rule  of  the  messianic  era.  '^  This  is  clearly 
the  meaning  in  Psalms  89  and  132.  Also  1  Maccabees  ^  and 
Ecclesiasticus  ^  seem  to  contemplate  the  continuance  of  the 
Davidic  dynasty  rather  than  that  of  a  single  prince. 

(c)  On  the  other  hand  in  the  unfolding  of  messianic  revela- 
tion the  expectation  of  a  continuance  of  the  theocratic  kingship 
becomes  concrete  in  tlie  person  of  a  siyigle  ideal  prince  who  shall 
rule  the  people  of  God  —  an  expectation  which  is  at  last  real- 
ized in  the  Christ  that  '  abideth  for  ever.'  In  post-exilic  times 
and  especially  in  the  apocalyptic  writings  this  idea  becomes 
clear  and  generally  prevalent.  The  books  of  Isaiah  and  Micah 
are  the  earliest  prophetic  writings  to  announce  distinctly  this 
single  ideal  king.  ^^  In  the  wonderful  picture  of  the  eschatologi- 
cal  era  given  by  the  former  the  king  is  an  individual,  one  whose 
'  name  shall  be  called,  Wonderful,  Counsellor,  Mighty  God, 
Everlasting  Father,  Prince  of  Peace.'  ^^  The  brilliant  prophecy 
of  the  coming  era  in  Micah  ^^  culminates  in  one  individual  ruler 
who  shall  come  forth  out  of  the  house  of  David,  one  who  '  shall 

1  35. 

2  911.  These  passages  in  Hos.  and  Am.  are  regarded  by  recent  critics  as  post- 
exilic.  3  235,  309,^^3315  ff..  43317.  5  Cf.  Schultz  621.  6  1723. 

7  3423,  3724.  Cf.  Davidson  Ezk.  in  CB.  XLIX.  251,  Stade  294,  Hiiliu  46. 
Tlie  '  one  .shepherd  '  here  mean.s,  as  shown  by  37^^25^  that  in  tlie  me.S!5ianic  era 
the  two  kingdoms  Judah  and  Israel  shall  be  united  again.  *  2^7.  9  47". 

1"  All  the  paragraphs  in  Is.  and  Mic.  relative  to  the  subject  are  regarded  by  an 
increasing  number  of  critics  as  post-exilic. 

11  9c.  The  other  references  to  the  messianic  king  in  Is.  are  11'-*,  32i.  The 
context  shows  that  33i7,  often  taken  as  messianic,  refers  to  Jehovah. 

12  5i--*,  a  post-exilic  pas.sage. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  43 

stand  and  shall  feed  his  flock  in  the  strength  of  riehovah.' 
Haggai  ^  saw  in  the  return  from  the  captivity  the  dawn  of  the 
final  era  and  in  the  Davidic  leader  Zerubbabel  the  chosen  one 
whom  Jehovah  would  set  as  his  signet,  the  messianic  king.^' 
Zechariah's  view  seems  to  have  been  the  same.  In  the  promise 
'  Behold,  I  will  bring  forth  my  Servant  the  Branch,'  ^  the 
reference  is  apparently  to  Zerubbabel  as  the  messianic  prince.^ 
Second  Zechariah  ^  also  thinks  of  the  coming  of  a  single  per- 
sonal king  whose  '  dominion  shall  be  from  sea  to  sea  and  from  the 
River  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.' "^  With  this  would  agree  cer- 
tain Psalms,'''  unless  with  many  scholars  these  are  interpreted 
of  a  definite  historical  person.^  Jewish  apocalyptic  writings 
which  contain  this  form  of  messianic  hope  are,  among  others, 
2  Esdras,^  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,!*'  Enoch,^^  Sibylline 
Oracles,i2  ^j-^g  Psalms  of  Solomon.  ^^  In  the  New  Testament 
there  is  no  trace  of  any  other  expectation.  The  Targums 
and  Jewish  prayers  make  mention  of  the  hope  under  both  the 
individualistic  and  the  dynastic  form. 

As  expectation  centered  more  clearly  in  a  single  person  and 
his  nature  and  functions  came  to  be  conceived  as  unique,  nat- 
urally a  distinctive  appellation  or  title  arose ;  and  since  from  the 
beginning  the  king  of  God's  people  was  known  as  '  The  Lord's 
Anointed  '  the  ideal  king  of  the  coming  era  came  to  be  generally 
designated  as  preeminently  '  The  Anointed,'  or  preserving  the 
Hebrew  word  '  The  Messiah.'  ^^  As  the  distinctive  title  of  the  com- 
ing ideal  king  the  term  does  not  occur  in  the  Old  Testament,!^ 
but  is  found  frequently  later,  as  in  2  Esdras,!^  the  Apocalypse 
of  Baruch,!'^  immaterially  modified  in  the  Psalms  of  Solomon,^^ 
and  Enoch. 19  In  the  Talmud,  Targums,  and  New  Testament, 
as  the  popular  designation,  the  name  is  as  common  as  the  idea. 

1  220ff.  2  cf.  Stade  315,  Schultz  624.  3  S*,  cf.  612. 

4  Cf .  Hiihn  63,  Stade  and  Schultz  ibid.  The  comparison  of  6^2  f-  with  4^  show.s 
that  Zerubbabel  is  meant. 

5  By  this  term  is  meant  Zech.  9-14,  which,  though  held  by  some  to  be  pre- 
exilic,  most  critics  put  later  than  the  prophet  Zech.  Cf.  Driver.  Intr.  349, 
Cornill  363  ff.  6  991-..  7  2,  45,  72,  110.  «  Cf.  Hiihu  154,  Schultz  641. 

9  1232^  1332  ff-.  10  29,  39  f.  "  46,  48,  62.  12  m.  0.52.  is  XVII. 

14  ni^j^n  —  sometimes  without  the  article  as  a  proper  name  —  in  the  Sept. 
transliterated  6  Mecrcrtas,  translated  6  Xpicrros.  Cf .  Volz  213,  Bous.set  Jud.  214, 
Drummond  283  f . 

16  Ps.  22  would  form  an  exception,  if  against  critical  opinion  this  were  referred 
to  the  Messiah  only.  le  1232.  17  293,  30i.  «  1732,  186.  w  4810,  52*. 


44  ESCHATOLOGY 

The  title  Son  of  David,  found  in  the  Psalms  of  Solomon  ^  and 
in  the  Talmud  and  Targums,  is  seen  from  the  New  Testament  to 
have  become  common  in  popular  use.^  The  title  '  Son  of  God ' 
occurs  in  a  few  instances  in  non-Christian  writings,'^  not  all  of 
which  can  easily  be  referred  to  Christian  revision,^  just  as  the 
people  and  the  king  of  Israel  are  sometimes  so  denominated.^ 
The  name  '  Son  of  Man,'  made  familiar  to  us  by  its  use  in  the 
Gospels,  will  be  spoken  of  below.  *"  Other  designations  such  as 
'the  Elect  One,'  'the  Just,'  'the  Lion'  do  not  call  for  special 
notice  here. 

(c?)  The  function  of  the  Messiah  is  thus  first  of  all  conceived 
to  be  that  of  the  ruler  of  the  theocratic  kingdom ;  and  in  keep- 
ing with  the  ideal  character  of  that  kingdom  his  rule  is  to  be 
one  of  perfect  wisdom,  justice,  and  goodness.  His  agency, 
however,  especially  in  the  earlier  part  of  our  period,  is  not 
made  prominent  in  determining  the  nature  or  the  course  of  the 
kingdom.  The  kingdom  can  hardly  be  called  his  —  it  is  God's.'' 
Jehovah  is  king  ;  the  laws  and  ordinances  are  his ;  the  messianic 
king  is  his  servant.  '  My  servant  David  (i.e.  the  Messiah)  shall 
be  king  over  them,  .  .  .  they  shall  also  walk  in  mine  ordinances 
and  observe  my  statutes.'  ^  So  thoroughly  theocratic  is  the  idea 
of  the  state  that  the  figure  of  the  Messiah  is  that  of  a  perfunctory 
ruler  set  over  a  realm  already  established  and  perfected  by 
Jehovah.^  This  conception  occurs  also  even  in  later  writers. 
'It  will  come  to  pass,'  says  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  'when 
all  is  accomplished  which  was  to  come  to  pass  in  those  parts, 
that  the  Messiah  will  then  be  revealed.' ^"^  Generally,  however, 
in  the  later  years,  with  the  growing  doctrine  of  God's  apartness 
from  the  world  ^^  and  an  increasing  distinctness  in  the  conception 
of  the  office  of  the  messianic  king,  the  latter-  became  the  active 
agent  in  the  defense  of  God's  people,  the  destroyer  of  their 
enemies,  and  the  establisher  of  the  perfected  kingdom  of  God. 
'  When  the  nations  become  turbulent  and  the  time  of  my  Messiah 

1  1721.  2  cf.  Mt.  927,  1223.  3  cf.  e.g.  2  Es.  729,  1332,37^  j]n.  1052. 

4  Cf.  Volz  213,  Dmmmond  284  ff.  ^  cf.  Hos.  lli,  2  S.  7",  Ps.  2?,  8927. 

6  Cf.  p.  124  ff. 

7  Though  the  expression  'kingdom  of  God,'  'of  heaven,'  ^aaikda  rod  deoO, 
tQiv  ovpavQv,  common  in  later  literature,  does  not  occur  in  the  Old  Testament, 
the  idea  of  Jehovah's  rule  is  universal. 

8  p:zk.  8724,  ,.f.  Zee.  38,  Mic.  51  »  cf.  p.  37.  ^  293 f-,  cf.  En.  9a''i-^^ 
n  Cf.  Baldensperger  58  ff.,  Bousset  Jud.  3U2  ff..  Hast.  Extr.  308. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  ACE  45 

is  come,'  says  the  Apocalypse  of  Harucli,^  '  lie  will  both  summon 
all  the  nations,  and  some  of  them  he  will  spare  and  some  of  them 
he  will  slay.  .  .  ,  And  it  will  come  to  pass,  when  he  has 
brought  low  everything  that  is  in  the  world  and  has  sat  down  in 
peace  for  the  age  on  the  throne  of  his  kingdom,  that  joy  will 
then  be  revealed  and  rest  appear.'  So  2  Esdras,  foretelling  the 
conflicts  t)f  the  lust  days  and  the  mighty  acts  of  the  Messiah, 
says,  '  When  he  shall  destroy  the  multitude  of  the  nations  that 
are  gathered  together,  he  shall  defend  the  people  that  remain.' ^ 
It  should  however  be  noticed  that  the  redemption  wrought  by 
him  is  national  and  political  —  it  is  not  an  ethical  and  spiritual 
redemption  of  the  individual  soul,  though  evil  is  to  be  banished 
from  the  kingdom  set  up  by  him.^  To  his  agency  all  the  bless- 
ing and  glories  of  the  messianic  age  finally  come  to  be  attributed. 
He  will  bring  back  the  scattered  Israelites,'^  and  distribute  them 
through  the  land  after  their  tribes;  ^  he  will  make  Jerusalem 
more  splendid  than  the  stars  and  the  sun  and  the  moon  ;  he  will 
build  an  endless  tower  which  will  touch  even  the  clouds  and  be 
visible  to  all,  so  that  all  the  just  may  see  the  glory  of  the  eternal 
God ;  6  he  will  shepherd  the  Lord's  flock  in  faithfulness  and 
righteousness  and  will  not  suffer  any  among  them  to  become 
feeble  in  their  pastures ;  '^  he  will  let  no  iniquity  lodge  among 
his  people.^  In  his  days  knowledge  of  the  Lord  will  be  poured 
out  upon  the  earth  as  the  waters  of  the  sea ;  he  will  give  to  his 
sons  the  majesty  of  the  Lord,  he  will  open  the  doors  of  Paradise 
and  give  to  the  holy  ones  to  eat  of  the  tree  of  life,  and  the  spirit 
of  holiness  will  be  upon  them.^  The  radiant  picture  of  the 
fruits  of  his  rule  given  in  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  embraces 
not  only  a  society  delivered  from  all  spiritual  evils  but  also  a 
physical  world  in  which  pain  ceases  and  toil  is  marvelously 
rewarded.  '  Healing  will  descend  in  dew,  and  disease  will 
withdraw,  and  anxiety  and  anguish  and  lamentation  will  pass 
from  amongst  men  and  gladness  will  proceed  through  the  whole 

1  72  f.     Cf.  40. 

2  13«,  cf.  12  32  f.,  ps.  Sol.  1722,  Sib.  Or.  V.  108,  Test.  Jos.  19  ;  in  theN.  T.  Mt. 
2430  f.^  2  Thess.  28,  Rev.  19ii-i5. 

3  Is.  6021,  Ps.  Sol.  1730,  Sib.  Or.  V.  428  ff.    On  the  atonins? '  servant '  of  Jehovah 
see  p.  49 f.  4  2  Es.  1,339 ff-,  Ap.  Abr.  31.  s  Ps.  Sol.  1728. 

6  Sib.  Or.  V.  420  ff.  ^  Ts.  Sol.  1710.  8  jbid.  1727. 

9  Test.  Lev.  18^ «-. 


46  ESCHATOLOGY 

earth.  And  no  one  shall  again  die  untimely,  nor  shall  any 
adversity  suddenly  befall.  And  judgments  and  revilings  and 
contentions  and  revenges  and  blood  and  passions  and  envy  and 
hatred  and  whatsoever  things  are  like  these  shall  go  into  condem- 
nation when  they  are  removed.  .  .  .  The  reapers  will  not  grow 
weary,  nor  those  that  build  be  toil  worn ;  for  the  works  will  of 
themselves  speedily  advance  with  those  who  do  them  in  much 
tranquillity.'  1  '  The  earth  also  will  yield  its  fruit  ten  thousand- 
fold and  on  one  vine  there  will  be  a  thousand  branches,  and  each 
branch  will  produce  a  thousand  clusters,  and  each  cluster  will 
produce  a  thousand  grapes,  and  each  grape  will  produce  a  cor  of 
wine.  And  those  who  have  hungered  will  rejoice ;  moreover 
also  they  will  behold  marvels  every  day.'  ^ 

Of  the  three  great  offices  attributed  to  the  Messiah  in  Chris- 
tian thought,  those  of  prophet,  priest,  and  king,  the  last 
appears  almost  alone  before  the  time  of  Christ.  In  the  various 
activities  attributed  to  him  it  is  his  kingly  character  that  is 
generally  thought  of.  Yet  there  are  not  entirely  wanting 
traces  of  the  belief  that  he  would  join  with  this  character  the 
priestly  and  prophetic.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the  title  priest 
is  expressly  given  to  him  anywhere  in  the  Old  Testament,^  but 
a  certain  priestly  quality  seems  to  have  attached  to  the  person 
of  the  king  with  the  Hebrews  as  among  other  orientals.  David 
performed  the  ritual  acts  of  sacrifice  and  blessing,^  as  did  also 
Solomon,^  and  similar  functions  are  recorded  of  others.^  Not 
unnaturally  then  the  theocratic  king  of  the  messianic  era  might 
be  conceived  as  sharing  in  priestly  prerogatives.  The  prophecy 
given  in  Jeremiah  30^^  describes  the  prince  of  the  messianic 
kingdom  as  one  who  will  approach  unto  God,  that  is,  without 
an  intermediary  —  he  will  enjoy  the  privilege  of  the  high- 
priest.  The  king  extolled  in  Ps.  110,  and  declared  'a  priest 
forever  after  the  manner  [RVm.]  of  Melchizedek,'  even  if  not 
in  the  meaning  of  the  author  the  Messiah,  afterwards  came  to 
be  so  regarded.  The  argument  of  our  Lord  given  in  Mt.  22^^  *^-, 
and  that  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  5-7,  show  this  to  have 

1  73  f.  2  29. 

3  Zee.  6''  can  hardly  be  understood  to  unite  the  priest  and  the  king  in  the 
person  of  the  Messiali,  for  unquestionably  the  interpretation,  '  there  shall  be  a 
priest  upon  his  throne,'  RVm.,  is  to  be  preferred,  as  shown  by  the  following 
clause.  'i  2  S.  6>7  f-  &  1  K.  8",  9^5.  e  i  K.  1233,  2  K.  10=2  ='• 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  47 

been  current  opinion. ^  The  author  of  the  Testaments  of  the 
XII  Patriarchs,  writing  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  who 
were  first  priests  and  then  princes,  derives  the  Messiah  from 
the  tribe  of  Levi,  not  Judah,  and  makes  his  priestly  character 
the  more  prominent,^  but  in  what  appears  a  later  passage  ^  his 
origin  is  traced  to  both  tribes  —  he  unites  the  priestly  and  the 
kingly.  liut  in  all  these  allusions  to  the  priesthood  of  the 
Messiah  what  seems  to  be  thought  of  is  the  dignity  of  the  high- 
priest's  office  and  his  free  approach  to  God.  There  is  no  men- 
tion of  his  making  expiation  for  the  sins  of  the  people  ; 
nowhere  in  pre-Christian  literature  is  such  a  function  attributed 
to  him.*  That  appears  first  as  a  Christian  doctrine  in  the 
teaching  of  our  Lord  and  the  writers  of  the  New  Testament,^ 
where  it  receives  its  fullest  exposition  in  the  epistle  to  the 
Hebrews, 

The  express  designation  of  the  Messiah  as  a  prophet  is  still 
more  uncertain.  The  promise  that  a  prophet  like  Moses 
should  be  raised  up  unto  Israel,  Deut.  18^^,  did  not  primarily 
relate  to  the  Messiah;  ^  it  is  not  certain  that  it  came  to  be 
associated  with  him  before  Christian  insight  perceived  that  all 
the  great  organs  of  the  old  dispensation  were  united  in  their 
perfection  in  the  person  of  Christ.  The  language  of  the  peo- 
ple as  given  in  St.  John,  '  This  is  of  a  truth  the  prophet  that 
cometh  into  the  world ;  '  and  the  question  of  the  Pharisees  to 
the  Baptist,  '  Art  thou  the  prophet?'  ''  show  that  a  preeminent 
prophet  was  exj)ected,  doubtless  on  the  ground  of  the  Mosaic 
promise.  And  it  is  true  that  Jesus  is  said  to  have  perceived 
that  the  same  multitude  which  had  proclaimed  him  *  the 
prophet '  was  about  to  take  him  and  make  him  king,^  but  this 
does  not  conclusively  prove  an  identity  of  '  the  prophet '  and 
the  Messiah  in  their  minds,  since  their  purpose  may  have  been 

1  Undoubtedly  the  psalm  is  messianic  in  the  broader  sense  as  depicting  ideals 
which  are  realized  only  in  the  messianic  king  ;  and  our  Lord's  argument  and 
that  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews  are  cogent  because  based  on  the  generally 
acknowledged  ideal  contents  of  the  psalm.  Many  modern  interpreters  take  the 
reference  to  be  directly  to  the  Messiah  (Delitzsch,  Hengstenberg.  «L),  others 
understand  David  himself  to  be  meant  (Ewald,  Orelli,  aL),  but  the  larger  num- 
ber of  recent  scholars,  following  Hitzig,  take  the  subject  of  the  psalm  to  be  one 
of  the  Maccabees,  in  whose  persons  the  priestly  and  princely  were  united 
(Duhm,  Cheyne,  Huhn,  al.).  2  Test.  Lev.  8  and  18.  3  Test.  Gad  8. 

4  See  p.  49.  ^  Mt.  2028,  Mk.  lO^^,  Jno.  1^9,  1  Jno.  22,  Ro.  325,  Rev.  l^. 

6  See  p.  15.  t  6",  I21.  8  jno.  6"  *• 


48  ESCHATOLOGY 

indicated  by  other  words  and  acts  which  were  evoked  by  his 
'  signs,'  1  and  which  Jolm,  after  his  manner,  has  here  omitted.^ 
At  all  events,  the  identification  of  the  two  was  not  a  prevalent 
idea,  since  in  the  language  of  both  the  people  and  the  leaders 
they  are  seen  to  be  expressly  distinguished.^  The  author  of 
the  Testaments  of  the  XII  Patriarchs  seems  to  stand  alone 
among  Jewish  writers  in  designating  the  Messiah  as  a  prophet.^ 
Yet  Avhile  not  looked  upon  as  holding  the  distinct  prophetic 
office,  he  is  described  as  performing  in  his  kingly  character 
functions  which  belonged  to  the  prophet.  Not  only  was  he  to 
work  miracles  like  the  prophets,  but  —  and  this  is  the  most 
essential  office  of  the  prophet  —  he  was  to  come  in  the  power 
of  the  divine  Spirit  to  reveal  God's  will  to  men.  It  was  de- 
clared in  Isaiah'^  that  the  Spirit  of  Jehovah  should  rest  upon 
him,  the  spirit  of  wisdom  and  understanding,  the  spirit  of 
counsel,  and  following  out  this  thought  later  writers  sjDeak  of 
his  work  of  bringing  light  to  men.  '  All  the  secrets  of  wisdom 
will  come  forth  from  the  thoughts  of  his  mouth.'  ^  The  Samar- 
itans expected  a  Messiah  who  would  declare  unto  them  all 
things. '^  The  prophetic  function  of  revealing  God  was  never 
perfectly  fulfilled  till  he  came  who  could  say,  'He  that  hath 
seen  me  hath  seen  the  Father.'  ^  Both  his  words  and  his  works 
led  men    to  recognize    him    as  a  prophet    or    'the    prophet.'^ 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  expected  prophet  and  the  Messiah  may  in  the 
minds  of  the  people  have  stood  vaguely  in  close  combination.  Disciples 
who  had  recognized  Jesus  as  a  prophet  mighty  in  deed  and  word  had  until 
his  death  hoped  he  would  prove  the  promised  deliverer,  the  Messiah 
(Lk.  24^1).  It  was  a  current  belief  among  the  Jews  that  when  the 
Messiah  came  he  would  not  at  first  be  clearly  manifest  as  such.  In  Justin 
Martyr  a  Jew  is  represented  as  saying,  '  The  Messiah,  even  if  he  has  been 
born  and  is  somewhere  existent,  is  unknown  and  does  not  yet  even  know 
himself,  nor  has  he  any  power  until  Elijah  shall  come  and  anoint  hini  and 
make  him  known  to  all '  (Dial.  c.  Tryph.  8)  ;  and  again,  '  Even  if  they  say 
he  has  come,  it  is  not  known  who  he  is,  but  when  he  shall  have  become 
manifest  and  honored,  then  it  will  be  known  who  he  is'  (110).  A  story  is 
preserved  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  that  the  Messiah  shortly  after  his 
birth  was  snatched  away  from  his  mother  l)y  a  tempest  (cf.  Drummond 
280).     This  concealment  of  the  Messiah  before  his  public  manifestation  in 

1  Jno.  731.  2  Cf.  Zahn  in  loc,  Stanton  127.  ^  Jno.  l^s,  7«'  i- 

*  Test.  Lev.  8.  »  II2.  6  En.  51  ;  cf.  463,  Test.  Levi  18,  Test.  Jud.  24. 

»  Jno.  425.  8  Jno.  149.  9  Cf.  Mt.  21",  Lk.  716,  24i9,  Jno.  9",  Ac.  322. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  49 


final  fr:t  referred  to  elsewhere  (cf.  En.  62'^,  2  Es.  \2'^'^,  l^^",  the  Targtims ; 
Weber  Si/stem    342  ff.,  Schurer  II.  620,  Volz  219,    Dnimmond   280  f.) 


the  fina 

see    .. -.,  -  - 

was  made  by  the  Jews  an  argument  against  the  Messiahshi})  of  our  Lord. 
'When  the  Christ  cometh,'  they  say,  'no  one  knoweth  whence  he  is' 
(Jno.  727). 


It  was  not,  according  to  the  Jewish  idea,  a  part  of  the 
Messiah's  functions  that  he  should  svffer  arid  atone  for  the  sin  of 
his  people.  The  wonderful  figure  of  the  suffering  '  servant  of 
Jehovah '  portrayed  in  Second  Isaiah  embodies  more  than  any 
other  conception  of  Old  Testament  prophecy  the  characteristics 
which  the  Gospel  has  taught  us  to  attribute  to  the  Messiah  as 
the  redeemer  of  the  world.  Interwoven  with  our  most  funda- 
mental ideas  of  our  Lord's  person  and  work  are  the  words  of  the 
prophet,  '  Surely  he  hath  borne  our  griefs  and  carried  our  sor- 
rows ...  he  was  wounded  for  our  trangressions,  .  .  .  the 
chastisement  of  our  peace  was  upon  him ;  and  with  his  stripes 
we  are  healed.'  ^  And  unquestionably  these  words  regarding 
the  '  servant  of  Jehovah  '  are  indirectly  most  truly  prophetic  of 
Christ,  and  are  perfectly  verified  in  him  alone.^  Most  scholars 
at  the  present  time  understand  the  '  servant '  to  be  a  persoyiifica- 
tion  of  either  the  faithful  portion  of  Israel,  the  true  Israel  as 
contrasted  with  the  unfaithful  multitude,  or  the  ideal  Israel, 
'  who  by  his  vicarious  sufferings  makes  atonement  for  the  trans- 
gressions of  God's  people  and  by  his  loyal  fulfillment  of  the 
divine  mission  intrusted  to  him  becomes  the  "  light  of  the 
Gentiles  "  and  the  missionary  of  the  nations,  so  accomplishing  in 
his  own  person  the  ideal  functions  of  the  chosen  people.'  ^  It  is 
reasonably  certain  that  neither  the  prophet  himself  nor  his  pre- 
Christian  readers  associated  the  '  servant '  with  the  Messiah, 
and  such  association  is  not  found  in  the  prophets  nor  in  any 
eschatological  writer  before  the  Christian  era.  The  references 
to  a  suffering  Messiah  in  the  rabbinical  writers  are  generally, 
perhaps  always,  of  a  later  date."*     The  slowness   of  even   the 

1  Is.  53<  f- 

2  The  so-called  '  servant  passages '  (Is.  42i-^,  49i-6,  50*-9,  52i3-.53i2)  have  been 
the  subject  of  great  controversy.  For  a  good  summary  of  the  different  views  see 
Skinner  in  CB.  Is.  XL-LXVL  23.3  ff.  Cf.  also  Hast.  Extr.  Index.  On  the 
hterature  of  the  subject  see  Enc.  Bib.  IV.  4409,  Hast.  Extr.  707. 

3  Ottley  in  Hast.  II.  459. 

4  Cf.  Dalman  Der  leidende  Messias  66  f.,  Weber  System  343  ff.,  Schiirer  II. 
648  ff. 


50  ESCHATOLOGY 

disciples  of  our  Lord  in  learning  that  he  could  submit  to  being 
put  to  death!  and  the  diiftculty  throughout  the  period  of  New 
Testament  history  in  convincing  men  that  '  it  behooved  the 
Christ  to  suffer '  ^  show  that  at  that  time  there  was  in  prevalent 
Jewish  belief  no  connection  between  the  Messiah  and  the  '  suffer- 
ing servant.'^  Second  Esdras  *  contains  the  remarkable  decla- 
ration that  the  Messiah  after  a  reign  of  glory  lasting  400  years 
shall  die  and  with  him  all  that  have  the  breath  of  life,  as  an  ante- 
cedent of  the  final  judgment ;  but  this  has  no  relation  to  an 
atoning  death. ^ 

(^)  The  Nature  of  the  Messiah.  As  the  direct  descendant  of 
David  the  Messiah  was  necessarily  thought  of  as  human.  The 
absolute  monotheism  of  the  Hebrews  forbids  us  to  understand 
the  utterances  of  the  prophets  as  predicating  metaphysical 
divinity  of  him,  unless  there  is  no  other  reasonable  interpreta- 
tion of  their  Avords.  But  such  an  interpretation  lies  near  at 
hand.  As  the  supreme  representative  and  agent  of  Jehovah 
in  the  rule  of  his  people,  tlie  one  upon  whom  the  Spirit  of 
Jehovah  should  rest  in  largest  measure,  whose  reign  should  be 
in  perfect  wisdom  and  righteousness  and  continue  forever,  he 
could  not  be  characterized  in  terms  applicable  to  any  other 
man  ;  and  the  exuberance  of  oriental  language  could  hardly  fall 
short  of  ascriptions  which,  taken  literally,  belong  only  to  the 
divine.  In  the  loftiest  characterization  of  him  given  by  the 
prophets,  that  found  in  Isaiah,^  the  epithets  are  meant  to  describe 
him  as  the  one  in  whom  and  through  whom  God  worked  as  in 
and  through  no  other.  The  epithet,  '  Mighty  God,'  whether 
taken  to  mean  '  God-like  hero '  or  '  Hero-God,'  signalizes  the 
might  of  God  which  is  operative  in  the  person  of  the  Messiah. 
The  name  '  Everlasting  Father '  describes  him  as  a  king  who  is 
forever  like  a  father  to  his  people.^  The  name  Immanuel, 
'  God  with  us,'  ^  even  if  taken  to  refer  to  the  Messiah,  can  de- 

1  Mt.  1622,  Lk.  1834.  2  Acts  173. 

3  On  our  Lord's  attitude  toward  the  idea,  see.  p.  130.  "•  728*-. 

*  The  same  is  true  of  a  curious  and  late  beUet'  found  in  certain  rabbinical 
writers  that  a  Messiah,  the  son  of  Joseph,  i.e.  of  the  tribe  of  Joseph,  called  also  the 
son  of  Ephraim,  and  so  a  Messiah  of  the  Ten  tribes,  would  light  against  hostile 
powers  and  die  before  the  Messiah,  son  of  David,  should  set  up  his  kingdom  for 
ever.     Cf.  Weber  System  346  f.,  Schiirer  II.  625,  Drummond  356  f.  ^  9^*- 

^  Cf .  Is.  2221.  Ou  tiie  whole  passage  cf .  Delitzsch,  Duhm,  Cheyne,  Schultz  610, 
Orelli  272  ff.     On  'forever  '  cf.  Ezk.  3725,  Dan.  2\  » Is.  7",  88. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  51 

note  only  God's  presence  through  his  representative.  But 
while  the  prophets  always  thought  of  the  Messiah  as  human, 
they  conceived  him  to  be  endowed  with  powers  and  attributes 
which  far  transcended  those  of  all  other  men,  and  their  ideal 
could  not  be  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  their  forms  of 
thought.  What  they  saw  dimly  could  find  its  perfect  embodi- 
ment only  in  him  who  was  'God  incarnate,  Man  divine.'  In 
the  later  j'ears  of  our  period  there  arose  a  clearer  perception  of 
his  actual  superhuman  nature,  as  will  be  seen  below. ^ 

(3)  Tlie  relation  of  the  kingdom  and  religion  of  Jeliovah  to 
the  Gentiles  in  the  messianic  age.  The  slowness  of  the  people  of 
Israel  to  learn  that  there  is  but  one  God,  Jehovah,  is  seen  in 
their  frequent  lapses  into  the  worship  of  heathen  divinities,  to 
whom  they  must  have  attributed  a  real  being  and  power.  How 
early  the  truth  of  absolute  monotheism  came  to  be  apprehended 
even  by  the  religious  leaders  cannot  be  determined  with  cer- 
tainty, because  many  utterances  attributed  to  earlier  writers  are 
probably  to  be  referred  to  a  later  source.  But  whatever  tenden- 
cies to  recognize  national  gods  may  have  existed  before  the 
exile,  after  that  period  the  belief  is  general  in  Israel  that  the 
gods  of  the  heathen  are  no  gods,  that  Jehovah  alone  is  God,^  and 
that  he  is  sovereign  Lord  over  all  the  world.  As  a  result  partly 
of  this  general  perception  of  tlie  oneness  of  God  and  his  holy 
character  and  partly  of  movements  in  political  history,  three 
important  ideas  regarding  the  relation  of  the  eschatological 
kingdom  to  the  Gentiles  —  ideas  doubtless  already  seized  by  the 
more  enlightened  minds  —  emerge  in  our  period  into  clearness  : 
(a)  the  chosen  people  have  a  mission  to  make  Jehovah  known 
to  the  Gentiles ;  (K)  Jehovah  must  be  acknowledged  by  all 
mankind  ;  (c)  the  messianic  kingdom  must  embrace  all  peoples 
of  the  earth,  (a)  Out  of  the  experience  of  the  exile  the  author  of 
the  wonderful  prophecies  in  Second  Isaiah  comes  with  the  mes- 
sage, that  as  Jehovah  has  ordained  prophets  and  priests  for  his 
people,  so  he  has  raised  up  his  '  servant '  Israel  to  perform  the 
like  offices  for  the  Gentile  world ;  '  I  will  give  thee  for  a  light 
to  the  Gentiles,  that  thou  mayest  be  my  salvation  unto  the  end 
of  the  earth  ' ;  ^     'I  will  give  thee  for  a  covenant  of  the  people, 

1  Cf .  p.  73  ff.  2  Is.  446,  4514.  a  is.  496. 


52  ESCHATOLOGY 

for  a  light  of  the  Gentiles  ;  to  open  the  blind  eyes,  to  bring  out 
the  prisoners  from  the  dungeon,  and  them  that  sit  in  darkness 
out  of  the  prison-house.'  ^  And  the  consciousness  of  this  sub- 
lime mission,  though  in  many  quarters  stifled  by  the  narrow 
spirit  of  Judaism,  appears  not  seldom  in  the  course  of  our  period. 
It  finds  expression  in  some  of  the  Psalms:  'God  be  merciful 
unto  us  and  bless  us,  .  .  .  that  thy  way  may  be  known  upon 
earth,  thy  salvation  among  all  nations ' ;  ^  it  appears  in  the 
apocalyptic  writers :  '  The  people  of  the  great  God  will  be  to 
all  mortals  the  guide  to  life ' ;  ^  it  is  the  most  potent  of  the 
forces  in  the  proselytism  active  in  the  last  centuries  of  Israel's 
history.  This  belief  in  God 's  merciful  regard  for  the  Gentiles 
is  nobly  set  forth  in  the  book  of  Jonah,  a  poem  which  out  of  a 
legend  regarding  the  prophet  brings  with  dramatic  power  the 
truth  that  God  wills  the  repentance  of  all  sinners,  even  the 
heathen,  and  that  he  himself  provides  for  their  instruction  and 
admonition. 

(6)  The  expectation  that  the  rule  and  worship  of  Jehovah  would 
be  universally  recognized  in  the  eschatological  age  now  becomes 
common.  Unto  him  '  every  knee  shall  bow,  every  tongue  shall 
swear ' ;  *  his  '  house  shall  be  called  a  house  of  prayer  for  all 
peoples';^  'Jehovah  will  arise  upon  thee  [Jerusalem].  .  .  .  And 
nations  shall  come  to  thy  light  and  kings  to  the  brightness  of  thy 
rising.'  ^  The  prophet  of  Isaiah  60  gives  a  sublime  picture  of 
the  nations  thronging  to  Jerusalem  with  their  wealth  of  gold 
and  frankincense  and  herds  to  offer  all  in  sacrifice  to  Jehovah, 
and  with  their  sons  and  daughters  to  minister  before  him.'^ 
(c)  And  the  Messiah's  dominion,  vaster  even  than  the  great  world- 
empires,  which  presented  to  the  Jew  an  imperfect  prototype 
of  a  universal  sway,  is  described  as  a  dominion  which  should 
reach  from  sea  to  sea  and  from  the  River  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth. ^  '  The  greatness  of  the  kingdoms  under  the  whole 
heaven  shall  be  given  to  the  people  of  the  saints  of  the  Most 
Hisfh.'  ^     In  non-canonical  writers  also  the  same  outlook  is  ex- 

1  426  f-,  cf.  514.  2  Ps.  671,  cf.  963,  i02i5. 

3  Sib.  Or.  III.  194  f.,  cf.  En.  48*,  105i,  Test.  Lev.  18.  ^  Is.  4523. 

5  567.  6  602  r-,  cf.  445. 

7  Cf.  also  4922f-,  566 f-,  zec.  820ff.,  14i6ff.,  Tob.  13",  Ps.  Sol.  173i,  Ap.  Bar.  685, 
Sib.  Or.  III.  710.  »  Zec.  910. 

9  Dan.  727,  cf.  Is.  22-*,  Ps.  2227f.. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  53 

pressed.     '  There  will  come  the   holy  ruler  who  will  hold  the 
scepter  over  the  whole  earth.'  ^ 

On  the  other  hand,  parallel  with  the  glorious  prophecy  of  the 
nations  paying  homage  to  Jehovah  and  their  incorporation  into 
the  messianic  kingdom,  there  runs  through  our  whole  period 
another  and  more  common  view.  The  bitter  sufferings  of 
God's  people  at  the  hands  of  the  world-conquerors,  and  the 
degradation  of  the  nations  in  morals  and  religion  caused  the 
Jews  to  regard  all  Gentiles  as  the  enemies  of  God  and  doomed 
to  merciless  destruction.  Fierce  predictions  of  the  outpouring 
of  God's  fury  upon  all  the  nations  and  their  utter  destruc- 
tion are  the  prophecies  predominant  in  the  later  prophets  and 
apocalyptic  writers.  Jehovah's  wrath  will  be  visited  upon  the 
people  of  the  earth  through  fire  and  sword,  and  through  all  the 
forces  of  nature  ;  all  powers  will  be  overthrown,  all  the  heathen 
will  be  consumed  with  unrelenting  vengeance. ^  Intermediate 
between  these  two  views  and  in  part  reconciling  them  are 
glimpses  of  the  idea  of  a  remnant  which  should  be  left  among 
the  peoples  judged  and  which  should  be  joined  with  the  peo- 
ple of  God.  Visitations  sent  upon  them  should  produce  fruit 
among  the  Gentiles  also.^  '  It  shall  come  to  pass  that  every  one 
that  is  left  of  all  the  nations  that  came  against  Jerusalem  shall 
go  up  from  year  to  year  to  worship  the  King,  Jehovah  of  hosts.'  '^ 
The  universalistic  ideal  which  recognized  God's  mercy  for  the 
Gentiles  and  looked  for  their  admission  into  the  messianic  king- 
dom could  not  in  the  conditions  of  the  post-exilic  era  become 
the  predominant  belief.  The  influence  in  the  opposite  direction 
of  particularism  was  too  powerful.  The  Jewish  people  in  these 
centuries,  as  the  subjects  of  foreign  powers,  formed  an  organized 
religious  community  rather  than  an  actual  state  and  their  very 
existence  as  the  people  of  God  depended  upon  a  rigorous  main- 
tenance of  the  laws  and  ordinances  of  their  religion.  This 
became  the  period  of  legalism.  The  Mosaic  law  now  reached  its 
fullest  development,  and  observance  of  its  ceremonial  rites  and 
prescriptions  constituted  the  essential  in  loyalty  to  Jehovah, 
perhaps  even  more  than  did  performance  of  the  moral  and 

1  Sib.  Or.  III.  49,  cf.  Ps.  Sol.  1730,  En.  48^,  626,  Ap.  Bar.  .53io. 

2  Cf.  Ezk.  .39^-20,  Is.  47,  636,  m^\  Jl.  3.  Ob.  vv  15  f..  Zee.  14i-«,  Dan.  7"^-, 
2  Es.  1337'-,  Ps.  Sol.  1724,  Ap.  Bar.  40,  726,  sib.  Or.  III.  303-6.51,  Test.  Sim.  6. 

3  Cf.  Is.  1918-22.  4  Zee.  1416,  cf.  9',  Jer.  12i5f.,  Ap.  Bar.  72^,  Te.st.  Jud.  24. 


54  ESCHATOLOGY 

spiritual  duties  enjoined.  All  that  lay  outside  of  this  conse- 
crated community  was  unclean,  unholy,  hateful  to  God.  More 
and  more  the  necessity  of  entire  separation  from  the  nations 
came  to  be  felt,  and  there  resulted  the  narrow,  hardened  exclu- 
siveness  such  as  is  seen  in  the  pharisaism  of  the  New  Testament 
era.  As  Israel  was  not  yet  ready  for  the  truth  that  the  Messiah 
would  suffer  for  his  people ,i  so  the  idea  of  the  universality  of 
his  kingdom  could  not  be  largely  fruitful  till  the  Gospel  re- 
vealed its  true  meaning. 

(4)  The  centi'ol  seat  of  worship  and  7'ule  in  the  messianic 
kingdom.  In  the  prophecies  mentioned  above  it  will  be  noticed 
that  even  where  the  conception  of  the  messianic  kingdom 
comes  nearest  to  Christian  universalism,  Jerusalem  is  to  be  the 
center  of  Jehovah's  worship  for  all  nations  and  the  seat  of  rule 
over  all  the  earth. 2  Many  peoples  and  strong  nations  will 
come  to  seek  Jehovah  of  hosts  in  Jerusalem,  ten  men  out  of  all 
the  languages  of  the  nations  will  take  hold  of  the  skirt  of  him 
that  is  a  Jew,  saying.  We  will  go  with  you;  ^  the  gates  of 
Jerusalem  will  not  be  shut  day  nor  night  that  men  may  bring 
unto  it  the  wealth  of  the  nations;  '^  in  Mount  Zion  will  be  set 
up  the  throne  of  universal  judgment ;  ^  '  From  the  whole  earth 
they  will  bring  incense  and  gifts  to  the  house  of  the  great  God, 
and  there  will  be  no  other  house  with  men,  .  .  .  all  the  paths 
of  the  field,  and  the  rough  hills  and  the  high  mountains  and 
the  wild  waves  of  the  sea  Avill  be  passable  on  foot  and  for  ships 
in  those  days.'  ^  The  ideal  is  local  and  earthly  ;  no  other  is 
found  in  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures.  Heaven  as  the  des- 
tined abode  of  the  saints  is  there  unknown.  A  purely  spiritual 
kingdom  in  which  the  blessed  abide  and  reign  with  God  in  a 
world  beyond  appears  first  in  the  Apocrypha  and  the  apoca- 
lyptic writings;  but  even  there  does  not  displace  the  idea  of  a 
national  and  terrestrial  realm;  that  continues  to  occupy  the 
center  of  eschatological  outlook.  The  disciples  who  stood 
nearest  to  our  Lord  were  slow  to  learn  that  the  Messiah's 
kingdom  is  not  of  this  world. ^     'The  numerous  popular  dis- 

1  See  p.  49.  2  zec.  99  f-  '  Zee.  8^2  f-  ■»  Is.  GO". 

6  2  Es.  1335  ff-,  Ap.  Bar.  40i. 

6  Sib   Or.  III.  772  ff.     Cf.  citations  on  p.  52,  also  Ezk.  1723,  i^  Qib  f.,  Q^^m  ff, 
Ob.  V  21,  En.  9033,  sib.  Or.  III.  718  f.  '  Cf.  Ac.  l--'. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  55 

turbiinces  of  a  politico-religious  nature  in  the  time  of  the 
Procurators  (a.d.  44-66)  show  sufficiently  the  feverish  expec- 
tation with  which  the  people  look  forward  to  a  miraculous 
intervention  of  God  in  the  course  of  history  and  to  the  dawn 
of  his  kingdom  on  earth.  How  else  could  men  like  Theudas 
and  the  Egyptian  have  found  believers  in  their  promises  by 
hundreds  and  thousands?  '  ^  —  language  equally  applicable  to 
the  rebellion  of  Bar-Cochba,  whom  many  held  to  be  the 
Messiah. 

The  remarkable  passages  Is.  19^^,  speaking  of  an  altar  to  Jehovah  in 
Egypt,  and  Mai.  1^^,  speaking  of  incense  offered  to  Jehovah  among  the 
Gentiles  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  of  the  sun,  while  containing  '  a 
notable  effort  to  break  through  the  localized  conception  of  God's  kingdom  ' 
(Orelli  318),  are  not  at  variance  with  the  representation  found  everywhere 
in  our  period  regarding  Jerusalem  as  the  religious  center  even  for  foreign 
nations.  Such  offerings  are  expressive  of  a  recognition  of  Jehovah  (akin 
to  the  worship  of  an  Israelite  in  exile)  beyond  Zion  his  chosen  dwelling- 
place,  to  which  all  nations  will  also  bring  their  oblations,  as  to  the  sole 
seat  of  Jehovah's  abode. 

But  while  the  eschatological  kingdom  is  thus  local  and  earthly, 
it  is  conceived  under  a  form  fitting  the  perfected  reign  of  God 
and  the  perfected  condition  of  man.  On  through  the  prophets 
and  apocalyptic  writers  the  picture  unfolds  itself  with  wonder- 
ful splendor.  The  universe  of  nature  and  man  will  be  wholly 
transformed  ;  the  wilderness  and  the  dry  land  will  be  glad,  the 
desert  will  rejoice  and  blossom  as  the  rose,  the  eyes  of  the 
blind  will  be  opened  and  the  ears  of  the  deaf  unstopped,  the 
lame  will  leap  as  a  hart  and  the  tongue  of  the  dumb  sing  ; 
the  ransomed  of  Jehovah  will  come  with  sinsfing-  unto  Zion 
and  everlasting  joy  will  be  upon  their  heads,  they  will  obtain 
joy  and  gladness,  and  sorrow  and  sighing  will  flee  away;^  the 
wolf  and  the  lamb  will  feed  together,  the  lion  will  eat  straw 
like  the  ox,  they  will  not  hurt  nor  destroy  in  all  God's  holy 
mountain.^  The  apocalyptic  writers  following  on  in  the  line 
of  the  prophets  reproduce  this  picture,  sometimes  in  varied 
form  only,  sometimes  with  extravagant  additions.*  The  glory 
of  the  kingdom  will  be  especially  exhibited  in  the  resplendency 
of  its  capital  city.     Jerusalem  will  be  builded  with  sapphires 

1  Schurer  11.  604.  2  jg.  35.  3  6525. 

4  Cf.  En.  1017  it.^  256,  Ap.  Bar.  732  ff.,  cited  on  p.  45  f.,  Sib.  Or.  III.  743  ff. 


56  ESCHATOLOGY 

and  emeralds  and  precious  stones  ;  its  walls  and  towers  and 
battlements  with  pure  gold;  its  streets  will  be  paved  with 
beryl  and  carbuncle  and  stones  of  Ophir.^  The  hope  which 
inspires  this  glowing  panegyric  of  Tobit  breaks  out  in  the  ex- 
ultant call  of  Baruch :  '  Pat  off,  O  Jerusalem,  tlie  garment 
of  thy  mourning  and  affliction,  and  put  on  the  comeliness  of 
the  glory  that  cometh  from  God  for  ever,  ...  set  a  diadem 
on  thine  head  of  the  glory  of  the  Everlasting.  For  (iod  will 
show  thy  brightness  to  every  region  under  heaven.' ^  From 
the  idea  of  transformation  a  fervid  religious  imagination  passes 
on  to  the  destruction  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth  that  now 
are,3  and  to  a  new  creation  which  shall  abide  for  ever.  ••  Behold, 
I  create  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth,  and  the  former  things 
shall  not  be  remembered.'  ^  '  Everything  that  is  corruptible 
will  pass  away,  and  everything  that  dies  will  depart ;  .  .  .  and 
the  hour  comes  which  will  abide  for  ever,  and  the  new  world 
which  does  not  turn  to  corruption  those  who  depart  to  its 
blessedness.'  ^ 

In  view,  on  the  one  hand,  of  the  highly  ideal  glory  of  the 
transformed  Jerusalem,  as  pictured  in  these  hopes,  and  on  tlie 
other,  of  the  traditional  belief  that  the  earthly  tabernacle  was 
a  copy  of  a  heavenly  pattern,'^  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  rise 
of  the  idea  of  a  Jerusalem  altogether  heavenly,  which  in  the 
messianic  age  should  descend  upon  the  earth  as  the  Holy  City 
of  God's  people,  though  the  old  idea  of  tlie  renewal  and  glorifi- 
cation of  the  present  Jerusalem  still  remained  predominant. 
Enoch "'  sees  in  vision  the  removal  of  the  old  Jerusalem,  and 
the  bringing  in  of  the  new.  The  former  is  wrapped  up,  and 
with  all  its  pillars  and  beams  and  ornaments  is  carried  away. 
Then  '  the  Lord  of  the  sheep  brought  in  a  new  house  greater 
and  higher  than  that  first  house,  and  set  it  up  on  the  place  of 
the  first ;  ...  all  its  columns  were  new,  also  the  ornaments 
were  new  and  greater  than  those  of  the  first  old  one  which 
he  had  carried  away;  .  .  .  and  the  Lord  of  the  sheep  was 
therein.'    In  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch,  as  the  seer  laments  the 

1  Tob.  1316  f.  2  Bar.  5^  «■     Cf.  Is.  54"  f-,  Ps.  Sol.  173i,  Sib.  Or.  V.  420  ff. 

3  Is.  51fi,  .11.  231,  Ps.  10226  f-,  2  Es.  62o,  En.  is  «-,  Mt.  2429,  2  Pet.  S'o. 

4  Is.  6517. 

5  Ap.  Bar.  449  n._^  cf.  326,  is.  6622,  2  Es.  6  is*-,  V'\  2  Pet.  312  f-,  Rev.  21i. 
e  Ex.  25*,  Heb.  8^.  '  9028  f- 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  57 

destruction  of  JerUvSalem  tliere  comes  to  him  the  word  of  the 
Lord,  ^  Dost  thou  think  that  this  is  that  city  of  which  I  said, 
On  the  palms  of  my  hand  have  1  graven  thee?  It  is  not  this 
buihling  which  is  now  built  in  your  midst ;  it  is  that  which 
will  be  revealed  with  me,  that  which  was  prepared  beforehand 
here  from  the  time  when  I  took  counsel  to  make  Paradise, 
and  showed  it  to  Adam  before  he  sinned ;  .  .  .  I  showed  it 
to  my  servant  Abraham  by  night  among  the  portions  of  the 
victims.  And  again  I  showed  it  to  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai, 
.  .  .  and  now,  behold,  it  is  preserved  with  me,  as  also  Para- 
dise.'^  This  idea  was  common  in  the  later  centuries  of  our 
period  ;  it  appears  frequently  in  the  rabbinical  writings,'^  and 
also  in  the  New  Testament  in  the  expressions  '  new  Jerusalem ' 
'heavenly  Jerusalem,'  '•Jerusalem  that  is  above.' ^  Its  most 
magnificent  expression  is  that  given  in  the  vision  of  the  Holy 
City  coming  down  out  of  heaven  from  God  as  described  in 
Rev.  21-22.  While  the  profound  spiritual  insight  of  the  New 
Testament  writers  gives  to  their  words  a  meaning  beyond  the 
literal  limitation,  their  language  nevertheless  shows  the  com- 
monness of  the  idea. 

It  should  in  conclusion  be  noticed,  however,  that  all  the 
material  glories,  all  the  earthly  blessings  ascribed  to  the 
messianic  kingdom  and  the  new  Jerusalem  are  only  the  corol- 
lary of  its  spiritual  perfections.  Clod  will  dwell  there  continu- 
ally with  his  people,  and  will  be  unto  them  an  everlasting 
light ;  "*  the  covenant  of  his  peace  will  never  be  removed ;  ^  all 
will  be  taught  of  Jehovah  and  enjoy  great  peace  ;  ^  a  fountain 
for  sin  and  uncleanness  will  be  opened  tliere ;  '^  God  will  give 
his  people  a  new  heart,  that  they  may  walk  in  his  statutes  and 
keep  his  ordinances ;  ^  they  will  all  be  righteous ;  ^  the  unclean 
will  no  more  come  there. ^"^  And  this  crowning  characterization 
of  the  kingdom,  as  given  in  the  prophets,  continues  through 
the  post-canonical  writers.  ^^ 

i42ff-,  cf.322ff-,  2E.S.  72G,  852. 

2  Cf.  Weber  System  38(j,  the  newly  discovered  Odes  of  Solomon  4'.  See 
Dalman  Worte  10(3.  3  Rev.  312,  212,  Heb.  I222,  Gal.  426. 

4  Is.  0019,  Zee.  83,  ,11.  317.  '•>  Is.  5410.  6  5413.  7  Zee.  13i. 

8  Ezk.  1119.  9  Is.  6021.  10  .521. 

11  Cf.  2  Es.  627  f.,  853,  En.  IO20  f-,  6929,  Ps.  Sol.  1732, 4i,  Test.  Levi  18,  Jub. 

117,  23  ff.,  28, 


58  ESCHATOLOGY 

(5)  The  lot  of  those  who  die  before  the  incoming  of  the  kingdom. 
Not  until  late  in  Hebrew  history  does  the  belief,  that  the  dead 
will  rise  to  share  in  the  blessedness  of  the  messianic  kingdom, 
emerge  with  clearness  and  obtain  wide  acceptance.  The  state 
of  the  dead  as  thought  of  through  nearly  the  whole  period  of 
the  Old  Testament  writings  is  one  of  a  shadowy  existence  in 
an  underworld  of  darkness,  from  which  there  is  no  return. ^ 
The  dead  continue  to  exist,  but  in  a  mode  which  is  not  called 
life.  In  a  subject  about  which  gathered  inscrutable  mystery, 
upon  which  there  was  no  attempt  to  form  sharply  defined  and 
systematic  ideas,  the  language  of  the  prophets  and  poets  of  the 
Old  Testament  must  not  be  pressed  Avith  too  rigorous  literal- 
ness,  nor  must  we  expect  exact  self -consistency  even  in  a  single 
writer.  But  there  is  general  agreement  in  representing  the 
state  of  the  dead  as  in  sharp  contrast  with  all  that  is  most 
valued  in  life.  They  are  cut  off  from  communion  with  God 
and  even  from  his  care.^  Remembrance  and  knowledge  of  the 
things  of  life  are  gone,  pleasure  is  no  more,  pain  and  sadness 
take  its  place ;  ^  princes  and  captives,  the  servant  and  his  mas- 
ter, the  small  and  the  great,  are  alike  there.*  There  are,  to  be 
sure,  traces  of  a  somewhat  different  view,  according  to  which 
the  distinctions  of  this  life  continue  ;  kings  occupy  thrones, 
they  remember  the  king  of  Babylon,  and  greet  him  with  taunts 
as  he  comes  down  among  them;  ^  they  are  thought  to  have 
knowledge  of  human  affairs,  and  are  consulted  in  divination.^ 
But  this  is  the  less  usual  view,  and  even  this  does  not  strongly 
lighten  up  their  unsubstantial  existence.  The  thought  which 
cheered  Socrates  in  view  of  his  end,  that  in  Hades  he  would 
be  in  blessed  communion  with  the  great  and  good  of  all  time  "> 
is  not  found  among  the  Hebrews ;  their  view  of  death  was  not 
brighter  than  that  of  the  Homeric  Achilles,  who  in  the  under- 
world laments :  '  Speak  not  comfortably  to  me  of  death ;  I 
would  rather  on  earth  do  villain's  service  to  another,  one  with- 
out inheritance,  whose  substance  is  but  little,  than  be  king  of 
all  the  dead.'^     Death  may  be   spoken    of   as  a  release  from 

1  .Job  1021  f-  2  Is.  3818,  Ps.  65,  309,  885,  ii  f,  11517,  job  IO21  f-,  I47-12. 

3  Job  77-10,  1421  f-,  Ec.  910.  ■*  Job  313  ff-,  Ec.  92. 

5  Is.  149  f-     Cf.  Ezk.  3221.  6  1  s.  28»-i9,  Is.  8i9.  ^  i>iat.  Apol.  40-41. 

8  Od.  XI.  488  ff.  Cf.  Schultz  .554  ff.,  Stade  183  f.,  Schwally  Leben  nacli  d. 
Tode  (i;j  ft'.,  Salmoud  Immortality  200  ff. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  59 

trouble  and  pain,i  but  in  the  Old  Testament  it  is  not  thought 
of  as  a  state  where  the  wrongs  of  life  will  be  righted,  iniquity 
punished,  virtue  rewarded.^  The  awards  of  conduct  fall  in  this 
world.  The  rewards  of  the  good  are  prosperity,  long  life,  and 
a  peaceful  death;  ^  the  wicked  are  visited  with  misfortune,  and 
with  an  untimely  and  miserable  death;  *  or  if  the  due  awards 
do  not  come  to  a  man  himself,  they  befall  his  family  or  people, 
perhaps  in  a  later  generation.^  Strange  as  this  last  mentioned 
allotment  may  seem  to  us  with  our  developed  sense  of  individ- 
uality, it  did  not  appear  so  to  the  earlier  Hebrews  with  whom 
the  solidarity  of  the  family,  tribe,  or  people  was  a  ruling  idea.^ 
The  individual  being  lost  in  the  larger  unit,  the  sense  of  jus- 
tice was  not  disturbed,  if  retribution  was  transferred  to  one's 
descendants  or  people.  So  late  as  the  times  of  Jeremiah  and 
Ezekiel  do  the  worth  and  claims  of  the  individual  first  begin 
to  assume  clearness  in  the  religious  consciousness  of  the 
Hebrews. 

The  hope  which  in  time  came  to  relieve  this  gloomy  outlook 
into  death  did  not  as  among  the  Greeks  arise  from  a  belief  in 
an  immortality  of  higher  activity  for  the  soul  freed  from  the 
hindrances  of  the  body,'^  but  rather  from  a  belief  in  a  release 
from  the  prison-house,  a  bodily  resurrection  to  life  in  all  its 
fullness  of  joy  and  capability.^  This  belief  was  slow  to  arise 
because  of  the  imperfect  sense  of  personality  just  mentioned. 
The  Hebrew  was  satisfied  with  an  immortality  which  was 
realized  in  the  continuance  of  his  family  and  people.  God's 
purposes  were  thought  to  relate  to  the  nation  and  not  to  the 
individual,  except  as  contributing  to  the  nation's  good.  The 
good  man  who  walked  with  God  was  conscious  of  the  divine 
favor  in  life  and  at  the  hour  of  death,  and  having  performed 
his  part  he  was  content  to  depart  and  leave  the  future  with  its 

1  Job  313  ff. 

2  For  the  later  idea  of  a  partial  retribution  between  death  and  the  resiirrec- 
tion,  see  p.  69  f.  s  Ps.  Ol^-is,  372.^27^  job  519-26,  Num.  23io. 

4  Ps.  6523,  Job  312  f.^  prov.  6i5.  5  Ex.  205,  Num.  14i8,  Lam.  6^,  Ezk.  182. 

6  Cf.  Davidson  in  Hast.  I.  738,  Stade  285  ff.,  Mozley  Ruling  Ideas  in  Early 
Ages  37  ff.,  87  ff.  v  piat.  Phaed.  66  f.,  79  ff. 

8  The  intermediate  state,  in  spite  of  a  more  comfortable  hope  which  came  to 
be  attached  to  it  in  the  latter  part  of  our  period  (see  p.  69  f.),  still  remained 
only  an  imperfect  state  of  waiting  for  the  complete  release  aud  recompense  of 
the  resurrection. 


60  ESCHATOLOGY 

retributions  and  fortunes  with  God.  There  is  no  certain 
evidence  of  a  belief  in  a  personal  resurrection  until  after  the 
exile.  There  are  certain  passages  ^  which  read  in  the  light  of 
later  revelation  seem  to  declare  the  resurrection  hope  ;  but 
when  interpreted  from  the  historical  standpoint  of  their  utter- 
ance they  cannot  be  regarded  as  intended  by  their  authors  to 
express  this  meaning.  It  is  obviously  impossible  to  enter  here 
into  the  exegesis  of  these  various  passages ;  it  must  suffice  to 
say  that  critics  are  now  for  the  most  part  agreed  that  they  do 
not  assert  the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection ;  the  language  is 
figurative  and  refers  in  part  to  the  restoration  of  the  nation  to 
a  new  life  after  its  spiritual  and  political  failure  spoken  of 
under  the  figure  of  death,^  and  in  part  to  temporal  deliverances 
of  the  individual  from  imminent  perils  or  present  distresses.'^ 
Divine  revelation  in  this  as  in  other  truths  was  progressive,* 
and  of  the  influences  which  prepared  the  Hebrews  to  receive 
the  doctrine  some  may  be  obscure,  e.g.  contact  with  other  peo- 
ples, but  others  are  manifest.  The  universal  belief  in  the 
nation's  restoration  in  the  glory  of  the  last  days,  the  strong 
consciousness  that  real  life  consisted  not  in  a  physical  existence 
but  in  spiritual  union  with  God,  these  and  similar  factors  in 
religious  thought  must  have  awakened  at  least  an  aspiration  in 
the  individual  for  a  survival  in  death  —  an  aspiration  which  in 
some  cases  could  hardly  have  fallen  short  of  hope.  Leading 
directly  to  this  hope  were  those  influences  which  fostered  a 
growth  in  the  sense  of  personality,  that  is,  a  growth  in  the 
perception  that  the  individual  member,  no  less  than  the  people 
as  a  whole,  possessed  worth  with  God  and  claims  upon  his 
righteousness.  In  the  very  fact  of  membership  in  God's  peo- 
ple, and  in  the  communion  with  God  thus  assured,  there  lay 
prerogatives  which  gave  dignity  to  the  individual.  Also  the 
moral  and  religious  law  of  the  Mosaic  system  aimed  at  not 
only  the  nation's  relation  to  God,  but  also  the  spiritual  life 
of  the  individual,  the  rightness  of  individual  conduct.  The 
divine  favor  shown  to  the  preeminently  good,  the    stringent 

1  Job  1925  ft;  Is.  5310,  Ezk.  37i-",  Hos.  62,  Ps.  16io  *-,  ITi^,  49i5. 

2  Cf.  Ezk.  37",  Hos.  13i. 

3  Cf.   Schultz  .505  ff.,  Cheyne   OrU/in  and  Eelicjious  Contents  of  the  Psalter, 
Salmond  Immortality  237  ff.,  Schwally  112  ff.,  Euc.  Bib.  II,  1345  ff.,  III.  3956  ff. 

4  Cf.  Ottley,  162  ff. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  61 

accountability  for  his  deeds  laid  upon  every  person,  the  far- 
reaching  consequences  for  good  or  for  evil  seen  in  the  issues  of 
individual  acts,  all  tended  to  awaken  a  sense  of  the  person's 
place  in  the  regard  and  purposes  of  God.^  But  such  tendencies 
worked  slowly,  especially  as  long  as  the  nation  existed  in  its 
integrity.  When,  however,  in  the  Babylonian  conquest  the 
nation  as  such  perished,  the  religious  significance  of  the  indi- 
vidual came  to  be  more  distinctly  perceived.  Ezekiel,  the 
great  prophet  of  the  new  direction  in  thought,  gives  its  keynote 
in  the  words, '  What  mean  ye,  that  ye  use  this  proverb,  .  .  . 
The  fathers  have  eaten  sour  grapes,  and  the  children's  teeth 
are  set  on  edge  ?  As  I  live,  saith  the  Lord  Jehovali,  ye  shall 
hot  have  occasion  any  more  to  use  this  proverb  in  Israel. 
Behold,  all  souls  are  mine  ;  as  the  soul  of  the  father,  so  also  the 
soul  of  the  son,  .  .  .  the  son  shall  not  bear  the  iniquity  of  the 
father,  neither  shall  the  father  bear  the  iniquity  of  the  son.'  ^ 
But  this  clear  sense  of  personal  accountability  and  personal 
retribution  brought  up  with  inevitable  force  the  perplexing 
question  of  the  inequalities  of  life,  the  suffering  of  the  inno- 
cent, the  impunity  and  prosperity  of  the  wicked  (the  book  of 
Job  struggled  with,  but  did  not  solve,  the  problem)  ;  and  the 
righteousness  of  God  could  no  longer  be  vindicated  by  an 
appeal  to  the  course  of  this  world  alone ;  a  wider  outlook  was 
demanded  to  adjust  the  due  relation  between  the  lot  of  the 
individual  and  the  orderings  of  a  righteous  God.  It  will  be 
seen  then  that  there  lay  in  the  religion  and  history  of  the 
Hebrews  a  factor  which  prepared  them,  though  not  till  the 
later  centuries,  to  receive  the  revelation  of  a  life  after  death. ^ 
But  individualism  could  never  among  the  Hebrews  lead  to 
severance  from  the  unity  of  God's  people.  In  neither  the  old 
dispensation  nor  the  new  is  the  final  felicity  conceived  of  as 
apart  from  the  Church  of  the  redeemed.  The  Hebrew's  life 
after  death  must  be  a  part  of  that  perfected  life  of  his  people 
in  the  messianic  age.  An  incorporeal  immortality  entered 
upon  immediately  after  death,  such  as  the  Greek  anticipated, 

1  Cf.  idem  338  ff.  2  182-4,  20. 

3  It  is  not  necessary  then  to  look  for  the  origin  of  the  resurrection  doctrine 
in  foreign  influence,  though  its  growth  may  have  been  accelerated  by  contact 
with  the  Persian  religion.  See  p.  81  ff.  Cf.  Bousset  Jud.  480,  Volz  129  f.. 
Fair-weather  in  Hast.  Extr.  307. 


62  ESCHATOLOGY 

could  not  satisfy  Hebrew  aspiration. i  As  the  righteous  God 
would  glorify  his  people  in  the  last  days,  and  would  gather 
back  the  dispersed  from  the  ends  of  the  earth,  so  it  came  to  be 
an  article  of  Jewish  faith  that  the  righteous  dead  also  would 
be  raised  to  their  retribution  in  the  glory  of  the  new  kingdom. 

In  the  Old  Testament  there  are  but  two  passages  which  with 
unquestioned  certainty  announce  the  hope  of  a  personal  resur- 
rection. The  earlier  of  these.  Is.  26^9  (placed  by  critics  almost 
unanimously  after  the  exile),  contemplates  the  resurrection  of 
the  righteous  Israelites  to  dwell  with  the  righteous  nation  in  the 
'  strong  city '  ^  of  the  messianic  world.  No  mention  is  made 
here  of  the  resurrection  of  unfaithful  Israelites  nor  of  the 
Gentiles.  It  is  expressly  stated  in  v.  14  that  the  oppressors  of 
Israel  shall  not  rise  ;  these  all  remain  in  the  underworld  of 
the  dead.  The  second  passage,  Dan.  12^,  belonging  to  a  still 
later  date,  though  not  asserting  a  imiversal  resurrection,  contains 
the  first  recorded  announcement  of  a  resurrection  of  unrighteous 
ones  to  receive  their  final  doom.  There  is  nothing  to  indicate 
that  the  writer's  outlook  here  extends  beyond  Israel,  embracing 
the  dead  generally.^  The  utterance  seems  to  have  the  tone  of 
a  truth  already  familiar  to  the  readers,"^  but  it  is  not  possible 
to  trace  with  certainty  the  influences  which  in  the  period  be- 
tween the  two  declarations  led  to  this  widening  of  expectation 
to  include  unrighteous  dead.  Resurrection  as  required  for  the 
perfect  reward  of  the  righteous  Israelite  might  naturally  sug- 
gest the  like  requisite  for  the  punishment  of  the  unrighteous.^ 

In  the  following  centuries  the  hope  appears  with  increasing 
frequency,  in  the  non-canonical  writings,  and  with  varying 
scope.  ^  Sometimes  the  resurrection  is  limited  to  the  righteous  "^ 
—  this  according  to  Josephus  was  the  belief  of  the  Pharisees ;  ^ 
sometimes  it  is  spoken  of  as  embracing  all  the  dead  ^  —  this 
seems  to  have  been  the  popular  belief  in  New  Testament  times,  ^*^ 

i  The  appearance  of  this  form  of  hope  in  4  Mac.   14^,  !&•,  17i8,  is  due  to 
( rreek  influence  —  it  is  not  Hebrew.  2  26^  ^•.  ^  cf .  Shultz  602. 

4  It  may  perhaps  be  imphed  in  Is.  24^1  f-  ;  cf .  Enc.  Bib.  II.  1365. 

5  On  tlie  possibility  of  Persian  influence  cf.  pp.  79  ff. 

6  Cf.  Volz  126  ft'.,  237  ff.,  Charles  Eschatology,  Drummond  360  ff.,  Schiirer 
II.  638  ff.  ^  Cf.  2  Mac.  7".  36^  En.  Oim,  92^-^,  Ps.  Sol.  312,  149. 

8  Ant.  XVIII.  14. 

9  2  Es.  732,  En.  oil,  Ap.  Bar.  .50  f.,  Sib.  Or.  IV.  180  ff.,  Test.  Ben.  10. 

10  Cf.  Jno.  1124. 


EXILIC  AND  POST-EXILIC  AGE  63 

and  according  to  Ac.  24^^  that  of  the  Pharisees.  Un  the  other 
hand  the  belief  in  either  form  did  not  make  its  way  without 
opposition.  Many  writings  are  silent  regarding  it  (^e.g.  Tobit, 
Judith,  Wisdom,  Baruch,  1  Maccabees,  Jubilees)  and  even  in 
New  Testament  times  it  was  a  subject  of  dispute,  and  was  de- 
nied by  the  Sadducees.^ 

The  question  of  the  Corinthians  anticipated  by  St.  Paul,  '  How  are  the 
dead  raised,  and  with  what  manner  of  body  do  they  come?'  (1  Co.  1.5^^)  ap- 
pears also  in  the  non-canonical  writers  of  our  period,  but  often  without  a 
clear  and  self -consistent  answer  (cf .  Weber  System  353,  Volz  250  ff.,  Bousset 
Jud.  262).  The  expectation  of  an  earthly  messianic  kingdom  with  material 
glories  carried  with  it  the  idea  of  a  material  body  made  perfect  and  imper- 
ishable. The  common  view  in  both  popular  belief  and  the  rabbinical 
writings  was  that  the  former  earthly  body  was  restored  (2  Mac.  7^^,  Ap. 
Bar.  .502,  gjj  ^\\^  gj]3  q^  jy  j^gO)  ;  according  to  one  account  the  resurrec- 
tion body  was  to  be  developed  out  of  one  of  the  vertebras  (cf.  Weber  ibid., 
Drummond  386).  On  the  other  hand  there  occurs  the  idea  of  a  new  and 
different  body,  as  the  abode  of  the  risen  soul,  in  keeping  with  the  renewal 
of  the  world ;  '  The  just  will  be  clothed  with  the  garment  of  glory,  and  this 
will  be  ...  a  garment  of  life'  (En.  62^^*'-);  'they  will  be  as  the  angels' 
(En.  514,  cf.  Mk.  1225).  Josephus  {Bel.  II.  163,  III.  374)  gives  it  as  the  belief 
of  the  Pharisees  that  the  souls  of  the  righteous  will  live  again  in  another 
and  pure  body.  Even  the  figure  of  the  grain  of  wheat,  used  by  St.  Paul 
(1  Co.  15^''),  occurs  in  the  rabbinical  writings  to  illustrate  the  change  in 
the  embodiment  of  the  risen  soul  (cf.  Weber  ibid.,  Drummond  385).  The 
idea  of  a  glorified  body  is  perhaps  suggested  by  Dan.  12^ ;  it  is  implied  in 
2  Es.  7^'^,  and  receives  its  most  splendid  statement  in  St.  Paul  (1  Co.  15*5-**, 
Ph.  321).  The  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  (50  f.)  gives  a  striking  account  of  the 
body  at  the  resurrection  and  its  change  into  a  glorified  body.  The  seer  had 
asked, '  In  what  shape  will  those  live  who  live  in  thy  day  ? '  and  the  answer 
is,  '  The  earth  will  then  assuredly  restore  the  dead  .  .  .  making  no  change 
in  their  form,  .  .  .  for  then  it  will  be  necessary  to  show  to  the  living  that 
the  dead  have  come  to  life  again.  ...  It  will  come  to  pass  when  that 
appointed  day  has  gone  by  that  then  shall  the  aspect  of  those  who  are  con- 
demned be  afterwards  changed,  and  the  glory  of  those  who  are  justified, 
.  .  .  their  splendor  will  be  glorified  in  changes  and  the  form  of  their  face 
will  be  turned  into  the  light  of  their  beauty,  that  they  may  be  able  to 
acquire  and  receive  the  world  which  does  not  die ;  .  .  .  they  shall  be  made 
like  unto  the  angels  and  be  made  equal  to  the  stars.'  On  the  transforma- 
tion see  1  Co.  15^*''- ;  cf.  Charles  Ap.  Bar.  p  81  ff. 

Eschatological  Developments  in  the  Closing  Centuries  of  this 
Period.     In   the    preceding    pages   the  leading   eschatological 

1  Mk.  1218,  Ac.  238. 


64  ESCHATOLOGY 

expectations  of  the  Hebrews  have  been  set  forth  chiefly  as  domi- 
nated in  nature  and  form  by  the  national  idea.  In  some  in- 
stances, e.g.  the  belief  in  a  resurrection,  it  has  been  convenient 
to  trace  these  out  in  the  form  which  they  assumed  in  a  growth 
beyond  these  narrower  limitations.  In  general  these  earlier  ex- 
pectations persist  without  fundamental  change  throughout  our 
period,  as  has  been  seen  above  in  the  frequent  references  to 
post-canonical  writings  ;  they  are  by  no  means  superseded  or 
displaced  by  others  so  as  to  be  neglected  in  a  survey  of  the 
eschatology  of  the  closing  years  of  the  period.  At  the  same 
time  in  the  later  centuries  influences  already  spoken  of  —  such 
as  the  loss  of  political  independence,  a  clearer  conception  of  the 
nature  of  God  and  the  universality  of  his  sway,  the  growing 
sense  of  the  worth  of  the  individual,  contact  with  the  beliefs  of 
other  peoples  —  widened  the  horizon  ;  an  outlook  was  attained 
beyond  the  local,  temporal,  earthly,  and  expectation  became 
more  spiritualized,  more  transcendental.  There  was  naturally 
much  vagueness  and  inconsistency  in  the  prevalent  anticipations 
of  the  end ;  the  earlier  and  later  forms  were  present  side  by 
side  without  greatly  disturbing  reflection.  The  apocalyptic 
writings,  in  which  the  later  eschatological  ideas  are  chiefly 
contained,  are  generally  compilations  into  which  inconsistent 
expectations  have  been  brought  together  without  serious  effort 
to  reconcile  the  differences.  The  following  paragraphs  will 
give  a  brief  survey  of  the  form  which  the  more  important 
eschatological  beliefs  assumed  in  this  process  of  growth  beyond 
natio7ial  aspects,  as  well  as  of  new  factors  which  now  arose. 
These  various  developments  of  the  later  years  are  of  the  utmost 
interest  and  significance  as  a  part  of  the  history  of  religious 
belief,  and  especially  because  of  their  close  relation  to  eschato- 
logical doctrines  found  in  the  New  Testament. 

(1)  The  Pre.'<e)if  and  the  Coming  Af/e.  It  may  be  said  that 
while  the  earlier,  traditional  outlook  contemplated  a  new 
nation,  the  later  contemplated  a  new  world  ;  that  is,  in  the 
earlier  expectation  the  nation  was  to  be  delivered  from  and 
triumph  over  its  enemies,  a  kingdom  of  glory  and  universal 
sway  was  to  be  set  up  in  Palestine,  Jehovah  was  to  dwell  with 
his  people  in  his  temple  at    Jerusalem,  and    all  nature  in  its 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  AGE  65 

present  order  was  to  be  renewed;  whereas  the  hiter  hope 
looked  beyond  all  racial  and  even  terrestrial  limits  to  a  great 
new  world-order  in  contrast  with  this  present  world.  Not 
Israel  was  the  subject  of  the  vision,  but  man  universally  and 
individually ;  not  the  restoration  of  the  people,  but  the  resur- 
rection and  immortality  of  the  righteous  7nan;  not  Palestine, 
but  the  new  earth  and  the  new  heavens ;  not  the  hostile 
nations,  but  the  powers  of  wickedness  whether  mundane  or 
supermundane.  Two  clearly  contrasted  conceptions  took  their 
place  in  religious  thought  —  the  present,  and  the  coming  world; 
the  latter  not  growing  out  of  the  former  by  any  process  of 
natural  issue  or  gradual  change,  but  introduced  by  the  sudden 
intervention  of  divine  power  in  the  cataclysm  of  the  world- 
judgment,  which  should  bring  to  an  end  the  old  order  with 
everything  pertaining  to  it,  and  open  the  way  to  the  new. 
This  view  is  concisely  enunciated  in  2  Esdras :  '  The  Most 
High  hath  not  made  one  world,  but  two.'  '  This  present  world 
is  not  the  end ;  the  full  glory  abideth  not  therein.  .  .  .  But 
the  day  of  judgment  shall  be  the  end  of  this  time  and  the 
beginning  of  the  immortality  for  to  come.'^  An  earlier  and 
less  distinct  expression  of  the  same  view  is  found  in  the  book 
of  Daniel,  where  two  great  periods,  the  first  that  of  the  world- 
kingdoms  symbolized  by  beasts,  the  second  that  of  the  saints 
receiving  sway  over  all  mankind,  appear  in  immediate  succes- 
sion.2  The  aspect  of  the  world's  history  as  viewed  thus  is 
frequent  in  later  writers,  either  directly  expressed  ^  or  pre- 
supposed in  their  pictures  of  the  last  days ;  while  in  the  New 
Testament  the  terms,  '  this  world '  and  '  the  world  to  come,'  as 
the  two  correlatives  embracing  the  sum  of  existence,  become 
everywhere  present  in  ethical  and  eschatological  utterances.^ 
The  outlook  upon  this  present  world  is  throughout  pessimistic. 
The  cruel  oppression  of  God's  people  by  the  world-powers,  the 
triumph  of  evil  on  all  sides,  and  the  prevalence  of  unfaithfulness 
and  iniquity  in  Israel  itself  bred  despair.  More  and  more  the 
1  750,  112  f.  2  Dan.  7. 

3  Cf.  Ap.  Bar.  83«,  En.  16i,  48',  SI.  Eii.  656  ft.,  sib.  Or.  III.  80  ff. 

4  Cf.  6  alwv  ovTos  Mt.  1232,  Lk.  168,  Ro.  122,  j;ph.  pi  ;  6  vvu  alJjv  1  Tim.  61?, 
2  Tim.  410  6  alwv  6  /jl^Wcjv,  6  ipx6fx.€i'os  Mt.  12^2,  Mk.  IO20,  Eph.  I21,  Heb.  65. 
For  these  technical  terms  in  non-canonical  literature  cf.  2  Es.  427,  59.  gi,  Ap. 
Bar.  1413,  157,  48«',  En.  71i5,  SI.  En.  6I2.  They  are  common  in  tlie  rabbinical 
writers  also  ;  see  Weber  System  354. 


66  ESCHATOLOGY 

present  order  came  to  be  regarded  as  hopelessly  corrupt,  as 
given  over  to  evil  powers  of  whom  Satan  was  chief,  and  as  fit 
only  for  avenging  destruction  ;  ^  and  this  estimate  of  the  pres- 
ent age,  common  in  non-canonical  literature  of  these  later 
centuries,  was  also  taken  up  into  the  conceptions  of  the  New 
Testament  writers.  The  term,  '  this  world,'  '  the  world,'  be- 
comes a  concrete  expression  for  the  dominion  of  sin,^  of  which 
Satan  is  the  god  or  ruler,  which  he  may  give  to  whom  he 
will ;  ^  it  is  a  world  that  passeth  away ;  *  it  is  now  '  stored  up 
for  fire,  being  reserved  against  the  day  of  judgment  and  de- 
struction of  ungodly  men.'  ^ 

(2)  The  Jvdgmejit.  Between  these  two  world-periods,  clos- 
ing this  age  and  ushering  in  the  age  to  come,  stands  the  judg- 
ment, the  day  of  Jehovah,  but  now  not  conceived  as  the  great 
day  of  battle  in  which  the  hosts  of  God  march  against  the 
nations  hostile  to  Israel,  or  the  day  of  punishment  upon  faith- 
less Israelites.  The  great  act  is  not  military,  but  forensic  and 
universal.  Thrones  are  set  and  the  Ancient  of  days  with 
attending  hosts  sits  in  judgment ;  ^  before  him  are  gathered  the 
spirits  of  other  orders,  men  of  all  kindreds  and  tongues,  the 
dead  raised  again,  to  receive  their  award.  The  division  is  no 
longer  between  Israel  and  not-Israel,  but  between  the  righteous 
and  the  wicked,  whose  deeds  are  recorded  in  the  opened  books. '^ 
The  re-ward  of  the  righteous  is  of tenest  spoken  of  as  '  eternal 
life,'  a  term  common  in  non-canonical  literature  as  well  as  in 
the  New  Testament,  and  denoting  participation  in  all  the 
blessedness  of  the  eternal  world.  The  figure  of  light  also  is 
often  used  to  describe  the  glory  and  blessedness  of  the  state. 
The  dwelling-2)lace  in  this  eternal  state  is  oftenest  thought  of 
as  on  the  new  earth,  or  at  least  in  a  visible  Paradise.^  The 
conceptions  of  a  world  renewed  and  of  a  bodily  resurrection  are 
necessarily  joined  with  the  idea  of  an  abode  apprehended  by 
the  senses.     'I  will  change  the  earth,  make  it  a  blessing,  and 

1  Cf.  Ap.  Bar.  83io  «•,  2  Es.  ll^o  «-,  En.  80,  99  f.,  Jub.  IQS,  Test.  Dan  5. 

2  Jno.  1417,  Ro.  122,  Eph.  22,  1  Co.  l\^\  Ja.  4^,  1  Jno.  5^. 

3  2  Co.  44,  Eph.  612,  Jno.  143o,  Mt.  49.  ^  1  .Jno.  2".  6  2  Pet.  37. 

6  Dan.  79  *■.     For  the  Messiah  as  judge  .see  p.  75. 

7  Dan.  122,  2  Es.  7^1  «-,  Ap.  Bar.  30,  50  f.,  En.  10  "  *-,  9020-25,  Ass.  Mos.  lOi-s, 
SI.  En.  71  ft-,  Jude  vv.  6,  14  f.,  Rev.  2011-". 

8  On  the  renewal  of  the  world,  see  pp.  55  f. 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  AGE  67 

let  mine  elect  dwell  upon  it'  ;  '  The  earth  will  rejoice,  the  just 
will  dwell  upon  it,  and  the  elect  will  walk  up  and  down  in  it.'  ^ 
'  All  who  are  godly  will  live  again  in  the  world  (on  the  earth), 
.  .  .  they  will  then  see  one  another,  beholding  the  lovely, 
gladdening  sun.'^  On  the  other  hand  the  abode  is  sometimes 
placed  in  heaven.^  But  in  a  world  renewed,  purified  of  all 
evil,  glorified,  heaven  and  earth  are  merged  in  thought.  '  The 
earth  is  heaven,  heaven  is  the  earth,  the  cleft  is  gone  ;  God, 
the  Son  of  man,  the  blessed  dwell  together.'  ^  Paradise  as  the 
abode  of  the  blessed  is  sometimes  placed  at  the  ends  of  the 
earth ,^  sometimes  in  the  third  heaven,^  or  less  definitely  in 
the  heavens.'^ 

The  punishment  of  the  unrighteous  first  of  all  consists  in 
exclusion  from  the  blessings  awarded  to  the  righteous.  As 
seen  above,  the  resurrection  in  the  earlier  hope,  and  sometimes 
also  in  the  later,  was  limited  to  the  righteous  ;  the  wicked 
remain  in  the  underworld  cut  off  from  all  the  good  of  life  ; 
and  so  the  misery  of  their  doom  is  sometimes  characterized  as 
the  loss  of  all  part  in  the  blessedness  of  the  future  world. 
'  The  sinner  will  not  be  remembered  when  the  godly  are 
visited ;  that  will  be  the  sinner's  part  for  ever  ;  but  they  who 
fear  the  Lord  will  rise  to  eternal  life.'  ^  The  most  common 
designation  of  their  award,  deat\  desfructio7i,  contains  this  idea 
of  loss,  but  much  more  also.  It  does  not  signify  annihilation, 
nor  a  state  of  unconsciousness.  The  spirits  of  the  wicked,  it 
is  said, 'shall  be  put  to  death;  they  shall  cry  and  wail  in  a 
boundless  void.'  ^  Death,  as  an  eschatological  term,  sums  up 
all  the  woe  of  exclusion  from  the  bliss  of  the  saints,  and  all  the 
poignant  suffering  of  the  abode  of  the  condemned.  In  this 
sense  it  has  passed  into  New  Testament  usage. i*^  Sometimes 
though  less  commonly,  the  suffering  spoken  of  is  spiritual  : 
'  They  shall  pine  away  in  confusion  and  be  consumed  with 
shame,  and  shall  be  withered  up  by  fears.'  ^^  They  will  lament 
their  folly  in  rejecting  the  law  of  God  ;  ^^  they  will  be  troubled 

1  En.  455,  515. 

2  Sib.  Or.  IV.  186  ff.     Cf.  En.  382,  62i5,  Rev.  21,  2  Pet.  3". 

3  En.  1042,  Ass.  Mos.  109  f.,  Ap.  Bar.  51io.  ^  Volz  371. 

5  SI.  En.  423,  En.  321-3,  773.  e  si.  En.  81.  7  Ap.  Bar.  .51",  En.  6I12, 

8  Ps.  Sol.  311  f-,  cf.  idem  149  f.,  En.  22i3,  99i.  9  En.  1083. 

10  Cf .  Ro.  212,  Heb.  10»9.  "  2  Es.  787.  12  Ap.  Bar.  514. 


68  ESCHATOLOGY 

beholding  the  glory  of  the  righteous,  even  of  those  whom  they 
have  afflicted.  1  But  generally  it  is  physical  pain  that  is  fore- 
told. The  prison-house  is  a  place  of  darkness,  chains,  and 
flaming  fire.  '  There  are  all  sorts  of  tortures  in  that  place.  .  .  . 
Everywhere  fire,  and  everywhere  frost  and  ice,  thirst  and 
shivering,  while  the  bonds  are  very  cruel,  and  the  angels  fearful 
and  merciless,  bearing  angry  weapons,  merciless  torture.'  ^  The 
pit  of  fire  is  generally  present  in  allusions  to  the  punishment. 
Its  occurrence  in  the  New  Testament  does  not  need  illustration. 
And  the  suffering  is  unending  ;  no  repentance,  no  prayers,  no 
intercessions  avail.  With  awful  power  the  Apocalypse  of 
Baruch  tells  of  the  death  of  hope  :  '  When  the  Most  High  shall 
bring  to  pass  all  these  things,  there  will  not  there  be  again  an 
opportunity  for  returning,  nor  a  limit  to  the  times,  nor  adjourn- 
ment to  the  hours,  nor  change  of  ways,  nor  place  for  prayer, 
nor  sending  of  petitions,  nor  receiving  of  knowledge,  nor 
giving  of  love,  nor  place  of  repentance,  nor  supplication  for 
offenses,  nor  intercession  of  the  fathers,  nor  prayer  of  the 
prophets,  nor  help  of  the  righteous.'  ^  The  same  tone  of  hope- 
lessness appears  with  appalling  frequency  through  most  of  the 
literature  of  these  later  centuries.  Some  of  the  rabbis  taught 
a  limited  punishment  in  the  case  of  Israelites  who  were  moder- 
ate offenders.^ 

The  well-known  name  of  the  place  of  punishment,  Gehenna,  comes  from 
the  Hebrew  name  Gehinnom,  the  valley  at  Jerusalem  which  became  a  spot 
of  special  abomination,  because  that  there  kings  of  Judah  had  offered  their 
children  in  sacrifice  to  Moloch  (2  K.  16^,  21^).  In  the  traditional  eschatology, 
which  looked  for  the  establishment  of  the  messianic  kingdom  at  Jerusalem, 
this  valley  became  a  fitting  place  for  the  final  punishment  of  Jehovah's 
enemies  in  the  sight  of  his  people,  and  seems  to  be  referred  to  as  such  in 
Is.  66^*,  where  it  is  said  that  the  triumphant  Israelites  should  go  forth  and 
look  upon  the  dead  bodies  of  those  that  had  trangTessed  against  God,  for 
their  worm  should  not  die,  nor  their  fire  be  quenched  (cf.  Salmond  355  ff., 
Skinner  in  CB.  iti  loc).  In  the  later  eschatology  the  name  designates  the 
place  of  incorporeal  and  corporeal  punishment,  after  the  judgment,  which  is 
generally  located  in  the  underworld  (Ap.  Bar.  .59^'^,  SS^^,  En.  56 ^  90^^  Jub. 
7^,  Rev.  201-3).     SI.  En.  places  it  in  the  third  heaven  (IQi). 

(3)    77ie  intermediate  state.      The  old  conception  of  Sheol  as  a 
place  where  all  the  dead  alike  are  forever  cut  off  from  God  and 
1  Wis.  51  *-,  En.  10815.  2  gi.  En.  IO2  *•  ^  8512. 

*  Cf .  Weber  System  327,  374,  Volz  287. 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  ACa:  69 

the  activities  of  life  is  found  in  these  later  years,  but  not  often. ^ 
A  clearer  perception  of  the  individual  as  the  object  of  award 
and  the  belief  in  a  resurrection  changed  the  idea  of  Sheol,  and 
brought  up  the  question  of  the  state  of  the  dead  before  the  final 
judgment.  The  answers  given  are  not  uniform,  nor  are  they 
always  clear.  But  the  view  becomes  generally  prevalent  that 
at  least  a  partial  retribution  is  entered  upon  immediately  after 
death. ^  In  2  Esdras  the  brief  space  of  seven  days  after  death, 
given  to  the  departed  that  they  may  see  the  future  destinies  of 
the  righteous  and  the  wicked,  may  perhaps  be  interpreted  as 
containing  a  belief  that  opportunity  for  repentance  will  be 
given  for  this  time  even  to  the  dead.  But  nowhere  else  in 
apocryphal  or  apocalyptic  literature  is  there  clear  evidence  of 
a  belief  in  the  possibility  of  change  between  death  and  the  judg- 
ment ;  on  the  contrary  it  is  said  ^  that  one  of  the  torments  of 
the  wicked  is  the  consciousness  that  '  they  cannot  now  make  a 
good  returning,  that  they  may  live.'  *  In  rahhimcal  literature 
there  is  found  the  doctrine  that  all  who  have  been  circumcised 
will  ultimately  be  released  from  Sheol.^  The  great  judgment, 
however,  is  not  an  empty  pageant,  only  repeating  what  had 
already  been  determined;  for  this  preliminary  retribution  is 
not  complete,  it  looks  forward  to  a  higher  reward  or  a  more 
dreadful  penalty.  The  preliminary  aspect  of  the  first  award  is 
expressed  in  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  in  the  sentence  pro- 
nounced upon  the  representatives  of  the  powers  of  wickedness : 
'  Recline  in  anguish  and  rest  in  torment  till  thy  last  time  come, 
in  which  thou  wilt  come  again  and  be  tormented  still  more.'  ^ 

On  the  other  hand  the  intermediate  state  is  sometimes,  espe- 
cially in  writings  influenced  by  Hellenic  tendencies,  almost  or 
wholly  left  out  of  view,  and  what  is  practically  the  full  requital 
is  entered  upon  at  once  after  death. '^  Enoch  ^  pictures  the  elect 
dead  as  already  in  the  '  garden  of  life '  at  the  coming  of  the 
judgment  day.     The  Paradise  to  which  Enoch  was  translated 

1  Ecckis.  1727  ff-,  414^  Tob.  S^,  Bar.  21^. 

2Cf.  2  Es.  778  ff-,  Wis.  3iff-,  En.  22<ff-,  103^,  Ap.  Bar.  36",  Jub.  729,  2222,  si. 
Ell.  187,  4012,  Lk.  16'-2f-,  frequent  also  in  rabbinic  literature. 
3  2  Es.  782.  4  See  also  p.  68. 

6  Cf.  Weber  System  327  f.,  Volz  146.  For  a  modified  doctrine  in  1  Pet.  see 
p.  113.  6  3611,  cf.  .521  ff-,  2  p:s.  787.95. 

7  Cf.  Wis.  31-^,  4  Mac.  I718-20.     cf.  Volz  142  ff.,  Bousset  Jud.  282. 

8  6112. 


70  ESCHATOLOGY 

is  described  as  the  dwelling-place  of  God  and  the  preexistent 
Messiah ;  already  there  were  there  '  the  patriarchs  and  the 
righteous  who  from  time  immemorial  had  dwelt  in  that  place.'  ^ 
The  righteous  Ezra  also  is  promised  translation,  together  with 
all  those  who  are  like  him,  to  an  abode  in  the  presence  of  the 
heavenly  Messiah,  'until  the  times  be  ended,'  that  is,  till  the 
Messiah's  coming.^  It  will  be  seen  then  that  the  ideas  of  Para- 
dise were  manifold.  Its  location  has  been  spoken  of  above.^ 
As  a  place  of  abode  it  is  sometimes  the  dwelling  of  God,  the 
patriarchs,  and  the  righteous  dead,^  sometimes  it  seems  identical 
with  heaven,^  again  it  is  the  dwelling  of  the  righteous  after  the 
judgment.^  Like  the  heavenly  Jerusalem  it  was  formed  by 
God  from  the  beginning  '^  and  like  that  is  to  be  revealed  in  the 
last  days.^  Evidently  it  became  an  ideal  term  for  a  state  of 
rest  and  felicity  in  the  presence  of  God  and  the  Messiah. 

(4)  Tlte  final  Overthrotv  of  the  kiyigdom  of  Evil  Spirits.  The 
judgment  is  conceived  as  the  culmination  of  the  age-long 
conflict  with  evil  —  the  triumph  of  God  not  only  over  the 
kingdoms  of  the  world,  but  also  and  preeminently  over  the 
kingdom  of  evil  spirits.  In  the  post-exilic  centuries  belief  in 
spiritual  beings  underwent  great  expansion.  Angels  or  spirits 
in  unnumbered  hosts  were  believed  to  perform  the  divine  behests 
through  all  the  universe  —  in  human  affairs  and  in  the  operations 
of  nature.  They  were  divided  into  ranks  and  orders  in  an  im- 
posing hierarchy  of  thrones  and  dominions  and  principalities  and 
powers.^  There  were  angels  over  seasons  and  years,  over  rivers 
and  the  seas,  over  tlie  fruits  of  the  earth,  over  every  herb,  over  the 
souls  of  men,  writing  down  all  their  works  and  their  lives. ^"^  So 
also  the  evil  angels  and  demons  were  grouped  into  an  organized 
kingdom  under  a  sovereign  lord.  In  this  age  for  the  first  time 
comes  prominently  into  view  the  figure  of  one  supreme  ruler  of 
the  demonic  hosts,  Satan,  or  among  other  names,  Beliar,  Beelze- 
bub, the  Devil. ^^  And  since,  as  seen  above,  the  world  came  to 
be  regarded  as  given  over  to  the  dominion  of  evil  powers,  the 

1  704.  2  2  Es.  149,  of.  72s,  1.352.  3  p.  67. 

4  Cf.  En.  61,  70,  Jub.  8i9,  Lk.  23«.  »  Ap.  Bar.  51". 

6  SI.  En.  9,  423  «■,  Test.  Levi  18,  Test.  Dan  5.  ^  Ap.  Bar.  43-6. 

8  2  Es.  736,  852.  9  Col.  116.  i"  SI.  En.  19 

11  Cf .  Bousset,  Jud.  326  ff. ;  Davidson  in  Hast.  I.  93  ff . 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  AGE  71 

great  empires  that  arose  one  after  another  in  history  were 
viewed  as  only  agencies  of  Satan  in  his  enmity  toward  God 
and  righteous  men.  In  eschatological  literature  these  empires, 
either  severally  or  collectively,  as  the  great  world-power  hostile 
to  God,  are  not  infrequently  symbolized  by  animals  in  monstrous 
form,  such  as  the  four  beasts  in  Daniel,^  the  monsters  of  Isaiah 
27  (part  of  a  post-exilic  paragraph),  the  eagle  of  2  Esdras  11, 
and  the  first  beast  of  the  Revelation  IS^"!*^.  And  the  great 
world-rulers  who  waged  war  against  God's  people  appear  under 
the  symbol  of  a  monster  or  a  part  of  such  monster,  as  a  horn  or 
a  head.  Thus  Antiochus  Epiphanes  appears  in  the  '  little  horn 
which  waxed  exceeding  great '  in  Daniel  ;  '^  Pompey  in  the 
dragon  in  the  Psalms  of  Solomon  ;  ^  and  as  most  scholars  suppose, 
Nero  in  the  seventh  head  of  the  Beast  in  the  Revelation.*  The 
careers  of  great  monarchs  like  Antiochus  and  similar  tyrants 
who  ruthlessly  warred  against  God  and  his  people  with  Satanic 
might  and  acting  as  Satan's  agents  gave  rise  to  a  typical  figure 
which  appears  in  later  eschatological  expectation,  both  Jewish 
and  Christian,^  called  in  Christian  terminology  Antichrist  —  a 
mighty  world-ruler  pictured  with  superhuman  traits  and  exalt- 
ing himself  against  God  and  warring  against  the  saints.*^ 

The  dualism  thus  represented  between  God  and  the  kingdom 
of  evil  is,  however,  nowhere  in  the  Jewish  religion,  as  in  the 
Persian,^  that  of  two  nearly  equal  powers,  the  victory  of  one  of 
whom  over  the  other  can  be  attained  only  through  a  hard  con- 
flict. The  might  of  Satan  and  his  agents  is  always  repre- 
sented as  only  that  which  God  in  the  execution  of  his  purposes 
allows  to  be  exercised ;  and  when  the  time  has  come  he  takes 
to  himself  his  great  power  and  reigns.^  The  myriads  of 
spiritual  hosts  may  be  pictured  in  the  march  of  battle,  but 
there  is  never  a  detailed  portrayal  of  a  combat  ;  the  hosts  of 
Satan  are  overthrown  with  a  sudden  stroke,  with  a  breath  or  a 
word  of  the  mouth  :  '  Lo,  as  he  [the  Messiah]  saw  the  assault 
of  the  multitude  that  came,  he  neither  lifted  up  his  hand,  nor 
held  spear,  nor  any  instrument  of  war  ;  but  only  I  saw  how 
that  he  sent  out  of  his  mouth  as  it  had  l)een  a  flood  of  fire,  and 

1  73«-.  2  89.  3  225.  4  133.     cf.  pp.  393  ff. 

5  2  Es.  56,  Ass.  Mos.  8,  Ap.  Bar.  40,  Sib.  Or.  V.  28  ff.,  2  Thess.  23-10 

6  See  p.  397.  ^  Cf.  p.  80.  8  Rev.  Ifi?. 


72  ESCHATOLOGY 

out  of  his  lips  a  flaming  breath,  and  out  of  his  tongue  he  cast 
forth  sparks  of  the  storm,  ...  so  that  upon  a  sudden  of  an 
innumerable  multitude  nothing  was  to  be  perceived,  but  only 
dust  of  ashes  and  smell  of  smoke.'  ^ 

With  the  judgment  comes  the  destruction  of  all  the  powers 
of  wickedness,  whetlier  on  the  earth  or  in  the  world  of  spirits. 
Ungodly  men,  both  the  living  and  the  dead,  '  perish  from  before 
the  presence  of  the  Lord  of  spirits  and  are  driven  away  from 
the  face  of  the  earth  and  perish  for  ever.'^  'The  beasts  that 
were  past  and  held  .  .  .  the  whole  compass  of  the  earth  with 
grievous  oppression '  ^  have  been  destroyed  one  by  another  in 
historic  succession,  until  the  last  is  overwhelmed  in  the  final 
world-catastrophe.*  The  fallen  angels  and  evil  spirits  receive 
their  doom  in  the  pit  of  fire  ;  ^  and  Satan  himself,  dethroned 
and  bound,  is  condemned  to  the  place  of  torment  with  his 
fallen  hosts.  ^ 

(5)  The  Messiah  and  his  Functions.  The  widened  outlook 
reached  in  many  quarters  in  these  later  years  is  nowhere  more 
evident  than  in  new  conceptions  which  now  appear  regarding 
the  Messiah.  A  final  catastrophe  involving  the  overthrow  of 
the  whole  kingdom  of  evil  spirits,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead, 
the  renewal  of  the  world,  the  passing  away  of  the  present  age 
and  the  inauguration  of  the  age  to  come,  constitute  a  series  of 
movements  so  vast,  so  transcendent,  that  a  mere  human  prince, 
a  son  of  David,  can  no  longer  form  a  central  figure.  Where 
such  expectations  are  distinctly  cherished  and  gain  the  ascend- 
ancy, the  Davidic  Messiah  must  either  disappear  from  thought 
or  undergo  a  corresponding  transformation,  and  in  fact,  as 
already  pointed  out,'  in  many  writings  of  this  age  he  is  not 
present.  But  in  at  least  two,  Enoch  and  2  Esdras,  which 
pretty  certainly  represent  a  wider  circle  of  belief,  he  appears 
in  a  new  and  transcendent  form  ;  and  in  at  least  these  two 
writers  he  receives  a  new  name.     Enoch  calls  him  '  the  Son  of 

1  2  Es.  139  ff.^  cf .  En.  622,  Ps.  gol.  172%  2  Thess.  28,  Rev.  19i9  *■ 

2  En.  532,  cf.  629  f.,  2  Thess.  P.  3  2  Es.  ]1«. 

4  Dan.  7,  23^-45,  En.  .526,  gib.  Or.  III.  303-654,  Rev.  17"-i8,  1920. 

5  En.  lOB-  13,  9025,  Jude  v.  6,  2  Pet.  24. 

6  Test.  Jud.  25,  Test.  Levi  18,  Sib.  Or.  III.  73,  Ass.  Mos.  10,  Mt.  25",  Rev.  20H>. 

7  p.  41. 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  AGE  73 

man,'  or  '  that  Son  of  man,'  ^  and  2  Esdras  '  the  man,'  or  '  that 


man. 


2 


A  superhuman,  angel-like  character  now  seems  to  be  dis- 
tinctly attributed  to  him,  though  none  would  venture  to  desig- 
nate him  expressly  as  divine.  Thus  preexistence  is  ascribed  to 
him.  This  idea  is  found  as  early  as  the  LXX,  which  gives  in 
Dan.  7^'^  '  there  came  one  like  a  son  of  man  and  he  was  pres- 
ent there  as  an  Ancient  of  days,'  &)?  TraXato?  rj/jLepcov  Traprjv. 
In  Enoch  it  is  said  of  the  Messiah,  '  Before  the  sun  and  the 
signs  [of  the  zodiac]  were  formed,  before  the  stars  of  heaven 
were  made  his  name  was  named  in  the  presence  of  the  Lord  of 
spirits.'  ^  That  the  'name'  here,  as  often  in  Hebrew  phraseol- 
ogy, denotes  the  person  is  shown  in  a  following  verse,  '  He  was 
chosen  and  hidden  with  him  [God]  before  the  world  was 
formed.'  *  2  Esdras  speaks  of  his  coming  as  that  of  '  one  whom 
the  Most  High  hath  kept  (preserved)  unto  the  end  of  days,'  ^ 
or  '  hath  kept  a  great  season  ' ;  ^  similarly  some  are  mentioned 
as  taken  away  from  the  evil  of  the  world  to  remain  with  him 
'  until  the  times  be  ended,'  that  is,  till  his  coming.'^  In  tlie 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  ^  it  is  said  that  at  the  consummation  of 
the  times  he  '  will  return  in  glory,'  where  the  meaning  is  pretty 
certainly,  he  will  return  to  heaven  where  lie  was  befoi'e.^ 
Mic.  5^,  often  understood  to  express  the  Messiali's  preexistence, 
refers  more  probably  to  his  ancient  Davidic  descent.^'' 

This  representation  of  the  Messiah's  preexistence  is  thought  by  some 
(cf.  Stanton  in  Hast.  III.  35.5,  Drunimond  293)  to  be  explained  by  tlie  idea 
of  his  concealment  after  his  human  birth  (see  p.  48).  But  this  explanation 
falls  short  of  the  conception  embodied  in  the  passages  cited.  Neither  can 
the  preexistence  spoken  of  be  understood  of  an  existence  in  idea  merely,  as 
the  tabernacle  with  its  furniture  was  believed  to  have  existed  with  God  in 
pattern  or  archetype  before  the  earthly  copies  were  made  by  Moses  (Ex. 
25^-*°,  Heb.  8^);  for  the  reference  is  clearly  to  a  peritnnal  existence  (cf. 
Volz  217  ff.,  Bousset  Jud.  249,  Gunkel  in  Kautzsch  398,  Edersheim  L  175  f.). 

1  Cf.  inter  al.  462-  4,  482,  627,  7117. 

2  133, 5.  12,  51.  Both  En.  and  2  Es.  in  their  representations  show  dependence 
on  Dan.  ?»  <*■,  and  it  is  probable  that  they  have  taken  these  designations  from 
that  passage,  interpreted  as  referring  to  a  superhuman  Messiah.  '  48^. 

■l  486,   cf.   626  f-.  5  1232.  "  6  1326.  7  149.  8  SQl. 

9  This  interpretation  is  required  by  the  context  ;  so,  Charles  in  loc,  Ryssel  in 
Kautzsch  423,  Baldensperger  164.  But  Volz  (37)  takes  the  paragraph  to  be  a 
Christian  interpolation  unconnected  with  tlie  context  and  referring  to  Christ's 
second  advent.  i"  Cf.  Cheyne  in  CB.  ad  loc. 


74  ESCHATOLOGY 

In  preexistence  itself  the  Messiah  may  not  have  stood  alone ;  a  kind  of 
preexistence  seems  to  be  thought  of  in  the  case  of  Moses  (Ass.  Mos.  l^*)  and 
of  other  forefathers  (cf.  Harnack  Doc/m.  I.  98).  But  even  if  actual  per- 
sonal existence  is  meant  in  these  cases  and  not  mere  presence  in  the  pur- 
pose of  God,  the  representation  is  less  clear  and  certain ;  at  all  events  the 
abiding  presence  of  these  with  God  is  not  spoken  of,  nor  is  there  attributed 
to  them  a  continuing  personal  function  in  union  with  God,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Messiah  (Jm.'iGi  «•)• 

In  keeping  with  his  preexistence,  other  attributes  above  the 
human,  though  not  declaredly  divine,  are  ascribed  to  the 
Messiah.  He  is  endowed  with  the  fullness  of  wisdom  and 
righteousness,  of  glory  and  might  ;  he  is  exalted  above  all 
other  spiritual  creatures  ;  he  will  share  in  the  throne  of  God. 
'The  glory  of  the  liighest  will  be  proclaimed  over  him,  the 
spirit  of  understanding  and  sanctification  will  rest  upon  him.'^ 
'  The  Elect  one  stands  before  the  Lord  of  spirits  and  his  glory 
is  for  ever  and  ever,  and  his  might  from  generation  to  genera- 
tion.' 2  'The  Lord  of  spirits  seated  the  Elect  one  on  the  throne 
of  his  glory,  and  he  will  judge  all  the  works  of  the  holy  ones 
in  heaven  and  weigh  their  deeds  in  the  balance.' ^  'The  kings 
and  the  mighty  ones  and  all  who  possess  the  earth  will  glorify 
and  praise  and  exalt  him  who  rules  over  all,  who  had  been 
liidden,  for  the  Son  of  man  was  hidden  before,  .  .  .  they  will 
fall  on  their  faces  before  him  and  worship  him.'  ■*  '  That  Son 
of  man  has  appeared  and  has  seated  himself  upon  the  throne  of 
his  glory,  and  all  evil  will  vanish  from  before  his  face  and 
cease  ;  but  the  word  of  that  Son  of  man  will  be  mighty  before 
the  Lord  of  spirits.'^  It  is  not  easy  to  see  how  such  a  view  of 
the  Messiah's  nature  and  office  can  be  harmonized  with  the 
persistent  belief  in  his  Davidic  descent ;  but  absence  of  strict 
consistency  in  the  eschatological  beliefs  of  a  given  age  or  even 
of  a  single  writer  need  not  present  insuperable  difficulty. 

It  is  true  that  this  picture  of  the  Messiah's  elevation  over  other  spiritual 
powers  occurs  chiefly  in  Enoch ;  but  the  later  rabbinical  writings,  certainly 
in  this  respect  not  influenced  by  Christian  belief  and  apparently  preserving 
earlier  Jewish  teaclung,  show  that  he  was  not  setting  forth  new  doctrine 
(cf.  Edersheim  I.  177  f.).  These  portions  of  Enoch  (the  Similitudes)  have 
been  held  by  some  to  be  a  Christian  interpolation  (so,  Hilgenfeld,  Volkmar, 

1  Test.  Levi  18.  "  Eu.  49'.  3  En.  Ql».  <  62. 

^  0!)-^9,  cf.  4i»,  4(53  ff.^  Test.  Jud.  24. 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  AGE  75 

Driiinmoiid,  al.)  bat  this  view  raises  great  difficulty.  The  paragraphs  in 
question  contain  no  other  traces  of  Christian  influence  ;  no  reference  to  the 
historical  Christ,  his  life,  death,  and  resurrection,  no  specifically  Christian 
doctrines  such  as  a  Christian  writer  inserts  when  he  tampers  with  an  earlier 
document ;  and  on  the  other  hand  a  representation  such  as  Enoch's  eleva- 
tion to  a  kind  of  Messiahship  (71"  ^■)  would  certainly  have  been  modified. 
We  are  therefore  probably  right  in  holding  the  paragraphs  to  be  Jewish. 
(Cf.  Beer  in  Kautzsch  231,  Baldensperger  17,  Schtirer  III.  279  f.) 

The  Messiah  now  becomes  the  judge  of  alL  In  earlier  writers 
in  the  judgment  which  shall  convict  the  hostile  nations  of  their 
wickedness  and  justify  their  destruction  a  forensic  act  preced- 
ing their  punishment  scarcely  appears;  where  'judgment,'  or 
'  sitting  in  judgment '  is  spoken  of  ^  the  thought  is  chiefly  of 
executing  sentence,  and  Jehovah  is  judge  and  executor.  In  the 
majestic  scene  described  by  Daniel  ^  it  is  Jehovah  in  the  like- 
ness of  '  one  that  was  Ancient  of  days '  who  did  sit  and  give 
sentence  from  the  opened  books ;  and  this  idea  of  the  person  of 
the  judge  continues  through  later  non-Christian  writers  as  the 
more  common  one.^  On  the  other  hand  in  the  latter  part  of 
our  period  this  function  is  often  assigned  to  the  Messiah.  In 
the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  ^  it  is  foretold  that  the  leader  of  the 
hostile  hosts  will  be  taken  up  to  Mount  Zion  where  the  Messiah 
'will  convict  him  of  all  his  impieties,  and  will  gather  and  set 
before  him  all  the  works  of  his  hosts.  And  afterwards  he  will 
be  put  to  death.'  In  similar  language  2  Esdras  ^  describes  the 
Messiah's  judgment :  '  He  shall  come  and  speak  unto  them  and 
reprove  them  for  their  wickedness  and  their  unrighteousness, 
...  he  shall  set  them  alive  in  his  judgment,  and  when  he  hath 
reproved  them,  he  shall  destroy  them.'  In  Enoch's  account  of 
the  judgment  not  only  the  kings  and  the  mighty  of  the  earth, 
the  sinners  and  the  just  shall  appear  before  the  Messiah's  throne, 
but  also  the  angels  and  all  the  spirits  of  evil.^  In  the  New 
Testament  this  conception  of  the  Messiah  as  the  universal 
judge  becomes  the  more  usual  doctrine.  There  is  no  conflict 
between  the  two  ideas  respecting  the  person  of  the  judge  ;  for 
as  the  Messiah  is  conceived  to  rule  as  Jehovah's  representative  '' 
so  his  judgment  is  described  as  exercised  in  Jehovah's  name.^ 

1 -E.r/.  Jl.  3-M-'.  2  79ff..  3  Cf.  2  Es.  733,  En.  473,  Sib.  Or.  IV.  40  ff. 

4  401*-.  5  1232  f..  6  494^  564,  618,  623,  6927.  7  Mic.  54,.  Zee.  38. 

8  En.  554. 


76  ESCHATOLOGY 

He  is  God's  agent.  Thus  St.  Paul  characterizes  the  judgment 
as  '  the  day  when  God  shall  judge  the  secrets  of  men  ...  by 
Jesus  Christ '  ^  and  the  Acts  speak  of  a  day  in  which  God  '  will 
judge  the  world  .  .  .  by  the  man  whom  he  hath  ordained.' ^ 
St.  Paul  and  St.  John  then  can  without  self-contradiction  speak 
of  the  judgment  as  the  act  of  God,^  though  generally  attribut- 
ing it  to  Christ.^ 

(6)  The  messianic  age  as  an  Interregnum.^  We  see  in  the 
survey  above,  that  the  two  forms  of  eschatological  hope  existing 
side  by  side  in  the  latter  part  of  our  period  were  the  national 
and  the  universal  ;  the  former  contemplating  the  future  of 
Israel,  the  nations  of  the  earth  in  their  relation  to  Israel,  the 
reign  of  the  Davidic  Messiah  in  an  earthly  kingdom  of  right- 
eousness and  glory  which  should  endure  forever  ;  the  latter, 
the  world  of  men  and  spiritual  beings,  a  universal  realm  in 
which  national  and  earthly  limitations  are  obliterated,  the  resur- 
rection of  the  dead  and  the  judgment,  the  heavenly  Messiah, 
the  renewal  of  all  things  and  '  eternal  life  '  in  the  perfection  of 
the  '  coming  age.'  The  older,  national  hope,  planted  in  a  literal 
understanding  of  a  long  series  of  prophecies,  was  too  firmly 
rooted  to  give  way  to  the  newer,  transcendental,  outlook,  and 
both  continued  together  in  spite  of  differences  and  inconsist- 
encies. But  the  effort  to  harmonize  the  two,  to  retain  the  hope 
centering  in  a  national  messianic  kingdom,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  wider  expectation  of  the  '  coming  world '  gave  rise  to 
a  view  according  to  which  the  messianic  age,  as  a  period  of 
national  glory  fulfilling  all  the  promises  of  the  prophets,  is  a 
prelude  to  the  final  state,  an  interregnum  between  the  two  seons. 
'  The  messianic  kingdom  brings  the  national  felicity,  the  new 
ieon  brings  eternal  life.'  ^  The  most  distinct  expression  of  this 
view  is  found  in  2  Esdras.'^  When  the  full  time  has  come  the 
city  (the  messianic  Jerusalem)  will  appear  in  the  midst  of  great 

1  RO.   216.  2    1731. 

3  Cf .  Ro.  1410,  Oeov  is  the  correct  reading,  36 ;  Jno,  S^o,  6^5. 

4  For  a  similar  identification  of  God  and  his  instrument  cf .  Ezk.  34,  where  both 
.Jehovah,  vv.  11-16,  and  the  Davidic  kings,  v.  23,  are  called  the  shepherd  of 
Israel  ;  also  Ex.  3,  where  both  Jehovah,  vv.  8,  17,  and  IMoses,  v.  10,  are  called 
Israel's  deliverer. 

6  Cf.  Volz  62  ff.,  Bousset  Jud.  273  ff.,  Schurer  II.  635  f.,  Salmond  312  f., 
Weber  System  354  ff.,  Drummond  312  ff.  6  Volz  64.  i  1^^. 


LAST  CENTURIES  OF  POST-EXILIC  ACxE  77 

wonders,  the  Messiah  will  be  revealed  and  the  saints  will  be  in 
felicity  with  him  for  a  space  of  400  years ;  afterwards  the 
Messiali  and  all  that  live  will  die,^  the  world  will  be  turned  into 
its  original  silence  for  seven  days ;  then  the  dead  will  be  raised, 
the  world  renewed,  the  Most  High  will  appear  on  the  throne  of 
judgment,  and  Paradise  and  the  pit  of  torment  will  be  opened 
as  the  endless  awards  of  those  who  are  judged.  In  another 
passage  '^  2  Esdras  says  that  the  Messiah  will  deliver  his  people 
and  '  make  them  joyful  until  the  coming  of  the  end,  even  the 
day  of  judgment.'  A  similar  representation  is  found  in  the 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  ^  and  probably  also  in  Enoch,"*  where  a 
vision  of  the  world's  history  is  given  in  ten  '  week  '-periods  ;  of 
these  the  eighth,  in  which  ^sinners  will  be  given  over  into  the 
hands  of  the  righteous,'  seems  to  represent  the  messianic  age^; 
while  the  general  judgment,  the  destruction  of  the  world  and 
the  appearance  of  the  new  heavens  fall  in  the  ninth  and  tenth 
'  weeks.'  In  Slavonic  Enoch  (XXXII  f.)  the  doctrine  of  an 
interval  of  1000  years  seems  to  be  found,  as  in  the  Revelation, 
20. *"  But  the  idea  of  a  messianic  interregnum  is  less  common. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  it  is  found  in  the  apocalyptic  writers 
except  in  these  places  and  in  Rev.  20^  though  in  the  late  rabbini- 
cal writings  a  distinction  between  tlie  '  days  of  the  Messiah  '  and 
'  the  coming  age  '  is  not  infrequent.  To  the  former  th-ey  assign 
periods  varying  from  40  to  2000  years  —  in  one  instance  a 
period  of  1000  years,  a  millennium.''  The  pre-Christian  existence 
of  this  conception  of  the  messianic  age  between  the  two  {eons  is 
interesting  to  the  biblical  student  chiefly  because  it  appears  in 
the  doctrine  of  the  Millennium  in  the  Revelation,''*  a  doctrine, 
however,  not  certainly  found  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament.^ 

(7)  The  Reckoning  of  the  Time  imtil  the  end.  ^^  The  eager  direc- 
tion of  thought  toward  the  expected  end  found  in  much  of  the 
later  Hebrew  literature  of  our  period  is  not  due  to  curious  specu- 

1  This  idea  of  the  Messiah's  death  lias  no  relation  to  the  historic  event  of 
Christ's  death  ;  cf .  p.  50.  In  the  Ap.  Bar.  it  is  said  that  the  Messiah  will  return 
to  his  heavenly  glory  at  the  end  of  his  earthly  reign  ;  cf.  p.  73.  ^  1234. 

3  301,  401-3,  cf.  74.  *  91,  98. 

^  So,  Bousset  Jud.  274  ;  otherwise  however,  Volz  66.  ^  Rut  see  p.  184. 

7  (^f.  Volz  236,  Bousset  Jud.  276,  Drmnniond  31.5  ff.  »  20'-«. 

9  On  1  Co.  1.523  ff-  see  p.  98.     For  this  doctrine  in  the  O.  T.  see  p.  36. 

10  Cf.  Volz  162  ff.,  Bousset  Jud.  234  ff.,  Drunnnond  200  ff. 


78  ESCHATOLOGY 

lation  about  the  future ;  it  is  born  rather  of  the  stress  and  per- 
plexity of  the  times  present.  The  bitter  bondage  of  God's  people 
to  Gentile  rulers,  the  trials  of  the  godly  among  godless  Israelites, 
the  hardness  and  iniquity  which  the  weaker  must  endure  from  the 
stronger,  raised  continually  the  problem  of  the  rule  of  a  right- 
eous God,  and  faith  was  pointed  on  to  a  future  when  his  ways 
would  be  justified  to  men,  and  all  evil  would  end.  Out  of  these 
experiences  arose  ever  and  anon  the  cry,  Lord,  how  long?^ 
The  answer,  characteristic  of  eschatological  literature  of  what- 
ever date,  is  that  the  end  is  near.  From  the  prophet  of  the  first 
great  apocalypse,  Daniel,  who  speaks  throughout  in  the  belief 
that  the  times  of  distress  are  approaching  their  limit,  to  the  seer 
of  the  Revelation,  whose  message  is  of  things  which  must  come  to 
pass  shortly,^  the  expectation  is  generally  the  same.  But  before 
this  consummation  the  world  must  run  its  course  fixed  by  God ; 
'  The  end  shall  be  at  the  time  appointed.'  ^  As  God  was  said  to 
have  fixed  a  measure  of  iniquity,'^  and  the  number  of  the  saints  ^ 
to  be  filled  up,  so  he  had  determined  the  measure  of  time 
which  must  be  fulfilled  :  '  For  he  hath  weighed  the  world  in  the 
balance  ;  and  by  measure  hath  he  measured  the  times,  and  by 
number  hath  he  numbered  the  seasons ;  and  he  shall  not  move 
nor  stir  them,  until  the  said  measure  be  fulfilled.'  *"  But  the 
eschatological  writer  conceives  the  generation  which  he  addresses 
to  be  standing  already  in  the  closing  years  of  this  measured 
period ;  and  to  set  this  vividly  before  his  readers  he  divides  the 
world's  history,  or  at  least  its  later  ages,  into  a  definite  number 
of  epochs  in  a  program  which  discloses  the  final  era  as  not  far 
removed.  This  division  of  the  world's  history,  or  of  the  latter 
portion  of  it,  into  a  fixed  number  of  periods  appears  first  in 
Daniel  in  the  prophecies  of  the  four  kingdoms,  and  of  the  seventy 
weeks,'^  the  latter  being  an  eschatological  interpretation  of  the 
seventy  years  of  the  Babylonian  captivity  prophesied  by  Jere- 
miah.^ Henceforth  some  such  mode  of  computation  becomes  a 
stereotyped  feature  in  eschatological  writings.  The  numbers 
commonly  met  with  are  four,  seven  (or  its  multiple  seventy), 
ten  and  twelve.      The  fourfold  division  appears  again  in  the 

1  Dan.  12*  ff-,  2  Es.  659,  Ap.  Bar.  21  is,  Sib.  Or.  III.  55.  2  p. 

3  Dan.  1127.  4  Dan.  92%  2  Es.  1225,  Jub.  14i6,  1  Tliess.  2i6. 

5  2  Es.  436,  Rev.  6".  6  2  Es.  436  *-.  7  7^  924.  s  91. 


PERSIAN  INFLUENCE  79 

Apocalypse  of  Barucli  ^  and  in  the  rabbinical  writings;  ^  Enoch 
combines  the  four  kingdoms  and  the  seventy  weeks  of  Daniel  in 
a  scheme  of  seventy  periods  divided  into  four  parts  ;  ^  a  tenfold 
division  appears  in  the  Sibylline  Oracles  IV.'*  and  Enoch  ;5  a 
twelvefold  in  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch ;  ^  a  sevenfold  in  the 
Sibylline  Oracles  III.,^  Enoch, ^  Testament  of  Levi,'^  the  Revela- 
tion. ^^  The  delineation  of  the  periods  generally  makes  clear 
to  which  one  the  generation  then  present  on  the  stage  of  history 
is  reckoned,  and  thus  the  place  of  the  end  is  shown.  Sometimes 
also  the  time  of  the  end  was  computed  from  the  sum  total  of 
the  years  which  the  world  is  appointed  to  last,  as  determined 
by  biblical  utterances  interpreted  with  rabbinical  sublety.^i 
Slavonic  Enoch  ^^  seems  to  make  the  duration  of  the  world  7000 
years — 6000  from  the  creation  to  the  judgment  and  1000  for 
the  millennium  —  and  this  number  is  found  in  the  Talmud.  On 
the  other  hand  the  view  is  found  that  the  final  day  is  not  fixed, 
but  that  its  advent  may  be  hastened  by  the  prayers  of  the  saints 
and  the  cries  of  the  martyrs  for  vengeance ;  ^'■^  and  later  rabbini- 
cal writers  i"*  make  its  coming  depend  upon  the  repentance  of 
Israel  —  a  belief  apparently  found  among  the  people  also,  as  it 
is  implied  in  St.  Peter's  discourse  in  the  Acts  S^'^  (see  RV.).is 

(8)  Persian  infiuenoe  in  later  Jewish  Eschatology.  Whether 
Jewish  eschatology  in  the  later  forms  spoken  of  above  was  a 
direct  and  natural  outgrowth  solely  from  the  Hebrew  religion 
and  the  teaching  of  the  prophets,  or  whether  new  elements 
were  introduced  into  it  from  foreign  beliefs,  has  been  much 
debated  in  more  recent  times.^^  The  question  is  too  large  to 
receive  discussion  here,  nor  is  that  essential  to  the  purpose  of 
the  survey  with  which  we  are  concerned.     It  will  suffice    to 

1 .39.  2  cf.  Volz  168. 

3  8959-9025.     Cf.  Beer  in  Kautzsch  294,  Charles  En.  244. 

MTff.  5  93.91.  6  53  ff.  v  192  ff.  891.  917. 

10  l.S,  the  seven  heads.  "  Cf.  Drummond  207  f. 

12  33.     Cf.  Charles  in  lor.  i3  ku.  47,  cf.  Rev.  Qw. 

n  Cf.  Weber  Sy stein  333  f. 

15  On  the  '  messianic  woes  '  as  a  sign  of  the  approaching  end  cf .  pp.  38  f . 

16  Cf.  Lticke  I.  58  f .,  Boklen  Die  Venoandschaft  d.  jikL-christ.  mit  d.  pers. 
Eschatologie,  Charles  Eschatolocjy,  Soderbloni  La  vie  future  d^apres  le  Maz- 
deisme,  Cheyne  The  Origin  and  reliq.  Contents  of  the  Psalter,  Bousset  Jud. 
449  ff..  Die  jM.  Apokaliptik  36  ff.,  Baldensperger  189  ff..  Hast.  IV.  990,  .John 
The  Influence  of  Babylon.  Mythol.  upon  the  0.  T.  in  '  Cambridge  Biblical 
Studies,'  Jeremias  The  0.  T.  in  the  Light  of  the  Ancient  East,  Eng.  trans. 


80  ESCHATOLOGY 

state  certain  factors  which  enter  into  the  problem.  Among  the 
nations  with  whom  the  Jews  in  their  later  history  were  in  long 
and  close  contact,  only  the  Persians,  as  far  as  has  been  discov- 
ered, possessed  a  distinctly  developed  eschatology.  According 
to  the  Avesta^  the  collection  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Persian 
religion  (called  variously  Zoroastrianism,  Parseeism,  Mazde- 
ism),  the  two  principal  divinities,  Ormazd  (Ahura  Mazdah) 
and  Ahriman  (Angra  Mainyu),  exist  in  the  beginning  inde- 
pendently of  each  other.  The  former  is  the  god  of  light,  the 
creator  of  the  world,  of  man  and  all  good  ;  the  latter,  the  god 
of  darkness  and  the  creator  of  all  evil.  The  history  of  the 
world  after  the  creation  of  man  is  the  history  of  the  conflict 
between  these  two  divinities  for  the  supremacy ;  at  tlie  end  of 
the  present  leon,  the  last  of  four  teons  (cf.  Daniel's  four  king- 
doms), the  great  deliverer  of  the  world,  Saoshyant  (a  Messiah), 
is  raised  up ;  the  god  of  evil  marshals  all  his  forces  for  a  deci- 
sive assault  upon  the  powers  of  Ormazd  and  is  overthrown ;  a 
universal  judgment  is  instituted,  the  dead  are  raised,  an  ordeal 
of  lire  is  sent  upon  the  world,  througli  which  the  good  pass 
unharmed,  while  it  consumes  all  that  is  evil  ;  the  god  Ahriman 
with  his  angels  is  cast  into  the  abyss  of  torment,  forever 
robbed  of  his  power,  and  tlie  good  are  admitted  to  the  kingdom 
of  the  renewed  heaven  and  earth  to  dwell  in  felicity  with  their 
savior  Saoshyant.  The  parallelism  with  the  course  of  this 
world  and  the  final  issues  as  conceived  in  Jewish  eschatology 
is  at  once  apparent  ;  and  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conviction 
that  there  is  some  measure  of  dependence.  As  the  Avesta 
underwent  revision  sometime  in  the  early  Christian  centuries, 
it  has  been  contended  that  Persian  eschatology  borrowed  from 
the  Jewish,  but  this  view  is  generally  rejected  by  students  of 
the  Avesta ;  at  all  events  the  more  fundamental  ideas  contained 
in  this  representation  doubtless  formed  a  part  of  the  original 
groundwork  of  the  Avesta,  as  their  presence  in  the  Persian 
religion  in  pre-Christian  times  is  established  by  the  testimony 
of  Theopompus  (380  B.C.)  as  preserved  in  Plutarch. ^ 

Circumstances  in  which  Persian  religious  ideas  might  find 
their  way  to  Hebrew  acceptance  are  manifest.     As  pointed  out 
by  Bousset,^  the  Jews,  who  in  large  numbers  remained  behind 
1  De  Iside  et  Osiride  47.  '^  Jvd.  455. 


PERSIAN  INFLUENCE  81 

in  Babylon  and  the  adjacent  country  after  the  return  of  their 
compatriots,  and  who  came  to  form  an  influential  center  in  the 
thought  of  later  Judaism,  had  thus  ample  opportunity  in  the 
course  of  these  centuries  to  come  in  contact  with  Zoroastri- 
anism,  which  was  now  the  predominant  form  of  religion  there  ; 
and  they  were  not  unlikely  to  be  influenced,  perhaps  uncon- 
sciously, by  this  contact,  since  in  ethical  and  even  theological 
aspects  Zoroastrianism  approaclied  more  nearly  than  did  any 
other  religion  to  their  own.  Ormazd,  as  a  divinity  of  perfect 
goodness  who  should  in  the  end  triumph  over  all  evil  and 
become  the  unopposed  lord  of  the  world,  was  in  their  minds 
not  far  removed  from  Jehovah;  and  the  judgment  of  men 
according  to  an  ethical  standard,  the  overthrow  and  punish- 
ment of  the  wicked,  the  sure  reward  of  the  good,  and  a  future 
kingdom  of  righteousness,  peace,  and  glory,  were  all  funda- 
mental articles  of  Jewish  belief.  The  affinities  therefore  be- 
tween the  two  races  in  religious  and  moral  beliefs  were  such 
that  a  certain  influence  of  the  predominant  people  upon  the 
other  can  be  readily  understood.  But  on  the  other  hand  this 
parallelism  between  the  two  eschatologies  does  not  certainly 
prove  a  large  dependence  of  the  Hebrew  upon  the  Persian. 
While  subordinate  factors,  such  as  a  division  of  the  world's 
history  into  a  definite  number  of  seons,  the  multiplication  of 
spiritual  beings  and  their  organization  in  an  elaborate  hier- 
archy, may  have  been  adopted  directly,  yet  the  central  doc- 
trines of  a  universal  judgment,  a  resurrection  of  at  least  the 
just,  the  destruction  of  evil  powers,  the  reign  of  the  Messiah, 
and  the  everlasting  felicity  of  the  redeemed  in  a  renewed 
world,  were  expectations  which  might  conceivably  be  directly 
developed  out  of  the  religion  of  the  prophets.  In  the  changed 
political  condition  of  the  Hebrews  after  the  exile  and  with 
their  enlarged  view  of  the  religion  of  Jehovah,  some  such 
development  could  hardly  fail  to  take  place,  if  they  were  to 
retain  faith  in  their  destiny  as  the  people  of  God.  What 
seems  most  reasonable  to  suppose  is,  that  Persian  ideas  because 
of  their  very  similarity  gave  a  certain  acceleration  to  the 
growth  of  what  in  germ  was  already  contained  in  Jewish 
belief,  and  at  the  same  time  influenced  the  form  taken  by  the 
growing  conceptions.     It  is  unquestionable  that  in  many  in- 


82  ESCHATOLOGY 

stances  foreign  elements  were  in  different  ages  taken  up  into 
popular  thought  among  tlie  Hebrews  ;  ^  but  these  were  gener- 
ally transformed  and  purified  by  the  clearer  religious  and 
ethical  insight  of  the  Hebrew  writers.  We  may  not  be  going 
too  far  in  supposing  that  such  borrowed  elements  in  some 
instances  were  made  by  the  divine  revealer,  who  works  through 
means,  an  instrument  for  setting  his  revelation  in  clearer  light. 
But  it  may  be  questioned  whether  as  a  historical  fact  the 
essence  of  a  single  fundamental  truth  was  received  by  the 
Hebrews  in  this  way. 

5.  The  New  Testament  Era.  This  division  of  our  subject 
is  intended  to  present,  in  briefest  possible  outline,  the  principal 
eschatological  teaching  given  in  the  New  Testament,  that  is, 
Christian  eschatology  as  related  to  and  contrasted  with  the 
Jewish.  The  later  developments  of  the  latter,  even  if  repre- 
sented in  writings  of  the  same  era  as  the  New  Testament 
Scriptures,  belong  distinctly  to  Jewish  thought  and  have  been 
treated  in  the  former  sections.  But  as  in  every  department  of 
religious  truth,  so  in  eschatology,  the  affinity  between  the 
Jewish  and  the  Christian  forms  is  very  close,  the  former  being 
the  preparation  for  the  latter.  We  have  seen  how  Jewish  con- 
ceptions of  the  Last  Things  grew  and  were  modified  by  the 
course  of  history,  and  similarly  we  may  in  a  general  way  say 
that  the  eschatological  expectations  of  the  New  Testament  era 
are  but  the  Jewish  conceptions  enlarged  and  transformed  by  the 
revelation  given  in  Christ.  This  relation  of  the  Christian 
doctrines  to  their  forerunners  must  be  kept  clearly  before  us, 
if  we  are  to  avoid  misinterpretation  of  the  utterances  of  our 
Lord  and  the  New  Testament  writers  regarding  the  final 
destiny  of  man  and  the  issue  of  the  ages.  Nor  can  we  over- 
look the  great  prominence  of  eschatology  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, remote  as  it  is  from  the  interest  of  our  modern  every- 
day religious  thought.  While  that  is  certainly  a  one-sided 
estimate  which  makes  the  teaching  of  our  Lord  purely  eschato- 
logical, solely  concerned  with  the  announcement  of  a  kingdom 
coming  in  the  near  future,^  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  an  eager 

.  1  Cf.  Gunkel  Schopfung  u.  Chaos,  Delitzsch  Babel  u.  Bibel.     ^  Cf.  pp.  139  ff. 


NEW  TESTAMENT  ERA  83 

outlook  toward  the  final  consummation  is  everywhere  present 
as  a  conditioning  factor  in  his  preaching  and  in  that  of  the 
apostles.  We  cannot  read  the  New  Testament  with  an  intelli- 
gent grasp  of  the  writers'  thought  without  a  recognition  of 
this  fact.  At  the  same  time  neither  in  a  particular  writer  nor 
in  the  New  Testament  as  a  whole  are  we  to  look  for  any  com- 
plete and  systematic  exposition  of  the  Last  Things,  expressed 
in  precise  doctrinal  terms,  just  as  we  find  no  presentation  of  a 
system  of  theology  or  christology.  Whatever  of  the  doctrines 
of  the  End  is  given  appears,  not  as  abstract  truth,  but  in 
lessons  for  present  practical  purposes,  as  motives  to  conduct,  as 
encouragement  or  warning.  Much  that  we  should  be  glad  to 
know  of  the  future  is  left  untouched,  much  remains  at  best  as 
only  an  uncertain  inference.  It  is  evident  that  while  there  is 
agreement  among  the  different  parts  of  the  New  Testament 
as  regards  certain  great  fundamental  expectations,  yet  the 
eschatological  utterances  given  by  various  writers  to  meet 
varying  occasions  and  circumstances  must  present,  or  at  least 
emphasize,  varying  forms  or.  aspects  of  eschatological  hope. 
Within  limits  we  may  speak  of  a  general  eschatology  of  the 
New  Testament,  but  in  the  following  surve}^  we  shall  take  up 
separately  the  leading  groups  into  which  the  writings  fall, 
because  only  in  this  way  can  be  seen  the  variety  and  scope  of 
the  views  contained  in  the  whole.  And  we  begin  properly 
with  the  eschatology  of  St.  Paul.  His  epistles  are  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  all  earlier  than  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment ;  we  have  his  teaching,  not  at  second  hand,  reported  by 
others,  but  given  in  his  own  words ;  and  in  regard  to  most  of 
these  epistles  a  cautious  criticism  is  disposed  to  accept  their 
genuineness  ;  St.  Paul,  moreover,  more  than  any  other  apostle 
may  be  called  the  great  doctor  of  the  infant  church ;  his 
influence  upon  its  thought  was  everywhere  felt  directly  or 
indirectly  ;  some  scholars  even  go  so  far  as  to  find  his  ideas 
and  the  language  coined  by  him  to  be  recognized  in  every 
other  New  Testament  book.^ 

Pauline  Eschatology .^        Sources.  —  It  is  obviously  impossible  in  the 
.s[)ace  here  at  command  to  enter  into  a  discussion  of  the  critical  questions 

1  Holtzmann,  Theol.  II.  4. 

2  Cf.  books  on  N.   T.    theology,    especially   Weiss,    Holtzmann,    Beyschlag, 


84  ESCHATOLOGY 

concerning  the  genuineness  of  the  epistles  attributed  to  St.  Paul.  The  follow- 
ing brief  note  regarding  critical  opinion  must  suffice.  The  Pauline  author- 
ship of  the  four  great  epistles,  Ro.,  1  Co.,  2  Co.,  Gal.,  is  so  firmly  established 
that  no  argument  to  the  contrary  is  held  valid  by  any  considerable  number 
of  scholars,  even  among  critics  of  an  extreme  tendency.  Very  general  also  in 
all  schools  of  criticism,  though  not  universal,  is  the  acceptance  of  1  Thess. 
More  objection  is  raised  against  2  Thess.  (important  in  its  eschatology)  ;  yet 
it  is  uow  widely  acknowledged  that  no  decisive  argument  against  its  authen- 
ticity can  be  found  in  language  and  style,  that  the  apparent  contradiction 
between  1  Thess.  5^  and  2  Thess.  2^  *■,  may  be  due  to  difference  in  reference 
or  a  change  of  emphasis  (see  p.  89  on  reconciliation  of  the  two  passages), 
that  the  numerous  resemblances  to  1  Thess.  may  be  accounted  for  by  a 
vivid  recalling  of  the  former  epistle  through  memory  or  a  preserved  copy 
(cf.  the  recalling  of  the  phraseology  of  an  earlier  letter  in  1  Co.  5^).  There 
is  a  growing  tendency  in  criticism  at  the  present  time  to  regard  the  argu- 
ments against  the  traditional  view  as  inconclusive.  Still  wider  is  the 
agreement  of  critics  now  regarding  Phil.,  which  was  placed  among  the 
pseudepigraphic  writings  by  Bauer  and  his  followers.  '  Bauer's  thesis  that 
the  entire  epistle  is  post-Pauline  has  the  approval  still  of  only  the  Dutch 
radicals,  who  recognize  nothing  as  Pauline '  (Jiilicher  Ein.  108).  The 
striking  resemblances  between  P]ph.  and  Col.,  the  ecclesiology  of  the  former 
and  the  Christology  of  the  latter,  have  led  many  critics  to  reject,  some  the 
one,  and  some  the  other  of  these  two  epistles,  yet  none  of  these  objections 
has  been  found  so  far  conclusive  as  to  gain  the  general  acknowledgment 
of  critical  scholars.  The  number  of  those  who  would  reject  Col.  has  not 
increased  of  late,  and  while  a  larger  number  question  Eph.  the  inconcln- 
siveness  of  the  objections  to  it  seems  to  become  more  widely  acknowledged 
in  recent  criticism.  As  regards  the  doctrines  in  question  these  two  epistles 
are  seen  to  contain,  not  un-Pauline  ideas,  but  only  earlier  ideas  more  fully 
developed.  All  the  above-mentioned  epistles  then  may  be  taken  to  furnish 
sources  for  our  study,  and  the  theory  of  later  interpolations  adopted  by 
some,  cannot  be  carried  through  so  completely  as  to  affect  the  epistles  for 
our  present  purpose.  The  Pastoral  epistles  which  present  greater  difficulties 
for  the  critical  student  do  not  contribute  eschatological  teaching  not  found 
in  at  least  some  one  of  the  other  epistles,  and  need  not  therefore  be  used. 
The  Pauline  speeches  recorded  in  the  Acts  are  of  course  not  verbatim  re- 
ports, and  even  if  representing  the  apostle's  thought  in  general,  can  hardly 
be  taken  as  evidence  of  teaching  not  found  in  the  epistles. 

St.  Paul,  trained  in  pharisaic  learning  and  acquainted  with 
apocalyptic  writings,  brought  with  him  when  he  became  a 
Christian  a  knowledge  of  the  late  Jewish  conceptions  of  the 
Messiah  ;    and  some   inference    regarding   the   prominence    of 

Stevens  ;  cf.  also  Titius  N.  T.,  Pfleiderer,  Vol.  T,  Kabiseh,  Feine,  Bruckner, 
Wrede  Paul,  J.  Weiss  Paul,  Hausrath  Jesus  Vol.  1,  Kennedy  Faul^  Bruce 
Paul,  Matthews  Mess.,  Beet  The  Last  Thinys. 


PAULINE  85 

the  messianic  idea  in  his  pre-Christian  thought  may  be  drawn 
from  the  phxce  it  occupies  with  him  subsequently.     The  mes- 
sianic titles,  '  Christ,'  that  is,  Messiah,  and  '  Lord,'  occur,  one 
or  the  other  of  them,  more  than  300  times  in  his  epistles,  while 
the  name  Jesus  alone  is  found  not  more  than  10  times.     And 
his  conception  of  the  person  and  work  of  the  Christ  formed  the 
center  of  all  his  religious  thought  as  a  Christian ;   it  was  this 
that  determined  the  character  of  his  eschatology.     Already  the 
doctrine  of  the  Messiah  had  reached  in  late  Jewish  literature  a 
growth  in  which  he  appears  as  a  preexistent  heavenly  person, 
above  all  created  beings,  endowed  with    divine   wisdom   and 
might,  one  who  in  the  Last  Days  should  come  forth  in  glory  to 
judge  the  world,  vanquish  evil,  inaugurate  the  divine  kingdom, 
and  reign  with  God  forever. ^     In  St.   Paul's  doctrine  of  the 
Christ  these  same  elements  appear  and  are  taken  for  granted ; 
he  does  not  argue  to  establish  them,  or  treat  them  as  a  part  of 
a  new  revelation  given  to  him.     It  is  probable  then  that  this 
was  the  Messiah  who  in   his   pre-Christian  days   he   believed 
would  come  in  the  fullness  of  time.     This  hope  makes  clear  his 
furious  persecution  of  the  church,  which  preached  Jesus  as  the 
Messiah  ;   to  his  mind  it  was  extreme  blasphemy  to  think  of 
the  man,  whose  career  had  ended  in  an  accursed  death,^  as  the 
incarnation  of  that  glorious  one  whom  no  might  could  resist 
and  who  when  he  came  should  abide  forever.     But  when  the 
Messiah  of  his  faith  appeared  to  Saul  in  the  bright  light  of  his 
glory  and  revealed  himself  as  also  the  Jesus  whom  he  perse- 
cuted, Saul's  whole   conception   of   the    person   and  work   of 
Jesus  was  revolutionized.     He  accepted  with  all  its  meaning 
the  truth  of  the  resurrection  which  the  church  had  been  pro- 
claiming as  the  evidence  of  its  faith.     He  saw  that  the  Messiah 
of  his  earlier  belief  had  come  forth  to  earth  in  human  form  for  a 
time  and  had  returned  to  his  heavenly  glory. .    This  incarnate 
life  was  an  episode  in  the  eternal  life  of  the  Christ,  and  the  pur- 
pose of  this  episode,  not  commonly  apprehended  in  Jewish  ideas 
of  the  Messiah's  Avork  ^  now  became  clear  ;   the  incarnation  and 
death  of  the  Christ  was  an  atonement  for  the  sin  of  the  world ; 
that  brief  earthly  sojourn  of  the  Messiah  was  a  preparation  for 
the  eschatological  coming ;    it  was  not  the   coming   to  which 
1  pp.  74  f.  2  Gal.  313.  3  See  p.  49. 


86  ESCHATOLOGY 

Paul  with  all  the  people  of  God  had  looked  forward;  that  still 
lay  in  the  future,  that  was  the  coming  which  should  fulfill  the 
prophecies  of  the  End  and  realize  all  eschatological  hopes. 
Neither  St.  Paul  nor  the  other  New  Testament  writers  are 
accustomed  to  speak  of  it  as  a  secoyid  coming ;  it  is  with  them 
the  coming,  the  Parousia.  Important  for  St.  Paul's  spiritual 
development  and  eschatology  as  was  that  meeting  with  the 
Lord  which  convinced  him  that  the  heavenly  Messiah  had 
come  in  the  person  of  Jesus,  still  more  influential  in  revealing 
to  him  the  nature  of  the  glorified  Christ  and  his  work  in  the 
world  was  the  apostle's  experience  of  the  indwelling  Christ  in 
the  person  of  the  Spirit.  Christ,  the  exalted  one,  was  the 
Spirit,^  and  as  Spirit  dwelt  in  the  believers  and  in  the  church,^ 
working  out  the  life  of  union  with  him  and  preparing  for  his 
coming.  With  the  far-reaching  religious  consequences  of  the 
doctrine  of  the  indwelling  Christ  we  are  not  concerned  here, 
except  so  far  as  it  affected  St.  Paul's  eschatology.  In  that 
union  with  Christ  through  the  Spirit  lay  the  pledge  of  the 
believer's  resurrection  and  future  blessedness,  and  of  the  per- 
fection and  glory  of  the  Church.  With  the  great  revolution  in 
Paul's  understanding  and  belief  that  came  to  him  in  and  after 
his  conversion,  some  of  his  former  conceptions  of  the  Last 
Things  necessarily  fell  away,  others  were  profoundly  modified, 
some  he  seems  to  have  retained  vaguely  without  attempting  to 
adjust  them  in  every  case  to  the  hopes  of  his  new  faith.  The 
principal  eschatological  ideas  expressed  in  his  epistles  may  be 
arranged  in  the  following  groups. 

(1)  The  Coming  of  the  Lord.  This  is  fundamental  in  vSt. 
Paul's  thought.  It  is  mentioned  directly  or  implied  throughout 
as  the  background  of  teaching,  of  hope  and  warning.  And 
the  Apostle  has  .in  mind  not  merely  a  subjective  presence  such 
as  is  realized  in  special  visitations  of  the  Spirit,  but  a  visible 
return  conceived  under  traditional  Jewish  forms.  The  ideas 
and  terms  of  the  popular  eschatology  are  represented  most 
vividly  in  the  so-called  Pauline  apocalypses,^  which  belong  to 
the  Apostle's  earliest  writings ;    but  even  if  we   suppose  his 

i2Co.  3"f-  2Ro.8iof-,  1  Co.  12i2f. 

3  2  Thess.  17-1-',  21-10,  cf .  also  1  Thess.  4i*-". 


PAULINE  87 

conceptions  to  have  become  more  spiritualized  in  later  years, 
tlie  essential  elements  are  retained.  The  Lord  will  come  forth 
suddenly  attended  by  the  heavenly  hosts,  at  the  call  of  the 
archangel  and  the  sound  of  the  trump  the  dead  will  rise,^  the 
universal  judgment  will  be  held,^  the  redemption  to  which  be- 
lievers have  been  sealed  ^  will  be  accomplished,  they  will  be 
joined  with  Christ  in  his  glory  ^  and  the  kingdom  of  God  will 
be  established  forever.^  As  in  all  eschatological  literature,  the 
Day  of  the  Lord  marks  the  transition  from  '  This  Age '  to  the 
'Coming  Age.'  Although  St.  Paul  does  not  employ  the  latter 
term,  his  frequent  use  of  the  former  shows  the  distinction  to 
have  been  an  essential  part  of  his  thought.  As  in  the  Old 
Testament  prophets  ^  and  in  the  common  belief  of  the  apostolic 
age,  so  with  St.  Paul  that  day  is  looked  for  as  near  at  hand ;  '^ 
he  himself  hoped  to  see  it  dawn.^  Though  the  experiences  of 
his  later  life  made  more  distinct  the  consciousness  that  he  might 
himself  die  before  the  parousia,^  he  did  not  lose  his  belief  in  its 


nearness. 


10 


Antecedents  of  the  Coining.  The  expectation  of  *■  times  of 
trouble,'  the  '  messianic  woes,'  which  is  characteristic  of  apoca- 
lyptic writers  ^^  Avas  shared  by  St.  Paul.  Referred  to  in  general 
terms  elsewhere, ^^  it  takes  definite  form  in  the  'falling  away' 
(?5  cLTToaTaaCa)  and  the  revelation  of  the  '  man  of  sin '  given  in 
the  Pauline  apocalypse.^^  These  unmistakable  signs  must  pre- 
cede the  Day  of  the  Lord.  They  are  not  clearly  described 
here ;  in  fact  they  are  referred  to  with  the  vagueness  and  mys- 
teriousness  usual  in  apocalyptic  prophecy.  They  had  already 
formed  a  part  of  the  apostle's  oral  teaching  among  the  readers. 
The  great  Apostasy  predicted  is  frequently  understood  of  a 
coming  revolt  of  the  Jews  from  God,  as  the  '  man  of  sin  '  also  is 

1  1  Thess.  416,  313^  2  Thess.  1^,  1  Co.  I522.  2  Rq.  26.16,   1410-12. 

3  Eph.  430.  4  Col.  34.  5  1  Co.  1524-28.  6  gge  pp.  22,  36. 

7Ro.  ISUf-,  1  Co.  729,  Ph.  45. 

8  1  Thess.  41&  —  rifiets  includes  himself  —  1  Co.  15*i  *■-.  This  expectation  of  the 
day  as  near  does  not  easily  fall  into  conformity  with  the  prophecy  that  before 
the  parousia,  the  fullness  of  the  Gentiles  and  then  all  Israel  .should  come  in 
(Ro.  11.).  But  such  a  hope  is  far  from  impossible  with  a  man  of  his  fervid  faith, 
e.specially  in  view  of  the  wonderful  scenes  already  enacted  in  demonstration  of 
the  power  of  the  Spirit  and  the  triumphs  of  the  gospel  already  achieved. 

9  Ph.  120 f.,  2"  ;  still  stronger  2  Tim.  46 f-,  if  that  be  Pauline. 

10  Ph.  45.  11  Cf.  p.  38.  12  1  Co.  726.  13  2  Thess.  23-io. 


88  ESCHATOLOGY 

conceived  to  be  of  Jewish  origin.^  But  it  is  not  easy  to  suppose 
that  a  future  kipse  of  the  Jews  from  their  religion  should 
have  been  a  conspicuous  topic  in  the  Apostle's  teaching  to  a 
congregation  mainly  Gentile ,2  or  that  he  would  have  especially 
occupied  himself  with  a  future  increase  of  their  present  harden- 
ing of  themselves  against  God  seen  in  their  general  rejection  of 
the  Messiah ;  ^  on  the  contrary  he  looks  for  a  conversion  of  his 
people  as  one  of  the  events  leading  to  the  End.^  The  predic- 
tion seems  rather  to  relate  to  a  great  lapse  of  Christians  in  the 
allurements  and  perils  of  the  '  last  times,'  the  falling  away  of 
many  in  the  intensity  of  the  final  struggle  between  good  and 
evil. '  Such  an  apostasy  as  one  of  the  events  of  the  '  latter 
days '  is  mentioned  elsewhere,  e.^.  in  Daniel,^  in  later  apocalyptic 
literature,^  in  the  Gospels,^  in  the  Pastoral  epistles.^  The  Man 
of  Sin  (or  lawlessness,  as  given  in  many  Mss.)  whose  appearance 
is  one  of  the  precursors  of  the  Lord's  coming,^  is  without  doubt 
the  Antichrist,  the  ligvire  which  arising  in  late  Judaism  as  a 
part  of  the  popular  belief  regarding  the  End  and  referred  to, 
more  or  less  vaguely,  in  apocalyptic  literature  becomes  distinct 
in  the  New  Testament.^*'  In  him  as  the  last  great  enemy  is 
concentrated  all  hostility  to  God  and  the  Messiah.  The  descrip- 
tion of  him  given  by  St.  Paul  is  in  part  a  reminiscence  of 
Daniel's  picture  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  great  prototype 
of  subsequent  pictures  of  the  Antichrist.  He  will  arrogate  to 
himself  divine  honors  above  Jehovah  himself  in  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem,!^  his  influence  is  already  at  work  in  the  world,!^  ^^t 
for  a  little  time  is  restrained  by  that  miglity  force  for  civil  and 
social  order,  the  Roman  Empire  {to  Kare^ov,  6  Kare'xoiv,  vv.  6  f .)  ; 
but  when  that  force  is  removed,  he  will  appear  working  in 
all  the  power  of  Satan,  deceiving  and  leading  into  all  iniquity 
those  who  harden  themselves  against  a  love  of  the  truth ;   but 

1  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  63  b,  c.  ^1  Thess.  19,  2i4. 

3  1  Thess.  215 f-,  Ro.  9-10.  *  Ro.  lli^ff-. 

5  927  •  on  the  meaning  see  Driver  in  CB.  in  loc. ;  cf .  1  Mac.  l"-i^ 

6  En.  939.  '^  Mt.  2412.  8  1  Tim.  4,  2  Tim.  3.  »  2  Thess.  2^. 

10  See  p.  398. 

11  Dan.  1136  f-,  cf.  Ezk.  282.  xhe  attempt  of  the  Emperor  Caligula  in  the  year 
40  A.D.  to  set  up  his  statue  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  and  the  consequent 
horror  excited  among  the  Jews  may  have  led  to  the  special  application  and 
enlargement  of  these  vpords  of  Dan.  on  the  part  of  Christian  prophets  ;  cf .  Zahn 
Ein.  I.  §  15.  12  V.  7. 


PAULINE  89 

he  will  be  destroyed  by  a  breath  from  the  mouth  of  the  Lord  at 
the  parousia.i 

Many  scholars,  ancient  and  modern,  have  taken  the  Antichrist  here  to  be 
a  false  Messiah,  one  who  arising  from  the  Jewish  people  would  present 
himself  to  them  as  their  expected  Messiah.  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  63  c,  Bousset 
Antichrist  22  ff.  The  opinion  that  dvo/xta,  avoixo<i  vv.  7  f.  point  to  an  apostate 
from  the  Jewish  laip  is  not  supported  by  usage ;  cf.  2  Co.  6^*,  Tit.  2^*.  But 
one  who  exalted  himself  openly  in  the  temple  above  Jehovah  could  not 
hope  to  be  accepted  by  the  Jews  as  the  Messiah  foretold  by  the  prophets. 
'  A  pseudo-Messiah  is  wholly  different  from  an  anti-Messiah,'  Schmiedel  on 
2  Thess.  p.  40;  cf.  Holtzmann  Tht^ol.  11.  192.  For  valuable  discussions  of 
2  Thess.  2^12  see  Bornemann  in  Meyer  349  ft",  and  400  ff.,  and  Wohlenberg  in 
Zahn  //(  Inc.  and  Excursus  170  ff. 

The  mention  in  2  Thess.  2^  *•  of  signs  preceding  the  parousia  is  regarded 
by  many  as  irreconcilable  with  1  Thess.  5^"^,  where  it  is  said  that  the  time  of 
that  event  cannot  be  foreseen  (Schmiedel  on  Thess.  p.  9  ;  Julicher  Ein.  50). 
The  apparent  difference,  however,  disappears  upon  a  nearer  view  of  the 
passages.  In  the  earlier  letter  the  writer  is  urging  his  readers  to  unremitting 
watchfulness  and  preparedness  for  the  Coming,  and  therefore  throws  the 
emphasis  on  the  suddenness  and  unexpectedness  of  the  event,  using  two  fig- 
ures, the  thief  in  the  night  and  the  birth-pains  of  the  mother  (5^^-),  but  he 
is  not  thinking  here  of  the  entire  absence  of  premonitions  —  in  the  second 
figure  this  could  not  be  the  case  —  but  of  the  impossibility  of  foreseeing  the 
precise  time  so  that  preparation  could  be  deferred.  In  the  later  letter  he  is 
seeking  to  remove  trouble  arising  among  the  Thessalonians  from  the  belief 
that  the  advent  was  at  the  door  :  and  in  correcting  this  error  he  throws  the 
emphasis  on  the  certainty  that  some  time  must  yet  intervene,  certain  events 
must  happen  before  the  end  could  come,  as  he  had  already  told  them  before 
he  wrote  the  earlier  epistle.  These  events  might  appear  at  any  time  and 
be  followed,  perhaps  at  once,  perhaps  much  later,  by  the  parousia ;  these 
might  be  disregarded  by  those  who  are  '  saying  Peace  and  safety,'  so  that 
the  end  should  come  unforeseen.  They  are  not  signs  which  justify  putting 
off  preparation,  they  do  not  show  the  precise  time  of  the  end  —  that  is  as 
indeterminate  as  ever  —  but  those  who  have  fallen  into  practical  error  in 
the  thought  that  this  is  close  at  hand  may  be  assured  that  it  is  farther  off 
than  they  had  believed. 

(2)   The  Resurrection  of  the  dead.     As  seen  above  a  belief  in 

the  resurrection  of  the  dead  in  a  form  corresponding  to  the 

glory  of  the  messianic  age  had  already  arisen  in  late  Judaism.  ^ 

The  righteous  would  shine  forth  in  a  glorious  body  like  the  sun 

and  the  stars,  they  would  be  as  the  angels.  ^     With  St.  Paul  also 

this  belief  was  doubtless  a  part  of  his  Jewish  heritage;   but  it 

1  Cf.  En.  622,  2  Ks.  13io,  Is.  ll^.  2  cf.  pp.  60  ff. 

3  En.  621^  Ap.  Bar.  513.  m,  2  Es.  T^t,  cf.  Volz  254  f.,  Kautzsch  375  n. 


90  ESCHATOLOGY 

was  illuminated  by  his  Christian  experience  and  became  one  of 
the  central  factors  in  his  hope.  His  meeting  with  the  risen 
Christ  on  the  way  to  Damascus  gave  certainty  to  the  belief  and 
manifested  to  him  the  glorified  body.  On  the  other  hand  his 
life  of  union  with  Christ  through  the  indwelling  Spirit  furnished 
him  with  a  sure  basis  of  belief  in  the  Christian's  undying  life. 
The  Spirit  giveth  life  and  where  that  is  there  cannot  be  death ; 
and  the  believer's  new  life  in  the  Spirit  must  share  in  that 
imperishability.^  Tlie  marvelous  operations  of  the  Spirit 
already  wrought  in  the  believer's  experience  are  but  the  '  first- 
fruits  '  to  be  followed  by  the  crowning  issue,  the  swallowing  up 
of  mortality  in  life.^  And  in  St.  Paul's  thought  there  is  no 
place  for  an  immortality  of  the  soul  apart  from  some  form  of 
'body.'  Life  in  the  true  sense  of  the  term  for  him  as  for  his 
Hebrew  predecessors  includes  necessarily  an  investiture  in  a 
form^  which,  though  it  be  not  in  the  Apostle's  thought  fieshly, 
may  be  called  bodily,  and  an  argument  for  immortality  is  for 
him  identical  with  one  for  a  resurrection.  Existence  in  Hades 
was  not  life.  In  that  great  chapter  of  First  Corinthians  (15)  he 
has  set  forth  his  teaching  about  the  resurrection  with  matchless 
splendor.  The  earthly,  visible,  body  must  decay  in  death  as 
the  seed  decays  —  that  which  is  sown  is  not  quickened  except  it 
die  —  but  the  life  principle  persists  and  will  be  clothed  with  a 
new  form,  as  is  the  life  principle  of  the  seed  in  the  new  plant ; 
that  form  will  be  a  body  different  in  kind  from  the  earthly 
body ;  there  are  various  kinds  of  bodies  known  to  our  experi- 
ence, and  so  hj  analogy  we  can  conceive  the  existence  of  a  body 
(doubtless  the  Apostle  used  this  word  body  because  no  other 
could  be  found  so  well  suited  to  his  idea),  different  from  those 
of  our  experience,  which  shall  form  the  investiture  of  the  risen 
life,  though  we  cannot  apprehend  its  nature.  It  will  not  con 
sist  of  the  reassembled  elements  of  the  earthly  body,  there  will 
be  nothing  fleshly  about  it  —  flesh  and  blood  cannot  inherit  the 
kingdom  of  God  —  it  will  be  a  '  spiritual  body '  (aoi^ia  irvev- 
fjLaTLKov^,  one  perfectly  filled  to  be  the  oryan  of  the  spirit 
(Trvevfia).^     Once  at  least  such  a  body  had  been  revealed  to 

1  Ro.  8".  2  2  Co.  54 f,  Ro.  823. 

3  As  in  (TtDyua  ypvxi-^bv  the  adj.  does  not  mean  made  of,  but  rather  fitted  to  the 
use  of,  the  ^pvxnt  so  in  the  contrasted  expression  irvev/iariKdv  cannot  mean  made 
of  TTvevfia. 


PAULINE  91 

the  Apostle  —  in  that  meeting  with  the  risen  Lord  —  and  in 
that  revelation  was  given  the  basis  of  his  doctrine  of  the  resur- 
rection of  the  body,  whose  essential  characteristics  he  describes 
as  'conformed  to  the  body  of  Christ's  glory.' ^  He  attempts  no 
description  of  its  nature.  Such  is  the  body  with  which  accord- 
ing to  St.  Paul  both  the  dead  and  the  living  will  be  clothed  at 
the  Lord's  appearing.  How  much  of  the  difficulty  raised  by 
the  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  would  be  avoided,  if  the  Apostle's 
clear  teaching  were  intelligently  read,  and  the  reader  were 
content  to  stop  short  of  fruitless  speculation  just  where  the 
Apostle  stopped. 

The  opinion  is  held  by  many  (cf .  Schmiedel  on  Col.  p.  239,  Holtzm.  Theol. 
II.  215  ff.,  Pfleiderer  I.  322  f.)  that  late  in  life  Paul  changed  his  view  and 
hoped  for  entrance  into  the  heavenly  body  and  the  perfect  state  of  glory 
immediately  after  death;  and  in  the  opinion  of  some  he  advanced  to  the 
strict  consequences  of  this  new  hope,  abandoning  his  earlier  doctrines  of  the 
parousia  and  the  resurrection,  adopting,  as  is  said,  the  more  spiritual  con- 
ceptions which  appear  in  the  Johannine  writings  also  (biit  on  the  resurrection 
in  these  writings  see  p.  105).  This  opinion  is  based  chiefly  on  2  Co.  S^-^*', 
where  the  Apostle  in  contemplating  the  possibility  of  death  before  the 
parousia  is  thought  to  declare  a  belief  that  the '  house  not  made  with  hands,' 
that  is,  the  heavenly  body,  is  ready  to  take  the  place  of  the  earthly  body 
at  the  moment  of  dissolution  (v.  1,  the  present  in  exofiev  is  interpreted  as 
coinciding  in  time  with  KaraXvOfj)  ;  and  the  encouragement  which  he  finds 
in  the  thought  that  absence  from  the  body  makes  possible  presence  with  the 
Lord  (w.  6-8)  is  held  to  be  incompatible  with  an  intermediate  state  in  the 
world  of  departed  spirits  and  to  require  for  its  realization  admission  to  the 
final  perfection  of  the  glorified  state  immediately  after  death.  But  while  it 
is  quite  conceivable  that  St.  Paul  in  the  experience  of  a  life  guided  by  the 
Spirit  should  have  grown  in  the  understanding  of  truth  and  should  have 
changed  some  of  his  views,  it  is  highly  improbable  that  one  who  in  1  Co. 
had  set  forth  the  doctrines  of  the  parousia  and  the  accompanying  resurrec- 
tion in  so  clear  and  positive  a  form  —  doctrines  which  he  had  taught  for  many 
years  —  could  then  in  the  short  space  of  a  few  months  (2  Co.  cannot  be 
separated  from  1  Co.  by  an  interval  of  a  year)  have  so  completely  revolution- 
ized his  views  and  have  adopted  beliefs  fundamentally  at  variance  with  the 
common  Jewish  and  Christian  expectation ;  or  that  if  he  had  done  so,  he 
would  not  have  made  the  change  unmistakable.  It  is  contended  that  the 
suddenness  of  the  supposed  change  is  made  explicable  by  the  extraordinary 
peril  which  the  Apostle  had  encountered  in  the  interval  between  the  two 
epistles  (2  Co.  1^'")  and  which  opened  his  eyes  to  the  possibility  of  death  be- 
fore the  parousia.  But  that  possibility  could  not  have  been  absent  from  the 
consciousness  of  one  who  before  that  time  had  passed  through  the  great 

1  Ph.  321. 


92  ESCHATOLOGY 

perils  enumerated  in  2  Co.  II-''"'"-.  In  point  of  fact  the  doctrines  of  the 
resurrection  and  the  parousia  are  expressed,  apparently  in  this  same  epistle 
(41-*),  certainly  in  the  Roman  epistle,  of  later  date  (lo"*)  and  in  the  still 
later  Philippian  epistle  (S^o,  4^)  ;  and  in  the  latter  epistle  the  final  transfor- 
mation of  the  body  is  expressly  connected  with  the  parousia.  We  should 
therefore  take  the  Apostle's  meaning  in  this  passage,  2  Co.  •5^-1'',  to  be,  that 
we  faint  not  in  the  decay  of  the  temporal,  looking  for  the  eternal  (4^"*), 
for  we  know  that,  though  this  earthly  house  may  be  dissolved,  we  have  as  an 
assured  possession  the  heavenly  body  which  will  be  given  us  at  the  parousia 
(5^,  the  present  in  exo/xev  here  expressing  with  certainty  and  vividness  a  fact 
still  in  the  future ;  cf.  Blass  §  56,  8,  Burton  §  15)  ;  and  then  the  Apostle,  in 
dread  of  the  disembodied  state,  as  he  contemplates  the  possibility  of  death 
before  the  Coming,  finds  comfort  in  the  thought  that  departure  from  the 
body,  whenever  it  may  take  place,  will  bring  one  nearer  to  the  Lord  (vv.  2-8). 
See,  further,  below  on  the  j^lace  of  the  departed. 

The  Apostle's  precise  doctrine,  if  he  had  such,  regarding  the 
place  of  the  departed  believer  before  the  resurrection  he  no- 
where makes  clear.  It  is  certain  that  like  the  other  New 
Testament  writers  he  thinks  of  the  ascended  Christ  as  in  the 
heaven  of  God's  abode  ;  and  in  two  passages  he  apparently 
speaks  of  death  as  bringing  the  believer  into  that  presence. ^ 
That  such  a  view  was  found,  though  not  usual,  in  late  Judaism 
has  been  seen  above.^  The  opinion  that  the  Apostle  intended 
to  declare  distinctly  this  expectation  is  not  favored  by  common 
Jewish  and  Christian  belief.  In  2  Esdras  ^  a  remarkable  pic- 
ture is  given  of  the  righteous  dead.  They  are  not  in  heaven, 
but  in  the  'chambers'  of  the  spirits,  where  they  are  guarded 
by  angels  in  perfect  peace,  beholding  in  clear  vision  the  glory 
of  God,  joying  in  their  release  from  the  pains  of  earth,  hasten- 
ing to  behold  the  face  of  him  whom  in  their  lifetime  they 
served,  and  from  whom  they  shall  finally  receive  their  reward 
in  glory.  If  St.  Paul  had  had  some  such  picture  in  his  mind, 
he  might  have  described  the  state  not  inaptly  as  being  'at 
home  with  the  Lord.'*  But  we  must  remember  that  his 
thought  was  chiefly  occupied  with  the  coming  end,  which  he 
always  believed  to  be  near ;  and  so  vivid  was  his  hope  of  this 
early  consummation  that  he  passes  over  the  interval  without 
distinct   teaching,  very    probably  without    distinct   thought. 

1  2  Co.  58,  Ph.   123.  2  p.  69.  3  788-98. 

■•  2  Es.  in  another  place,  7^8^  represents  the  soul  as  passing  immediately  at 
death  into  the  presence  of  God. 


PAULINE  93 

The  place  of  the  redeemed  is  in  his  thought  in  the  new  king- 
dom yet  to  come,  and  when  he  speaks  of  the  joy  and  glory  of 
the  'heavenly'  life  he  has  in  mind,  as  is  true  of  the  biblical 
writers  in  general,  not  the  state  immediately  following  death, 
but  the  renewed  world  of  the  messianic  age.  In  the  interval, 
however,  before  the  incoming  of  that  age,  he  knows  that  noth- 
ing can  separate  the  believer  from  ('hrist.  Even  death  can 
only  bring  him  to  the  '  better  state  '  of  freer  communion  with 
the  Lord,  while  he  awaits  the  perfect  fruition  of  the  end. 
St.  Paul  concerns  himself,  not  with  theoretical,  but  with  prac- 
tical truth  ;  very  likely  he  had  for  himself,  certainly  he  gives 
to  us,  no  clear  doctrine  of  the  intermediate  state,  beyond  the 
all  sufficient  truth  that  the  believer  is  in  the  keeping  of,  and 
in  communion  with,  the  Lord.  Beyond  this,  speculation  how- 
ever natural,  is  curiosity,  for  the  certain  satisfaction  of  which 
we  cannot  look  to  the  Bible .^ 

The  resurrection  of  the  iinrighteous  is  nowhere  distinctly 
declared  by  St.  Paul,^  and  he  is  thought  by  some  to  have  had 
no  place  for  it  in  his  belief,^  for  in  all  his  utterances  about  the 
resurrection  he  is  speaking  of  Christians,^  and  the  sole  ground 
of  the  resurrection  hope  of  which  he  speaks  is  in  the  believer's 
union  with  Christ.^  His  doctrine  of  a  universal  judgment  *' 
would  seem  to  imply  agreement  with  the  common  Christian 
belief  in  the  resurrection  of  all  ;  yet  Jewish  doctrine  at  the 
time  varied,  and  he  may  conceivably  have  held  with  some  of 
the  Pharisees  that  the  ungodly  were  judged  in  Hades,  having 
no  share  in  the  resurrection.  At  the  same  time  it  is  unsafe  to 
draw  dogmatic  conclusions  from  the  Apostle's  silence  ;  what- 
ever may  have  been  the  nature  of  his  missionary  preaching,  he 
writes  his  epistles  to  Christians,  and  his  mind  is  aglow  with 
the  promises  of  the  Christian's  future  ;  regarding  the  future  of 
the  wicked  he  maintains  a  reserve  in  striking  contrast  with 
apocalyptic  writers. 

1  It  is  a  false  inference  from  the  frequent  use  of  Koi/j,da-0ai  that  St.  Paul  sup- 
posed the  dead  to  be  in  a  state  of  sleep  or  semiconsciousness.  This  euphe- 
mistic use  of  the  word  is  common  in  Gk.,  Heb.,  and  N.  T.  writers,  where  na 
thought  of  an  unconscious  state  is  present ;  cf.  Thayer  s.«.,  Volz  134. 

2  On  Ac.  2415,  see  p.  115. 

3  Cf.  Titius  N.  T.  51  f.,  Kabisch  267  ff.,  Beyschlag  Theol.  268. 

4  On  1  Co.  1522,  see  p.  98.  *  See  p.  90. 
6  Ro.  1410,  2  Co.  510 


94  ESCHATOLOGY 

(3)  The  Judgment.  With  the  coming  of  the  Lord  St.  Paul 
always  associates,  as  paramount  in  its  purpose,  the  judgment. 
This  is  the  one  great  assize  which  throughout  Jewish  and 
Christian  thought  is  placed  at  the  end  of  the  ages.  It  is  uni- 
versal; all,  both  the  living  and  the  dead,  must  there  receive 
their  aAvard.^  Sometimes  God  is  spoken  of  as  the  judge,  some- 
times Christ ;  the  identity  of  the  two  representations  is  shown 
in  the  words,  '  God  shall  judge  .  .  .  by  Jesus  Christ.'^  The 
Apostle  does  not  conceive  of  the  Day  as  anticipated  by  a  judg- 
ment passed  upon  the  individual  at  his  death,  that  is,  he  does 
not  speak  of  death  as  fixing  the  state  of  the  departed  ;  on  the 
other  hand  he  is  silent  as  regards  probation  after  death.  Here 
again  it  must  be  said  that  he  was  too  much  occupied  with  the 
nearness  of  the  Coming  to  take  into  consideration  the  relation 
of  death  to  the  great  assize.  The  departed  believer  is,  he  is 
assured,  with  Christ  ;  regarding  the  state  of  the  departed 
unbeliever  before  the  judgment  he  does  not  speak.  He  de- 
scribes the  award  of  the  righteous  as  final,  and  it  is  with  the 
eternal  glory  and  blessedness  of  these  that  he  is  almost  exclu- 
sively concerned  in  his  references  to  tlie  issues  of  the  judgment. 
Their  award  is  salvation,^  eternal  life,^  glory,^  an  incorruptible 
crown, "^  a  reigning  in  life.'^  The  doom  of  the  unrighteous  is 
referred  to  much  less  frequently.  Once  only  he  speaks  of  it 
as  eternal ;  ^  but  that  this '  formed  a  part  of  his  belief  is  the 
natural  inference  from  his  general  representation  of  the  judg- 
ment as  a  finality,  and  from  his  usual  designation  of  unbe- 
lievers and  their  destiny.  He  characterizes  them  as  '  perish- 
ing,9  and  calls  their  future  state  '  death,'  '  perdition,'  ^^  terms 
whose  meaning  he  shows  by  that  with  Avhicli  he  puts  them  in 
contrast,  '  life,'  '  salvation.'  ^^  By  the  latter  he  means  existence 
in  the  full  enjoyment  of  God's  favor  and  in  perfect  communion 
with  him  ;   death  then  denotes  with  him  exclusion  from  such 

1  2  Co.  510,  Ro.  25-16. 

2  Ro.  216.  The  shave  of  the  saints  in  the  judgment,  mentioned  in  1  Co.  6^  f-, 
follows  from  their  sharing  with  God  in  the  messianic  rule  (cf.  p.  180),  as  the 
kingly  office  includes  that  of  judge.  A  similar  judicial  function  is  assigned  to 
them  in  En.  0.53,  Wis.  3^.  The  judgment  of  approval  is  conceived  to  have 
already  been  pronounced  upon  the  saints  —  judgment  'begins  with  the  house  of 
God,'  1  Pet.  41",  cf.  Ezk.  9^,  Jer.  2522. 

3  Ro.  1311.  4  Ro.  27.  5  2  Co.  417.  6  Qo.  O^s.  ^  Ro.  5". 
8  2  Thess.  19.                9  ol  dTroXii^ewt,  1  Co.  lis. 

W  edvaros  Ro.  623,  dTrciXeta  Ph.  S",  "  fwiy,  ffurvpla. 


PAULINE  95 

favor  and  communion.  We  have  seen  above  ^  that  the  Jewish 
mind  did  not  conceive  of  death  as  the  cessation  of  existence, 
annihilation  ;  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  St.  Paul  used 
the  term  with  any  other  than  the  common  Jewish  significance.  ^ 
As  regards  tlie  doctrines  of  prohation  after  death,  and  a  restora- 
tion of  all  {cnrofcardaTaa-L'i^,  if  there  be  grounds  for  them,  these 
must  be  found,  so  far  as  St.  Paul's  writings  are  concerned,  not 
in  the  direct  meaning  of  his  words,  but  in  deductions  from  his 
general  teaching  about  the  purposes  of  God  and  the  moral 
nature  of  man  —  deductions  which  we  are  not  justified  in  say- 
ing that  he  himself  drew.  Certain  passages  ^  have  been  inter- 
preted to  contain  such  doctrines,  but  the  context  forbids  this 
interpretation,  as  most  exegetes  agree.  Further  reference  to 
this  subject  will  be  made  in  another  connection.* 

Difficulty  has  been  raised  by  an  apparent  contradiction  between  the  doc- 
trines of  salvation  and  judgment  as  taught  by  St.  Paul.  (Cf.  Pfleiderer 
I.  319  f .)  If  the  Christian  has  '  been  saved  through  faith,'  Eph.  2^, 
and  if  '  there  is  no  condemnation  to  them  that  are  in  Christ  Jesus,'  Ro.  8^, 
then  it  is  said  there  is  no  place  for  a  judgment  wTiich  shall  '  render  to  every 
man  according  to  his  works,'  Ro.  2^.  The  Apostle  does  not  take  up  the  sup- 
posed contradiction,  doubtless  because  he  could  not  himself  think  that  it 
existed.  The  law  that  the  believer  as  well  as  the  unbeliever  shall  reap  that 
which  he  soweth  is  everywhere  recognized  by  him,  Gal.  6'^.  Even  the  final 
award  of  salvation  cannot  efface  all  consequences  of  present  conduct,  and 
what  the  Apostle  says  of  the  Christian  teacher's  work,  1  Co.  S^^  ^f-,  is  true 
also  of  every  Christian's  life ;  his  work  may  be  burned,  while  he  himself 
is  saved ;  yet  it  may  be  as  one  who  has  made  his  escape  through  fire. 
Cf.  Denny  in  EGT.  on  Ro.  2^,  Heinrici  in  Meyer  on  2  Co.,  p.  155,  Kennedy 
198  fE. 

(4)  The  future  Kingdom.  As  already  seen,  the  doctrine  of  a 
personal  union  with  Christ  as  the  source  of  spiritual  life  and 
the  ground  of  hope  for  the  future  is  fundamental  with  St.  Paul. 
The  religious  relation  then  would  seem  to  be  with  him  purely 
a  matter  of  the  individual,  and  to  make  superfluous  an  organ- 
ized society  whether  Kingdom  or  Church.  But  on  the  con- 
trary the  Apostle  everywhere  emphasizes  as  cardinal  the  doc- 
trine of  a  people  of  God,  an  organized  body  of  which  every 
individual  Christian  becomes  a  part  and  through  which  he  is 

1  p.  58.  2  Cf.  Kennedy  118  ff. 

8  Ro.  518,  1  Co.  1621  f-  28,  Eph.  110,  Ph.  29-",  Col.  I20.  4  pp.  93,  113. 


96  ESCHATOLOGY 

joined  to  Christ,  its  living  head;  ^  and  so  the  idea  of  a  kingdom 
is  as  essential  in  his  Christian  eschatology  as  it  was  in  the 
hopes  of  ancient  Israel,  though  its  character  is  changed.  It  is 
true  that  the  express  term  is  much  less  frequent  with  him  than 
in  the  Gospels ;  he  however  uses  it,  and  in  relations  which 
show  that  it  was  fundamental  in  his  thought.  Sometimes  he 
speaks  of  the  kingdom  as  present,^  but  generally  he  employs 
the  term  in  an  eschatological  sense,-^  just  as  he  sometimes 
speaks  of  salvation  as  already  attained,*  because  it  is  ideally, 
or  potentially  present  in  its  beginning,  while  the  full  reality 
lies  in  the  future.^  But  though  the  term  is  less  frequent,  the 
idea  is  everywhere  present  ;  it  is  in  the  messianic  kingdom 
that  the  saints  are  to  reign  with  Christ ;  "^  it  is  the  idea  of  the 
kingdom  that  underlies  the  use  of  the  word  Lord  (Kvpio<;,  soi^- 
ereigii)^  found  on  every  page  of  the  epistles  as  a  designation  of 
the  exalted  Christ  ;  and  with  the  same  idea  in  mind  the  Apos- 
tle speaks  of  Christ's  preeminence  over  all  powers  and  author- 
ities.'^ In  his  thought,  the  place  of  the  kingdom  is  often  taken 
by  the  Church,  which'  represents  to  him  a  people  of  God,  not 
only  as  an  organized  body,  but  as  in  vital  union  with  Christ,  its 
supreme  Lord,  and  filled  with  his  presence.  The  identity  of 
the  Church  with  the  kingdom  in  St.  Paul's  mind  is  often 
denied,  the  latter  being  regarded  as  the  broader  and  more 
spiritual  conception.  It  is  of  course  plain  that  the  Church  as 
it  then  existed,  for  example,  at  Corinth,  in  Galatia,  at  Colossae, 
with  all  the  failures  and  defects  which  called  forth  the 
Apostle's  reproving  epistles,  no  more  realized  the  full  ideal  of 
the  Church  than  did  the  kingdom  spoken  of  as  present  realize 
the  perfect  kingdom  of  the  future.  But  when  his  conception 
of  the  Church  in  its  ideal,  in  the  glory  of  its  eschatological 
perfection,  '  not  having  spot  or  wrinkle,  holy  and  without 
blemish,'  is  seen,  as  in  the  Ephesian  epistle,  there  is  left  no 
other  realm  to  which  it  is  subordinate  or  complementary.  It 
forms  the  body  to  which  Christ,  he  who  had  been  seated  at 
the  right  hand  of  God  above  all  angelic  powers,  has  been  given 
as  head,  and  which  is  filled  with  him  that  filleth  all  in  all ;  ^ 
it   is   the  community  embracing    the  whole   family  of  man,  a 

1  Eph.  219-22,   Col.   219,    1  Co.   1212-27.  2  Rq.   1417,  Col.    113. 

3  1  Co.  69  f-,  1.550,  Gal.  521,  Eph.  55,  2  Thess.  P.  •»  Ro.  82^,  Eph.  26-  8 

5  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  96  b.  e  ro.  517,  817,  413,  1  Co.  48. 

7  Eph.  120-22,  Col.  116-18.  8  Eph.  120  ff. 


PAULINE  97 

community,  by  whose  creation  and  union  under  the  one  divine 
lordship  the  wisdom  of  God  is  manifested  to  the  principalities 
and  powers  in  heavenly  places.^  No  clearer,  grander,  more 
spiritual  idea  of  the  kingdom  can  be  imagined  than  that  con- 
tained in  these  representations.  It  is  possible  that  St.  Paul 
designated  this  coming  messianic  rule  less  often  as  the  king- 
dom of  God,  because  that  term  or  its  equivalent  had  in  his 
pharisaic  days  been  associated  with  earthly  and  political  glory. 
At  all  events,  he  saw  clearly  that  the  kingdom  was  to  be  per- 
fectly realized  only  in  perfectly  '  serving  the  Lord  Christ,'  ^ 
which  formed  the  sum  of  all  his  preaching.^ 

The  place  of  the  future  kingdom  as  thought  of  by  St.  Paul, 
though  not  distinctly  stated,  would  seem  to  be  the  renewed 
earth.  In  common  with  the  prophets  and  apocalyptic  writers  * 
he  looked  for  the  deliverance  of  creation  from  its  bondage  to 
corruption,  and  for  its  transformation  into  a  glory  in  keeping 
with  that  of  the  saints  at  the  coming  of  the  kingdom.  The 
form  of  the  world  as  it  now  is  must  pass  away,  creation  must 
share  in  the  redemption  to  be  completed  at  the  parousia.^  It  is 
difficult  to  find  real  significance  in  all  this  transformation,  unless 
in  the  Apostle's  mind,  as  in  common  Jewish  belief,  this  glori- 
fied world  was  to  be  the  seat  of  the  final  kingdom.^  The  same 
conclusion  is  favored  by  the  idea  of  a  coming  of  the  Lord, 
which  in  Jewish  thought  was  everywhere  associated  with  the 
setting  up  of  a  kingdom  upon  earth,  in  its  present  or  in  a  re- 
newed form.  The  saints  who  at  the  parousia  are  to  be  caught 
up  to  meet  the  Lord  in  the  air ''  are  apparently  to  be  brought 
with  him  in  his  escort  to  earth ;  for  Christ  comes  to  earth  to 
hold  judgment ;  nothing  is  said  of  a  progress  into  the  heavens, 
and  '  the  air '  (arjp)  is  never  used  of  the  heaven  of  God's  abode, 
nor  can  it  be  conceived  as  the  place  of  the  new  kingdom.^     But 

1  Eph.  310.  2  Col.  32'.  3  Cf.  Feine  Jesus  u.  Paulus  173  f. 

*  Cf.  p.  55.  *  Ro.  8i»-23,  1  Co.  731. 

6  The  expression  '  The  Jerusalem  above, '  Gal.  4^6,  taken  from  popular  escha- 
tology  and  denoting  the  Holy  City  now  existing  in  heaven  and  ready  to  descend 
in  the  last  days  (cf.  p.  56),  is  evidently  iLsed  figuratively  by  the  Apostle,  for  he 
never  refers  to  it  literally  in  speaking  of  the  parousia  ami  its  accompanying 
events.  It  is  an  apt  figure  to  set  forth  the  superiority  of  the  new  covenant  as 
contrasted  with  the  old.  In  the  same  way  the  author  of  Heb.  uses  the  phrase 
'the  heavenly  Jerusalem,'  I222.  '  1  Thess.  4". 

8  On  1  Thess.  4i''-i»,  cf .  Bornemann  in  Meyer,  Wohlenberg  in  Zahn,  Schmiedel 
Hand'Kom.  p.  28  ff. 


98  ESCHATOLOGY 

there  is  nowhere  with  St.  Paul  a  trace  of  the  extravagant 
imaginings  concerning  the  natural  world  which  are  to  be  found 
in  the  apocalyptic  writers ;  ^  the  whole  significance  of  his  pic- 
ture of  the  future  kingdom  centers  in  the  certainty  that  the 
saints  will  be  with  the  Lord  in  eternal  blessedness.  Beyond 
this  his  prophecy  has  no  sure  word  for  us ;  and  it  must  be  kept 
in  mind  that  in  the  prophecies  of  the  new  creation  as  the  seat  of 
the  final  kingdom  and  the  abode  of  the  saints  in  their  glorified 
bodies,  the  distinction  between  earth  and  heaven  practically 
disappears.  2 

A  Millennium.  On  the  basis  of  1  Co.  IS^^-^s  many  scholars,  ancient  and 
modern,  attribute  to  Paul  a  belief,  similar  to  that  found  in  Jewish  apoca- 
lyptic and  in  the  Revelation  of  Jno.,  in  a  millennial  reign  of  Christ  between 
the  parousia  and  the  final  consummation  of  the  kingdom  (see  pp.  73.5  ff.). 
In  this  interpretation  three  steps  are  supposed,  in  the  order  of  time :  (1)  the 
resurrection  of  Christ;  (2)  the  parousia  together  with  the  resurrection  of 
Christians,  the  end  of  this  present  age,  and  the  setting  up  of  the  messianic 
kingdom ;  (3)  after  how  long  an  interval  is  left  indefinite,  the  resurrection 
of  others  (whether  all  the  rest  of  the  dead,  or  those  only  who  in  the  interval 
have  in  the  spirit-world  accepted  Christ),  the  victory  of  Christ  over  all 
powers  hostile  to  God,  and  the  delivery  of  the  kingdom  to  the  Father.  The 
principal  grounds  urged  in  support  of  this  interpretation  are  the  following : 
(a)  TravTcs,  «//,  in  the  words  '  all  shall  be  made  alive,'  v.  22,  must  inckide  all 
men  absolutely,  as  in  the  words  '  in  Adam  all  die,'  the  sense  being  that  as  in 
Adam  is  the  grnund,  cause,  of  universal  death,  so  in  Christ  is  the  ground, 
cause,  of  universal  resurrection.  (6)  The  words  '  but  each  in  bis  own  order,' 
i.e.  company,  band  (ray/xa  being  a  military  term  denoting  a  company,  division, 
of  soldiers  —  the  word  itself  contains  no  idea  of  orderly  sequence  in  time), 
must  distribute  the  all  who  are  to  be  made  alive  into  more  than  one  com- 
pany or  band.  Christ  himself  cannot  be  referred  to  as  one  of  these  bands, 
for  he  is  not  one  of  those  who  are  raised  in  Christ,  and  further  one  person 
cannot  constitute  a  ray/aa,  company,  (o)  The  first  company  to  be  raised  is 
that  of  the  Christians  at  the  parousia,  as  shown  in  v.  23 ;  the  other  com- 
panies must  therefore  arise  later,  (rf)  Verse  24  defines  the  period  to  which 
this  later  resurrection  belongs ;  after  the  parousia  —  how  long  after,  whether 
1000  years  as  in  Rev.  is  left  undetermined  —  comes  the  End  (or  as  some 
would  take  to  tcAos,  the  end  of  the  series  of  resurrections).  The  reign  of 
Christ,  the  Millennium,  which  began  with  the  parousia  must  continue  till 
all  enemies  are  brought  to  naught,  and  the  last  enemy  is  death,  vanquished 

1  Cf.  p.  46. 

2  See  p.  67.  Such  passages  as  2  Co.  5^,  Col.  1^,  are  sometimes  taken  to  show 
that  St.  Paul  regarded  heaven  as  the  place  of  the  kingdom  ;  upon  the  former  see 
below  ;  the  latter  refers  to  what  is  ideally  present  in  heaven,  whence  Christians 
will  receive  it ;  cf .  Haupt  in  Meyer  in  loc. 


PAULINE  99 

in  the  last  resurrection,  w.  25  f.     Then  Christ  delivers  up  the  completed 
kingdom  to  the  Father. 

There  are,  however,  strong  objections  to  this  interpretation :  (a)  The 
words  iv  xpiariS,  in  Christ,  forming  one  of  Paul'  s  most  frequent  and  charac- 
teristic terms,  always  denote  the  believer's  spiritual  union  with  Christ. 
The  meaning  of  v.  22  must  then  be  that,  as  death  results  certainly  from  the 
union  with  Adam,  so  certainly  does  life  result  from  union  with  Christ ;  the 
second  all  then  can  refer  to  those  only  who  are  in  union  with  Christ  —  it 
cannot  refer  to  all  men  absolutely.  It  should  further  be  noted  that  an 
argument  iipon  the  resurrection  of  all  men  would  be  foreign  to  the  Apostle's 
purpose  in  this  paragraph,  which  is  solely  designed  to  show  the  doubting 
Christians  at  Corinth  that  their  resurrection  is  assured  through  their  union 
with  Christ.  (A)  The  words  '  each  in  his  own  order,'  though  following  oa 
as  if  intended  to  distribute  into  different  groups  the  all  who  are  to  be  made 
alive  in  Christ,  are  immediately  shown  by  the  writer  in  the  added  words, 
'  Christ  the  first  fruits,  etc.,'  to  distribute  all  loho  are  made  alive,  including 
Christ,  himself,  and  he  declares  that  there  are  two  divisions  of  these,  first, 
Christ,  called  figuratively  the  airapxr],  the  first-fruits  of  the  dead,  and  second, 
the  Christians  at  the  parousia,  the  argument  concluding  with  the  figure 
{aTTapxrj)  with  which  it  began  in  v.  20.  If  there  be  any  other  possible  sub- 
jects of  a  resurrection,  they  are  entirely  beyond  the  wi-iter's  language  here. 
It  should  be  added  that  there  is  nothing  making  it  necessary  or  especially 
appropriate  to  find  in  ray jxxi  here  a  figurative  use  of  the  meaning,  military 
company,  though  the  commentators  generally  take  it  so.  The  same  phrase, 
€Ka(rTos  iv  rw  iSt'o)  rdyiJAXTL,  occurs  in  Clem.  Rom.  I.  37,  41,  where  it  can  be 
seen  from  the  context  that  the  author  means  the  appointed  station,  rank,  or 
jdace  of  each  one,  whether  the  military  commander,  the  high-priest,  the  lay- 
man, etc.  (cf.  40,  42).  The  meaning  of  the  phrase  in  our  passage,  as  the 
writer  himself  explains  it,  would  seem  to  be  '  Christ  in  his  God-appointed 
place  or  station ;  afterwards.  Christians  in  theirs.'  (e)  There  is  then  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  paragraph  nothing  said  of  a  resurrection  which  requires 
for  its  fulfillment  an  indefinite  period  beyond  the  parousia ;  and  even  if  the 
Apostle  be  supposed  to  believe  in  a  second  resurrection,  we  are  not  justified 
in  finding  it  in  his  language  here ;  nor  is  there  in  the  words  tlra  to  tc'Aos, 
then  the  end,  referring  to  the  full  consummation,  anything  which  cannot  be 
grouped  with  the  events  of  the  parousia  as  conceived  by  St.  Paul.  Else- 
where he  speaks  of  the  Advent  as  bringing  with  it  the  End,  the  series  of 
events  which  belong  to  the  completed  kingdom  of  God ;  it  brings  the  resur- 
rection, the  universal  judgment  (1  Co.  4^  Ro.  2^^^-),  the  renewal  of  creation 
(Ro.  8i3ff-),  victory  over  hostile  powers  (2  Thess.  2*^-,  1^*'),  and  over  the  last 
of  foes,  death  (1  Co.  15^--^*)  ;  nowhere  is  there  mention  of  a  later  period  as 
bringing  in  the  full  end.  The  reign  of  Christ,  whose  continuance  is  spoken 
of  in  V.  24,  does  not  necessarily  imply  a  period  after  the  Advent ;  already  in 
his  resurrection  Christ  has  been  raised  to  a  kingship  above  created  powers 
in  this  world  and  in  the  world  to  come  (Eph.  l^"^-.  Ph.  2^^-),  i.e.  the  reign 
spoken  of  may  consistently  with  the  Apostle's  views  be  placed  between 
Christ's  resurrection  and  the  parousia  (cf.  Briggs  Mess.  Ap.  538  ff.).      It  may 


100  ESCHATOLOGY 

well  be  that  in  this  particular  utterance  there  is  in  tlxa  form  at  least  some 
reminiscence  of  the  apocalyptic  and  rabbinical  doctrine  of  a  messianic  rule 
before  the  final  establishment  of  the  kingdom.  It  is  well  to  notice  that 
when  Paul  speaks  of  the  delivery  of  the  kingdom  to  the  Father  he  can  hardly 
mean  that  all  kingship  then  ceases  with  the  Son,  for  elsewhere  he  speaks 
of  the  Son  as  sharing  the  Father's  throne  in  the  eternal  order  (cf.  pas- 
sages last  cited).  The  meaning  suggested  by  the  context  and  conformable 
to  the  Apostle's  general  teaching  is  that  the  Son  having  finished  his  media- 
torial work,  having  fully  established  the  messianic  dominion  in  the  abolition 
of  all  opposing  power,  will  then  present  this  completed  kingdom  to  God 
who  is  the  '  head  of  Christ '  (1  Co.  11^),  while  he  continues  to  share  with 
the  Father  in  the  throne  of  eternal  rule  (cf.  Weiss  Theol.  76,  c).  In  reading 
this  entire  passage  in  Corinthians  we  must  keep  in  mind  that  Paul  sees  the 
End  as  a  ujhole  ;  with  a  true  prophetic  vision  which  reaches  across  a  timeless 
interval  he  seizes  here  the  whole  final  issue  summed  up  in  one.  He  forms 
neither  for  himself  nor  for  us  a  program  of  processes  and  movements  in  a 
succession  of  ages.  Though  millenniums  may  be  conceived  to  intervene  be- 
tween one  step  and  another  in  the  progress  of  the  kingdom  toward  its 
completion,  for  him  all  is  projected  upon  the  one  background  of  the  End. 
What  he  sees,  and  probably  all  that  he  would  have  his  readers  see,  is  the 
certain,  absolute  triumph  of  the  '  kingdom  of  Christ  and  of  God '  (Eph.  5^), 
and  the  inheritance  that  there  awaits  the  Christian. 

Johannine  Eschatology.^  This  paragraph  is  meant  to 
cover  the  principal  eschatological  ideas  which  appear  in  the 
Gospel  and  the  Epistles  which  bear  the  name  of  John. 
Whether  these  books  are  all  by  one  and  the  same  author,  and 
how  far  they  may  be  assigned  to  St.  John,  the  Apostle,  are 
critical  questions,  which  do  not  materially  affect  our  present 
inquiry  ;  for  they  form  in  their  characteristic  doctrines  and 
manner  a  single  concordant  group,  at  least  so  far  that  they 
may  be  held  to  belong  to  one  school.  The  Revelation  is  not 
included  in  this  survey,  as  its  eschatology  calls  for  special 
treatment  by  itself.  ^  The  central  doctrines  of  the  Johannine 
writings  are  summed  up  in  the  words  of  the  Gospel,^  '  These 
are  written  that  ye  may  believe  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  the 
Son  of  God  ;  and  that  believing,  ye  may  have  life  in  his  name.' 
And  when  we  see  from  the  study  of  the  books  what  the  author 
means  by  the  two  terms  of  this  statement,  we  have  here  the 
truths  which  determined  the  eschatological  teaching  through- 

1  Cf.  among  works  on  N.  T.  Theol.  Weiss  §  157,  Holtzmann  II.  572  ff.,  Bey- 
schlagll.  462  ff.,  Feine  703  ff.,  Stevens  234  ff.,  id.  Johan.  Theol;  Holtzmann 
Hand.  Kom.  IV.  198  f.,  Titius  N.  T.  III.  8  ff.  ^  See  p.  156.  ^  203i. 


JOHANNINE  101 

out.  On  the  one  hand  the  historical  person  Jesus  is  the  incar- 
nation of  the  preexistent  heavenly  being,  the  Messiah,  who  has 
come  forth  from  his  eternal  glory  to  save  the  world,i  and  to 
set  up  a  divine  kingdom. ^  On  the  other  hand  'eternal  life '  in 
the  wide  scope  of  Johannine  use  is  seen  to  include  all  the  bless- 
ings of  the  kingdom  of  God ;  and  the  '  belief,'  in  which  the 
ground  and  source  of  that  life  are  found,  is  seen  to  be  equiva- 
lent in  its  essential  nature  to  a  dwelling  of  the  believer  in 
Christ  and  the  indwelling  of  Christ  in  the  believer,  equivalent, 
in  Pauline  phraseology,  to  'being  in  Christ,'^  But  this 
indwelling  of  Christ  is  realized  through  the  presence  of  the 
Spirit.*  In  this  conception  of  the  Messiah  and  his  work  on 
the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other,  of  the  believer's  union  with 
Christ  through  the  Spirit  together  with  its  consequences,  there 
is  a  striking  agreement  of  the  Johannine  writings  with  the 
Pauline.  The  influence  of  the  great  apostolic  teacher  upon 
the  Johannine  thought  becomes  a  plausible  supposition  enter- 
tained by  many ;  but  the  similarity  may  with  equal  plausibility 
be  traced  to  the  direct  teaching  of  the  Lord  and  the  revelation 
given  through  the  experience  of  the  life  in  the  Spirit. 

As  might  be  expected  in  writings  which  belong  to  a  period 
not  earlier  than  the  last  part  of  the  century,  when  the  hope  of 
a  near  return  of  the  Lord  was  becoming  a  less  dominant  force, 
the  emphasis  is  thrown  more  upon  the  present,  the  inner  and 
spiritual,  than  upon  the  future,  the  outer  and  visible.  The 
great  events  of  the  End,  as  conceived  in  traditional  escha- 
tology,  are  viewed  as  belonging  to  the  present  as  well  as  the 
future,  as  beginning  in  the  life  that  now  is  and  anticipating 
that  which  is  to  come  ;  and  it  is  upon  their  significance  for  the 
present  life  that  the  chief  stress  is  laid.  But  the  fundamental 
factors  which  appear  in  the  common  Christian  predictions  of 
the  '  Coming  Age,'  that  is,  the  parousia,  the  resurrection,  the 
judgment,  and  the  kingdom,  are  all  found  in  the  Johannine 
writings ;  it  might  be  said  that  they  constitute  a  kind  of 
scheme,  or  programme  into  which  has  been  set  the  practical 
teaching  of  the  gospel  for  the  life  that  now  is ;  or  to  express  it 

1  I.  41^  References  are  to  the  Gospels  unless  preceded  by  a  Roman  numeral 
indicating  one  of  the  Epistles.  ^  igso  f.^  33. 5.  3  i.  512. 20^  151-7. 

4  1416-23. 


102  ESCHATOLOGY 

otherwise,  they  may  be  taken  as  fonning-  the  background  from 
which  are  projected  the  dominant  traits  of  the  spiritual  life. 
This  twofold  aspect,  a  present  and  an  eschatological,  will 
appear  as  these  doctrines  are  considered  in  detail. 

(1)  The  Kingdom.  The  idea  of  the  kingdom,  however  much 
spiritualized,  appears  as  truly,  though  not  as  frequently,  in  the 
Johannine  writings  as  elsewhere.  In  two  most  significant 
events  in  which  the  nature  of  Jesus'  teaching  is  made  the 
subject  of  special  inquiry,  the  interview  with  Nicodemus  and 
the  trial  before  Pilate,  the  kingdom  and  the  kingly  office  are 
declared  expressly  in  word.^  A  part  of  the  purpose  of  the 
Fourth  Gospel  referred  to  above,  a  purpose  showing  itself  often 
in  the  records  of  the  book,  is  to  prove  that  Jesus  is  the 
Messiah,  the  Son  of  God,  the  divine  king  of  whom  Moses  and 
the  prophets  wrote  ;  ^  and  at  the  beginning  and  the  end  of 
Jesus'  public  ministry  the  writer  accords  to  him  the  right  to 
the  kingly  salutation.^  The  infrequency  of  the  term,  kingdom 
of  God,  in  the  Johannine  writings  as  contrasted  with  the 
Synoptics  has  sometimes  been  attributed  to  the  desire  to  avoid 
possible  misconception  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  authority. 
It  is  however  chiefly  due  no  doubt  to  the  purpose,  character- 
istic of  these  writings  throughout,  to  set  forth  the  high  spirit- 
ual nature  of  all  the  teachings  of  the  gospel.  The  idea  of  the 
'  kingdom  '  has  resolved  itself  into  that  of  '  eternal  life,'  the 
most  frequent  of  the  characteristic  Johannine  terms. ^  What 
is  meant  by  this  phrase  '  eternal  life  '  or  '  life,'  without  the 
adjective,  is  not  continued  existence,  but  the  moral  state  of 
perfect  harmony  with  God,  a  living  in  union  with  him,  an 
abiding  in  him  as  the  branch  in  the  vine.  Such  a  state  is  life 
in  its  fullest  sense,  and  belongs  to  the  eternal  world,  as  God  is 
eternal.^  It  begins  in  the  believer  now  and  here.  It  is  more 
commonly  spoken  of  as  present,*^  but  from  its  very  nature  it  is 
conceived  of  as  continuing  endlessly,  as  the  union  with  Christ 
may  so  continue.'^  The  idea  thus  becomes  essentially  equiva- 
lent to  that  of  the  kingdom,  or  reign,  of  God,  which  it  has  for 

1  33,  5     lg36  f.  2  141,  45,  49,  3  149     1213. 

■^  fwTj  aliivios  and  the  simple  fwi?  with  equivalent  sense  occur  some  50  times. 
5  Cf.  Holtzm.  Theol.  U.  578  ff.,  Wendt   Teaching  I.  243  ff.,  Stevens   Theol. 
224  ff.  6  E.g.  647,  i.  314.  7  E.g.  6^\  1226. 


JOHANNINE  103 

the  most  part  displaced  in  these  Avritings  ;  for  eternal  life  in 
this  sense  is  the  state  of  perfect  obedience  to  the  will  of  C'hrist,^ 
as  also  the  state  in  which  is  given  all  the  spiritual  blessedness 
that  in  tlie  common  hope  was  attached  to  the  eschatological 
kingdom.  Imperfectly  as  the  great  ideal  is  realized  in  this 
world,  the  kingdom  possesses  an  outward  embodiment  in  the 
Church,  with  its  visible  unity ,^  with  its  formal  rite  of  intro- 
duction into  membership,^  and  its  recognized  officers.^  But 
though  the  kingdom  from  its  nature  and  its  relation  to  eternal 
life  must  be  thought  of  as  beginning  in  the  present,  yet  the 
recognition  of  a  coming  completion,  a  glory  yet  to  be  revealed, 
to  which  the  present  looks  forward,  is  distinctly  expressed.^ 
The  final  triumph  of  the  kingdom  over  evil  does  not  enter  so 
largely  into  the  predictions  of  the  future  as  in  the  common 
eschatology.  In  keeping  with  the  general  tenor  of  the  writ- 
ings the  foreground  is  occupied  by  the  victory  over  Satan  and 
his  domain,  the  world,  in  the  present  life  ; ''  yet  here  as  else- 
where the  present  looks  forward  to  the  future  completion  ; 
and  the  ultimate  abolition  of  Satan's  power  is  contemplated  in 
those  utterances  which  speak  of  the  death  of  Christ  as  the 
casting  out  of  the  prince  of  this  world,''  and  of  his  mission  to 
destroy  the  works  of  the  devil.  ^  The  place  of  the  future 
kingdom  seems  to  be  thought  of  as  in  heaven.  Christ,  it  is 
said,  will  come  and  receive  his  own  unto  himself,  that  they 
may  be  where  he  is.^  The  silence  of  the  Johannine  writings 
regarding  a  renewed  earth  is  in  accordance  with  the  emphasis 
they  everywhere  throw  upon  the  spiritual  aspect  of  truth ;  but 
they  contain  no  clear  evidence  against  the  belief  in  such 
renewal.  In  view  of  the  prevalence  of  this  belief  in  Jewish 
and  Christian  thought,  and  the  consequent  blending  together 
of  earth  and  heaven  in  the  conceptions  of  the  final  state,  it  is 
doubtful  whether  the  language  which  seems  to  point  to  an 
abode  in  heaven  contrary  to  common  New  Testament  repre- 
sentation can  be  rigorously  pressed.  A  Milleymial  Kingdom  be- 
tween the  parousia  and  the  final  consummation  is  not  men- 
tioned in  the  Gospel  and  Epistles. 

1  1510-14^   I.   324.  2  1016,    1711,  20-23.  3  ^S.  4  2115-17,   H.  1,   III.  1,  9  f. 

B  1724,  I.  32,  217.  6  I.  213  f.,  64  f-  ^  1231.  8  I.  38. 

9  143,   1724. 


104  ESCHATOLOGY 

(2)  The  Coming  of  the  Lord.  In  the  great  farewell  dis- 
course which  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  (I'l-lS)  corresponds  to  the 
apocalyptic  discourse  in  the  Synoptics,  mention  is  made  some- 
what at  length  of  a  coming  of  the  Lord  to  his  disciples  in  the 
near  future.^  There  is  much  difference  of  opinion  among 
interpreters  regarding  the  precise  meaning  of  this  promise.^ 
It  has  been  variously  understood  of  (1)  the  appearance  of  the 
Lord  after  his  resurrection,  (2)  the  parousia,  (3)  the  presence 
of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  the  believer.  But  (1)  the  brief  meetings 
of  the  Lord  with  his  disciples  after  the  resurrection  could  not 
accomplish  what  he  here  seeks  to  do,  remove  the  sorrow  with 
which  they  were  viewing  a  lasting  separation  from  him  ;  ^  these 
few  interviews  could  not  fulfill  the  promise  not  to  leave  them 
'orphans,'  but  to  come  and  abide  with  them,  and  not  with 
them  only  but  with  all  who  in  the  future  should  love  him ;  ^ 
(2)  this  coming  which  is  described  as  of  a  nature  not  manifest 
to  the  world  ^  could  not  be  the  parousia,  which  like  the  light- 
ning should  shine  from  one  part  under  the  heaven  unto  the 
other,  and  which  should  separate  the  faithless  from  the  faith- 
ful ;  ^  (3)  the  only  meaning  which  seems  to  suit  the  represen- 
tation throughout  is  an  abiding  spiritual  presence  with  the 
believer.  That  the  presence  here  intended  is  realized  through 
the  coming  of  the  Holy  Spirit  to  all  who  love  and  obey  Christ  '^ 
seems  to  be  shown  by  the  connected  utterances.^  As  he  that 
seeth  the  Son  seeth  the  Father,  so  he  that  receives  the  Spirit 
beholds  Christ. « 

Objection  has  been  made  (cf.  Weiss  in  Meyer  on  14^^  Wendt  Teaching, 
II.  299)  to  an  identification  of  the  thought  here  expressed  with  the  Pauline 
doctrine  of  Christ's  presence  in  the  person  of  the  Holy  Spirit  (p.  86).  It 
is  true  that  the  Johannine  writings  do  not  contain  the  exact  equivalent  of 
the  statement,  'The  Lord  is  the  Spirit'  (2  Co.  'S^''),  and  the  Paraclete  is 
distinguished  from  Christ  as  '  another '  (141*'),  j.^^^^  j^  ^j^g  same  way  the  Son 
is  distinguished  from  the  Father  (5^^  ^•)  ;   and  since  Christ's  presence  is 

1  1418-23^   1616-23. 

2  Cf.  Weiss,  Holtzm.,  Meyer,  Zahn  in  loc,  Stevens  Theol.  235  f.,  Wendt  II. 

294  ff.  3  166.  4  1421-23.  5  I42I  f.  6  529^   J.  228.  7  1423. 

8  I4I6-IS,  26^    1520^    1(513-16     I.   324. 

9  Some  interpret  143  to  mean  a  coming  at  the  death  of  an  individual  (cf. 
Holtzm.  in  loc.  Stevens  Theol.  234),  but  2122  f-  is  against  this,  as  is  alsi»  N.  T. 
usage,  which  though  speaking  of  death  as  a  departure  to  be  with  llie  Lord 
(Phil.  123),  nowhere  represents  it  as  a  coming  of  the  Lord  to  the  believer. 


JOHANNINE  105 

realized  through  the  Spirit  who  comes  '  in  his  name '  (14^^),  it  is  doubtful 
whether  a  clear  distinction  between  the  Johannine  and  the  Pauline  doc- 
trines is  to  be  maintained. 

But  while  this  spiritual  coming  of  Christ  to  his  Church 
throughout  the  present  age  stands  in  the  foreground  of  Johan- 
nine thought,  yet  the  traditional  doctrine  of  a  final,  visible 
parousia  with  its  attendant  events  is  also  taught.  He  promises 
to  come  and  take  his  own  to  the  place  prepared  for  tlieni,i  and 
they  are  awaiting  that  appearance.^  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
references  to  the  parousia  represent  it  as  near,  within  the  life- 
time of  the  readers  ;  also  the  signs  of  the  End  are  seen  in  the 
character  of  the  age;  it  is  the  'last  hour,'  as  shown  by  the 
working  of  antichrist  already  in  the  world. -^  The  coming  of 
antichrist  before  the  End  is  referred  to  as  a  well-known  belief.'* 

(3)  The  Resurrection.  The  resurrection  in  the  Johannine 
writings  is  an  integral  part  of  the  doctrine  of  eternal  life  ;  and 
as  that  life  on  the  one  hand  is  a  spiritual  state  already  present, 
and  on  the  other,  looks  forward  to  a  future  completion,  so 
there  is  a  present,  and  also  an  eschatological  resurrection. 
The  Christian  has  already  passed  out  of  death  into  life.^  'If 
a  man  keep  my  words  he  shall  never  see  death.'  *^  Death  has 
ceased  to  exist  for  such  a  one.  Through  a  spiritual  resurrec- 
tion the  believer  has  entered  into  that  life  which  is  independ- 
ent of  physical  death.  This  aspect  of  the  resurrection  is  so 
prominent  that  some  scholars  find  in  the  Johannine  teaching 
no  place  for  the  doctrine  of  a  future  resurrection  as  an  escha- 
tological event.  The  passages  which  speak  of  such  an  event 
are  then  regarded  as  additions  or  modifications.''  But  the 
retention  of  the  principal  features  of  the  common  eschatology 
in  these  writings  militates  against  so  radical  a  process  of 
criticism,  and  in  fact  the  coexistence  of  the  two  ideas,  which 
are  but  two  aspects  of  the  same  idea,  is  found  as  truly,  though 
less  prominently,  in  St.  Paul.^  We  are  certainly  right  in 
taking  the  resurrection,  as  held  in  common  Christian  belief,  to 
be  a  part  of  genuine  Johannine  doctrine.      '  The  hour  cometh 

1  142  1-.  2  2122  f.^   I.  228.  3  I,  218-22^   43,   II.   7. 

4  On  antichrist,  see  pp.  397  ff.  &  524,  i.  314.  6  gai,  1125  f. 

7  Cf .  Holtzm.  Theol.  II.  581  ff.  «  Cf.  Col.  31  with  1  Co.  1552. 


106  ESCHATOLOGY 

in  which  all  that  are  in  the  tombs  shall  hear  his  voice  and  shall 
come  forth.' 1  There  is,  however,  no  reference  to  a  'spiritual 
body'  as  in  St.  Paul.  To  such  an  extent  do  traditional  con- 
ceptions remain  in  these  writings,  that  the  resurrection  of 
the  unrighteous  also  is  spoken  of,^  a  reembodiment  which 
would  seem  to  be  conceived  as  having  a  source  diilerent  from 
that  of  the  resurrection  of  the  righteous,  as  it  also  clearly  has  a 
different  purpose ;  the  resurrection  of  the  one  is  described  as 
that  which  belongs  to  life,  that  is,  which  arises  out  of  the  true  life 
begun  here,  and  forms  its  necessary  sequence  and  culmination  ; 
the  other  is  spoken  of  as  that  which  belongs  to  judgment,  that  is, 
to  the  appearing  of  the  unrighteous  before  the  judgment  seat,^ 
where  according  to  common  belief  they  should  in  bodily  form 
receive  their  sentence.*  Beyond  this  there  is  nothing  said  of 
the  significance  of  the  '  bodily '  form  given  to  the  unrighteous 
at  the  resurrection.  What  relation  it  may  have  been  conceived 
to  have  to  their  state  after  the  judgment  is  not  intimated  here 
nor  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament.  It  may  quite  possibly 
be  a  reminiscence  of  traditional  eschatology,  retained  without 
special  meaning  for  the  Christian  writer.  At  all  events  the 
interest  of  the  New  Testament  writers  centers  entirely  in  the 
destiny  of  the  righteous. 

(4)  The  Judgment.  Here  also,  as  in  the  doctrines  of  eternal 
life  and  the  resurrection,  there  is  a  twofold  use  of  the  term. 
On  the  one  hand  the  judgment  is  said  to  be  enacted  in  this 
life  ;  on  the  other,  it  is  placed  among  the  events  of  the  last  day. 
The  former  aspect  of  the  doctrine  receives  the  stronger  empha- 
sis ;  and  as  in  the  case  of  the  resurrection  some  scholars  would 
deny  that  there  is  place  in  genuine  Johannine  thought  for  a 
general  judgment  at  the  end.^  '  He  that  believeth  on  him  is  not 
judged ;  he  that  believeth  not  hath  been  judged  already.^  He 
who  has  accepted  Christ  has  already  passed  bej'ond  judgment 
and  through  the  spiritual  resurrection  has  entered  into  the 
relation  with  God  that  constitutes  eternal  life ;  he  who  has 
rejected  Christ  has  by  the  very  act  already  judged  himself  and 

1  528  f.     639  f.,  44,  54,  2  529_  3  12«. 

^  The  above  seems  the  correct  interpretation  of  ava.(XTa(Tis  s'w^s,  Kplffewi  ;   of. 
Holzm.  Weiss  in  Meyer  in  loc. 

5  Cf.  Wendt  Teaching  II.  305,  Holtzm.  Theol  II.  575  ff.  «  318. 


JOHANNINE  107 

abides  in  death.  ^  On  the  other  hand  the  announcement  of  the 
great  judgment  of  the  last  day,  as  expected  in  common  belief, 
is  equally  distinct.  It  forms  one  of  the  events  of  that  '  hour 
when  all  that  are  in  the  tombs  shall  hear  the  voice  of  the  Son 
of  God,'  2  and  it  will  test  the  believer  and  the  unbeliever  alike.^ 
There  is  no  real  inconsistency  between  these  two  groups  of 
utterances.  Men  are  judged  or  are  judging  themselves  here 
and  now  by  the  attitude  they  take  toward  the  truth,*  and  this 
process  of  judging  must  continue  till  the  end.  The  unbeliever 
may  turn  and  reverse  his  judgment ;  the  believer  needs  the 
constant  warning  to  '  abide  in  Christ '  lest  he  be  cast  forth  as  a 
branch  and  withered,  lest  he  be  put  to  shame  at  the  Lord's 
appearing.^  The  judgment  in  the  present  life  is  final  only  so 
far  as  the  conditions  on  which  it  is  based  continue  to  be  final. 
The  declaration  contained  in  these  two  groups  of  passages  is 
another  side  of  the  truth  which  is  expressed  in  the  two  sayings, 
likewise  apparently  but  not  really  contradictory,  '  Whosoever  is 
born  of  God  cannot  sin '  ^  and  '  If  we  say  that  we  have  no  sin, 
the  truth  is  not  in  us.'  ''  The  Johannine  idea  of  judgment 
agrees  then  with  that  of  St.  Paul,  who  likewise  speaks  of  a  present 
justification  (which  with  him  is  a  judicial  act  acquitting  the 
believer  now),  and  a  coming  judgment  in  the  great  day.  The 
Agent  in  the  judgment  is  variously  stated  and  in  terms  seem- 
ingly contradictory.  Commonly  the  judge  is  Christ ;  again 
this  is  apparently  denied ;  ^  it  is  declared  that  God  is  ^  and  is 
not  ^^  the  judge.  The  discrepancy  disappears  entirely,  in  view 
of  the  relation  of  the  Son  to  the  Father, ^^  and  in  view  of  the 
writer's  rhetorical  method  in  presenting  that  side  of  the  truth 
which  he  means  to  emphasize.  These  apparent  contradictions 
form  one  of  the  distinct  characteristics  of  the  Johannine  writ- 
ings, and  in  themselves  do  not  furnish  ground  for  a  theory  of 
interpolation  or  redaction.  The  Award  at  the  judgment  is, 
for  the  righteous,  eternal  life  in  the  '  abiding  places '  which 
the  Lord  has  gone  to  prepare  for  them,  where  they  will 
dwell  with  him  beholding  his  eternal  glory  and   transformed 

1524     939     1247.  2  528f.     12^,  3  1.228,417.  4  319-21. 

5  156     I.  224,28.  6  I.  39'  7  I.    28.  's  \2V .  9  gSO^   545.  10  522. 

11  God  and  Christ  are  united  in  judgment ;  Christ  judges  as  he  hears,  he  does 
not  judge  alone,  5^0,  Si*-. 


108  ESCHATOLOGY 

into  the  divine  likeness  ;  ^  the  destiny  of  the  unrighteous  is  not 
described  ;  it  is  however  announced  indirectly  in  the  statements 
regarding  that  from  which  the  righteous  are  delivered,  that  is, 
'  death,'  '  perdition  '  {Odvaro'i,  aTroXeadac).  These  terms  do  not 
denote  non-existence,  for  they  are  used  of  persons  still  living  ;  ^ 
they  sum  up  the  negation  of  all  that  is  included  in  eternal  life 
as  understood  in  the  Johannine  writings.^  Beyond  this  nega- 
tive designation  there  is  nothing  said  of  the  state  of  the  unright- 
eous after  judgment. 

The  Eschatology  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.^  The  fact 
which  gives  interest  to  the  eschatology  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  is  not  peculiarity  in  its  doctrines,  but  the  extent  to 
which  the  author  writes  in  the  consciousness  of  the  future. 
The  radiance  of  the  coming  fulfillment  of  the  promises,  or  the 
shadow  of  the  coming  judgment,  falls  upon  almost  every  para- 
graph of  argument  or  exhortation.  The  writer  reading  his 
familiar  Jewish  scriptures  in  the  light  of  not  only  Christian 
revelation,  but  also  Alexandrine  idealism,  delights  in  emphasiz- 
ing the  unseen  and  future  as  the  substance,  as  the  real  and 
lasting ;  everything  here  is  but  a  '  shadow  of  the  good  things  to 
come,'  a  copy  of  the  prototype  in  heaven.  The  Lord  will  come 
again  ;^  the  day  is  near,*^  it  will  bring  with  it  the  resurrection 
and  the  judgment '''  —  events  evidently  conceived  in  traditional 
forms  though  not  described  in  sensible  pictures. 

Some  scholars  find  in  9^  *•  the  doctrine  that  the  judgment  takes  place 
immediately  after  death.  But  this  cannot  be  the  writer's  meaning;  for 
elsewhere  in  the  epistle  he  connects  the  final  decision,  whether  for  salvation 
or  condemnation,  with  the  parousia  (9^^,  lO-^-^s.  36-38-)_  -jj^g  meaning  in  this 
passage  is  clear ;  the  writer  in  arguing  that  the  one  oblation  of  Christ  upon 
the  cross  has  made  a  sufficient  sacrifice  for  sin  and  needs  not  to  be  repeated, 
enforces  his  reasoning  by  an  analogy  —  the  divine  appointment  for  7nan 
is  death  and  afterwards  the  judgment ;  so  also  for  CJirbt,  the  one  death,  not 
to  be  repeated,  afterward  the  judgment ;  but  in  his  case  the  appearing  is  to 
give  judgment,  which  for  the  believer  issues  in  salvation ;  in  the  second 
clause  (v.  28)  the  writer  substitutes  '  salvation '  for  '  judgment '  because  the 
efl&cacy  of  the  one  death  for  salvation  is  the  point  under  discussion.     The 

1  142  f.,  1724^  I.  32.  2  1712,  I.  314.  3  Of.  pp.  102  f. 

■»  Cf.  amont,^  works  on  N.  T.  Theol.  Weiss  §  126,  Holtzm.  II.  332  f.,  Beyschlag 
II.  337  ff.;  Mathews  Mess.  237  f.,  Enc.  Bib.  II.  1377. 

6928,   16.  6  1023,37.  7  62,   0^^ '■,    102V,   1135. 


EPISTLE  TO  THE  HEBREWS  109 

judgment  of  the  imbeliever  has  no  relevaucy  here.  Siinilarly  in  1228,  <  i^jjg 
.spirits  of  just  men  made  perfect,'  some  have  fouud  the  doctrine  of  a  purely 
spiritual  resurrection  taking  place  immediately  after  death.  But  elsewhere 
the  writer  places  the  perfect  f ulllllment  of  hope,  the  full  salvation,  at  the 
End  (of.  passages  cited  above),  and  there  is  nothing  here  at  variance  with 
this  view,  for  the  context  and  the  general  use  of  reAaow  and  its  cognates  in 
the  epistle  show  that  the  reference  is  not  to  the  moral  and  spiritual  perfec- 
tion of  the  just,  but  to  the  perfection  of  the  atonement  wrought  by  the  blood 
of  Christ,  as  contrasted  with  the  imperfect  sacrifices  of  the  Mosaic  law. 

God  himself  will  be  the  judge,^  the  judgment  is  final,^  and  as 
it  is  the  great  assize  at  which  all  must  give  account,  the  resur- 
rection of  the  unrighteous  would  seem  to  be  implied.^  The 
place  of  the  dead  before  the  judgment  is  not  certainly  spoken  of .^ 
The  reward  of  the  righteous  is  the  eternal  inheritance,^  a  kingdom 
that  cannot  be  shaken,''  eternal  salvation  '^  in  the  presence  of 
God  and  his  glory, ^  participation  in  the  messianic  rest,  which  is 
the  '  sabbath-rest '  of  (iod  liimself.'^  The  doom  of  the  unrighteous 
is  '  perdition,'  ^^  a  term  not  defined  more  nearly,  but  doubtless  to 
be  taken  in  the  general  New  Testament  sense  of  the  loss  of  all 
that  belongs  to  the  state  of  blessedness. ^^  Neither  here  nor 
elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament  does  the  word  contain  the  idea 
of  annihilation.  But  the  writer  dwells  upon  the  fearfulness  of 
punishment  and  the  fierceness  of  God's  wrath,  which  is  as  a 
consuming  fire.^^  The  triumph  over  the  powers  hostile  to  God 
is  complete  and  final,i^  though,  as  elsewhere  in  eschatological 
literature,  the  total  extinction  of  hostile  beings  is  apparently 
not  thought  of  ;  Christian  eschatology  simply  follows  in  this 
respect  the  earlier  forms,  not  carrying  out  the  idea  of  triumph 
to  its  fullest  consequence. 

In  the  great  consummation  the  heaven  and  tlie  earth  will  be 
'  shaken,'  the  temporal  and  visible  will  be  removed,  the  things 

1  1030,   1223,   134.  2  62. 

3  62,  1135  are  sometimes  interpreted  as  showing  that  only  the  righteous  are 
raised  —  a  plain  misinterpretation. 

''  The  words  '  Church  of  the  firstborn  who  are  enrolled  in  heaven,'  1223,  prob- 
ably refer  to  the  Christians  on  earth  whose  names  are  now  written  in  heaven  ; 
see  Weiss  in  Meyer,  and  Westcott  in  loc.  ;  cf.  Lk.  IO20,  Ph.  43. 

5915.  6  1228.  759.  8  1214    210.  941, 9f..  10  1039, 

11  See  pp.  94,  107. 

12  1026-31,  1229.  It  is  dovibtful  whether  these  passages  contain  a  designed  refer- 
ence to  the  fires  of  Gehenna  so  often  mentioned  in  apocalyptic  writings. 

13  28, 14     1013,  27. 


110  ESCHATOLOGY 

which  cannot  be  shaken  will  remain ;  ^  that  is,  in  a  new  heaven 
and  a  new  earth  mortality  will  put  on  immortality.  Whether 
the  writer  includes  in  this  renewal  of  all  things  the  Pauline 
idea  of  a  spiritual  body  he  does  not  make  certain.  This 
perfected  state  beyond  the  judgment,  the  Coming  Age,^  is 
characterized  as  the  kingdom,  the  City  of  God,  the  heavenly  Jeru- 
salem ;  2  and  in  this,  Christ  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  God,'* 
will  rule  with  him  forever.^  The  ^^^aee  of  the  eschatological 
kingdom  is  heaven.^  This  conception  is  a  natural  consequence 
of  the  two  doctrines  so  prominent  throughout  the  epistle,  the 
eternal  priestly  service  of  Christ  carried  on  in  heaven,  and  the 
Christian's  perfect  freedom  of  approach  to  God.  But  the  tend- 
ency must  not  be  overlooked  to  blend  heaven  and  earth 
wherever  the  idea  of  a  renewed  world  is  present.''  The  epistle 
contains  no  intimation  of  a  Millennial  kingdom  before  the  last 
great  day. 

The  Eschatology  of  the  other  Epistles  and  the  Acts.*^  jSt. 
James.^  The  practical  epistle  of  James  makes  reference  to 
eschatological  truth  briefly  to  strengthen  the  suffering  and 
tempted  Christians  in  well-doing  and  to  declare  the  doom  of  the 
wicked  living  in  iniquity  and  cruelty.  The  passages  in  which 
the  approaching  end  is  made  most  of  are  5^"^,  an  apostrophic 
proclamation  of  the  punishment  coming  upon  the  godless,^^  and 
6^"^\  a  message  of  encouragement  to  the  oppressed  Christians. 
The  readers  are  living  in  '  the  last  days,'  ^^  the  coming  of  Christ, 
the  Lord  of  glory,  is  near,^^  the  judgment  is  at  the  door.^^  The 
punishment  about  to  break  upon  the  ungodly  is  described  in 
imagery  suggested  by  Jewish  eschatology ;  their  riches  shall  be 
corrupted,  their  gold  and  silver  rusted,  their  flesh  consumed  as  by 
fire.i*  The  destruction  of  this  present  world  and  the  bringing 
in  of  a  new  creation  are  probably  in  the  writer's  mind  here. 

1  lUf.     1226-28_  2  gs     1314_  3  18^1222,28^1110,16.  4  81^122. 

5  18.     '  6  619f-,    1116.      '  7  Cf.  p.   67.' 

8  The  Pastoral  epistles  are  not  included  here  ;  a  special  paragraph  on  these 
is  not  called  for,  since,  whether  they  are  of  Pauline  authorship  or  not,  they  do 
not  present  any  material  departure  from  the  Pauline  eschatology  as  set  forth 
above.     Cf.  p.  84. 

9  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  §  57  ;  Commentaries  on  5^-",  especially  Weiss,  Huther, 
von  Soden,  Oesterley  iii  EGT. ;  Enc.  Bib.  II.  1377,  Hast.  I.  753. 

10  On  the  apostrophic  character  of  this  passage  cf .  Weiss  in  Meyer  in  loc. 

11  V.  3.  12  V.  8.  13  vv.  9,  3-5.  "  vv.  2  f. 


JAMES  111 

But  beyond  the  destruction  of  the  material  and  visible,  lies  the 
spiritual  doom  of  death,^  doubtless  conceived,  in  accordance 
with  Christian  thought  generally,  as  that  state  in  which  all  is 
wanting  that  constitutes  the  true  life  of  the  soul.^  On  the 
other  hand  the  hope  held  out  to  the  waiting  Christian  is  the 
certain  coming  of  Christ  to  deliver,  to  bestow  the  reward  of 
patient  endurance,  to  bring  in  such  an  '  end  of  the  Lord '  as  was 
that  which  changed  all  the  sufferings  of  Job  into  joy.^  Then 
the  crown  of  life  will  be  given  to  them  ^  in  the  kingdom  prom- 
ised to  those  that  love  God.^  Further  eschatological  forecasts 
such  as  are  found  elsewhere  are  wanting  in  this  epistle. 

First  Peter. '°  St.  Peter,  to  whom  this  epistle  is  attributed 
(and  probably  with  right),  is  commonly  called  the  Apostle  of 
hope,  and  although  it  may  be  questioned  whether  this  virtue  is 
not  equally  conspicuous  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,  yet 
the  eschatological  outlook  is  dominant  throughout  this  letter. 
The  chief  aim  of  the  letter  is  to  encourage  the  kind  of  life  and 
the  spiritual  attitude  which  the  readers  should  maintain  in  their 
present  severe  sufferings.  Naturally  then  the  promises  of  the 
coming  End  form  a  significant  factor  in  the  admonitions.  The 
end  of  all  things  is  at  hand,''  the  readers  now  undergoing  the 
test  of  manifold  sufferings  have  but  a  little  while  to  wait  for 
the  salvation  which  is  ready  to  be  revealed.  ^  These  present  fiery 
trials,  the  raging  activity  of  Satan,^  seem  to  be  regarded  by  the 
author  as  among  the  '  messianic  woes  '  which  are  to  usher  in  the 
Advent.  These  trials  are  sifting  the  Christians,  distinguishing 
between  the  faithful  and  the  unfaithful;  'judgment  is  begin- 
ning at  the  house  of  God,'  but  if  the  beginning  with  the  right- 
eous be  thus  severe,  how  much  more  so  shall  be  the  end  with 
the  ungodly.  ^^  From  his  exaltation  at  the  right  hand  of  God, 
above  all  angelic  powers ,^i  the  Messiah  is  about  to  come  forth 
revealing  his  glory, ^^  bringing  to  his  own  the  perfect  deliverance 
of  salvation.^^  The  resurrection  is  not  expressly  mentioned,  but 
is  certainly  implied  in  the  references  to  the  manifestation  of 
Christ's  glory,  and  to  the  judgment  at  which  the  dead  as  well 

1  115,  520.  2  cf.  p.  102.  3  vv.  7-11.  4  112.  5  25. 

6  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  §§  48-51,  Mathews  Mess.  151  ff.,  Hast.  Ill  795,  Enc.  Bib. 

11.1380.  ^47.  8  jsff.,  10   510.  9412-19   58  f..  10  417  f.. 

11  111,21^  322^  12413     51.  13  18,9,13. 


112  ESCHATOLOGY 

as  the  living  will  be  judged.^  God  himself  (perhaps  in  4^, 
Christ)  is  the  judge.^  The  destiny  of  the  wicked  is  referred  to 
only  indirectly  as  the  end  which  is  contrasted  with  salvation. 
The  reivard  of  tJie  righteous  is  participation  in  the  glory  to  be 
revealed  in  Christ,  a  life  like  that  of  God  himself  in  an  inher- 
itance that  fadeth  not  away,  an  eternal  crown  of  glory.^  The 
idea  of  the  ki^igdom  of  G-od,  though  not  spoken  of  under  that 
name,  is  implied  in  the  writer's  representation  of  Christians  as 
forming  a  corporate  body,  a  people,  a  nation.  The  Church  con- 
stitutes the  true  Israel  of  God,^  and  in  the  coming  realization 
of  its  ideal  its  members  will  possess,  what  they  now  have  only 
potentially,  royal  and  priestly  rank  ;  for  as  God's  own  they  will 
share  in  his  kingly  glory,  they  will  reign  with  him,  and  like  the 
high-priest  in  the  Mosaic  system  they  will  have  perfect  freedom 
of  access  to  him,  offering  spiritual  offerings.^  The  term  inherit- 
ance designating  their  future  possession,  Avhen  employed  by  so 
Hebraistic  a  writer,  is  doubtless  to  be  taken  in  the  technical 
sense  of  the  promised  messianic  kingdom.^  This  is  to  be  re- 
vealed in  the  last  day,  whether  in  a  world  purely  heavenly  or  in 
a  renewed  earth  is  not  intimated.  There  is  no  place  in  the 
writer's  thought  for  a  millennial  kingdom  on  earth  before  the 
End ;  all  the  events  of  the  consummation  are  grouped  with  the 
parousia. 

This  epistle  makes  a  most  important  contribution  to  Chris- 
tian eschatology  in  its  teaching  about  Christ's  activity  in  the 
world  of  departed  spirits.  In  this  respect  it  stands  alone 
among  the  New  Testament  Scriptures.  The  other  books  main- 
tain a  striking  reserve  regarding  the  state  of  unbelievers  be- 
tween death  and  the  judgment.'^  While  they  nowhere  speak 
with  certainty  of  the  possibility  of  a  spiritual  change  in  that 
state,  yet  they  nowhere  speak  of  its  impossibility ;  all  their 
utterances  regarding  the  finality  of  probation,  or  the  fixedness 
of  the  lot  of  the  wicked,  relate  to  the  state  following  the  judg- 
ment. Their  thought  is  so  much  occupied  with  the  judgment 
as  near  at  hand,  and  the  coming  redemption  of  the  believer, 
that  the  present  state  of  the  unbelieving  dead  is  lost  from 
view.     First  Peter  breaks  this  silence,  and  represents  Christ 

145,  -2  117     223.  3  14     46     51,4.10.  4  25,  9f-,   417.  5  25.9. 

*     6  cf.  Gal.  318,  Heb.  9i5.'     '         ^  On  Lk.  16i9  «-\i.  p.  151. 


SECOND  PETER  AND  JUDE  113 

in  the  interval  between  his  death  and  resurrection  as  preaching 
the  gospel  to  the  dead,  in  order  that  they  might  be  made  the 
subjects  of  the  judgment  together  with  the  living,  and  that, 
though  they  had  suffered  a  judgment  after  the  manner  of  men 
universally  in  that  they  had  died,  they  might  in  the  final 
judgment  attain  to  a  share  in  eternal  life,  which  is  like  the  life 
of  God,  3i^"2o^  _j.5-6_  While  in  the  first  passage  the  writer  speaks 
of  the  dead  who  belong  to  the  days  of  Noah  (a  class  especially 
appropriate,  because  of  their  great  wickedness,  to  illustrate  the 
line  of  thought  there),  in  the  second  passage,  the  reference  is 
to  the  dead  in  general.  But  it  should  be  noticed  that  the 
writer  is  not  concerned  here  with  the  general  doctrine  of 
probation  after  death,  nor  is  he  speaking  of  those  who  had 
heard  the  gospel  and  rejected  it.  He  speaks  summarily  of  two 
classes,  the  one  at  the  time  of  Christ's  death  already  in  the 
place  of  departed  spirits,  the  other  still  alive,  both  of  whom  are 
about  to  be  judged  at  the  great  day.  The  case  of  those  who 
in  a  future  generation,  that  is  between  Christ's  first  and  second 
coming,  should  reject  him  is  a  subject  entirely  outside  of  his 
thought. 

These  passages  have  formed  the  subject  of  much  controversy,  but  schol- 
ars are  now^  so  largely  agreed  in  adopting,  in  its  main  conclusions,  the 
interpretation  given  above  that  a  detailed  discussion  of  the  exegesis  does 
not  seem  to  be  called  for  here.  Interest  of  the  dead  in  the  Messiah's 
coming,  and  a  hope  of  delivery  are  mentioned  in  rabbinical  writings ;  cf . 
excerpts  given  by  Weber  System.  328  f.,  350  f.  :  '  When  those  ivho  are  bound, 
those  in  Gehinnom,  saw  the  light  of  the  Messiah  they  rejoiced  to  receive 
him ; '  '  We  will  exult  and  rejoice  in  thee.  When  ?  When  the  prisoners 
mount  out  of  hell  with  the  Shechinah  at  their  head.' 

Second  Peter  and  Jude.^  The  close  relation  between  these 
two  epistles,  the  evident  dependence  of  one  upon  the  other 
both  in  contents  and  form,  makes  it  fitting  to  take  them 
together  in  the  survey  of  their  eschatology,  thougli  2  Peter  is 
much  the  fuller  of  the  two.  Even  if  2  Peter  be  attributed  to 
the  same  author  as  1  Peter,  its  similarity  to  Jude  in  some  fea- 
tures which  do  not  appear  in  1  Peter  favors  this  order  of  treat- 
ment.    The  critical  question  of  the  Petrine  origin  of  2  Peter 

1  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  §  129,  Stevens  Theol.  312  ff.,  Enc.  Bib.  III.  1377,  Hast. 
I.  753. 


114  ESCHATOLOGY 

need  not  be  entered  upon  here,  nor  the  question  of  priority  in 
time  which  arises  in  connection  with  2  Peter  and  Jude.  The 
dependence  of  one  upon  the  other  does  not  in  itself  settle  the 
authorship  or  affect  the  canonical  value  of  either.  The  escha- 
tology  of  the  epistles  follows  closely  traditional  lines.  The 
readers  are  living  in  the  'last  times.'  False  teachers  have 
crept  into  the  Church,  denying  Christ,  rioting  in  corrupt  liv- 
ing, drawing  away  the  unstable  and  deriding  the  Christian 
hope.  Their  presence  in  the  last  days  had  been  foretold  ;  the 
signs  of  the  times  then  show  that  the  end  is  near.^  The  Lord 
is  about  to  come  with  his  hosts,^  the  judgment  like  the  thief  in 
the  night  ^  is  about  to  fall  upon  the  workers  of  evil,  '  Their 
sentence  lingereth  not.'  ^  In  both  epistles  warning  of  a  coming 
visitation  of  divine  vengeance  is  seen  in  the  punishment  of  the 
fallen  angels,^  reserved  in  bonds  under  darkness  unto  the  judg- 
ment,^ the  destruction  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  is  set  forth  as 
'  an  example,' '''  and  other  events  of  history  furnish  the  same 
prophecy.^  The  promises  given  to  the  righteous  are  the  blessed- 
ness of  salvation  expressed  in  various  terms  :  eternal  life  in  the 
presence  of  the  glory  of  God,^  participation  in  the  divine 
nature,^*^  entrance  into  the  eternal  kingdom.!^  T\\q  punishment 
of  the  ungodly  is  '  The  blackness  of  darkness  reserved  for  them 
forever.'  ^^  Jude  adopting  the  language  of  the  apocalyptic 
writers  calls  it  the  punishment  of  eternal  fire.^^  Its  usual  des- 
ignation in  2  Peter  is  '  destruction  ' ;  ^^  in  the  latter  epistle  men- 
tion is  also  made  of  preliminary  punishment  under  which  the 
unrighteous  dead  are  kept  unto  the  judgment  of  the  great 
day.^^  The  kingdom^  '  the  eternal  kingdom  of  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  Jesus  Christ,'  ^^  is  to  be  consummated  at  the  parousia, 
with  which  all  the  final  events  are  connected.  An  earthly 
millennial  reign  preceding  the  final  issue  is  not  thought  of. 
Scoffers  deride  the  hope  of  the  Lord's  appearing,  but  it  is  the 
long-suffering  of  God  towards  his  people  ^'^  that  delays  it  ;  he 

1  P.  Z\  J.  17  f-     Cf.  1  Jno.  218.  2  J.  14  f.  3  p.  310.  4  p.  23. 

^  Reference  is  made  to  the  angels  spoken  of  in  Gen.  G*.  The  description  of 
their  punishment  is  evidently  taken  from  En.  10  ;  further  use  of  En.  is  acknowl- 
edged in  J.  14.  6  p.  2^,  J.  G.  '  P.  26,  J,  7.  »  P.  2^,  J.  5. 

9  J.  21,  24.  10  P.  14.  11  P.  111.  12  p.  217,  J.  13. 

13  In  V.  7  TTvpbs  is  pretty  certainly  to  be  joined  with  diKt)v  rather  than  with 
SetTMa.  1'  23.  12,  3'-  »«.  i^  29.     Cf.  p.  69.  i^  P.  1". 

"  P.  39,  eis  v/ias,  to  i/ou-ward. 


THE  ACTS  115 

wishes  that  all  the  unfaithful  may  come  to  repentance. 
Christians  by  '  holy  living  and  godliness '  can  hasten  the  day 
of  the  Lord's  appearing.  ^  Second  Peter  describes  in  most 
vivid  colors  the  great  renewal  of  creation  at  the  end.  The 
world  and  all  that  is  in  it  will  be  destroyed  by  fire,  and  there 
will  be  new  heavens  and  a  new  earth,  wherein  only  righteous- 
ness shall  dwell.  ^ 

The  Acts.^  It  does  not  belong  to  our  present  study  to 
inquire  into  the  authorship  of  the  Acts,  the  nature  of  the 
sources  used  in  its  composition  and  similar  critical  problems. 
It  may,  however,  be  observed  that  the  discourses  contained  in 
the  book  and  attributed  to  various  persons  (and  it  is  in  the 
discourses  that  the  principal  doctrinal  teaching  is  found),  even 
if  we  should  not  with  some  scholars  regard  them  as  simply  the 
compositions  of  the  historian,  after  the  manner  of  the  speeches 
in  Thueydides  for  example,  are  given  only  in  brief  summaries, 
so  that  the  form  at  least  is  due  to  the  historian  himself  ;  in  so 
far  they  are  his,  and  form  a  part  of  his  own  presentation  of  his 
theme.  But  the  author  was  master  of  his  material  from  what- 
ever manifold  sources  derived,  and  his  book  is  a  homogeneous 
one.  If  diversity  of  thought  and  belief  appears,  it  is  such  as 
the  writer  supposed  to  belong  to  the  different  historical  situa- 
tions described.  And  he  has  intended  to  give  a  true  picture, 
incomplete  to  be  sure,  but  sufficient  for  its  purpose,  of  the  faith 
and  work  of  the  infant  Church  in  the  earlier  decades  of  its 
existence.  Our  interest  here  is  concerned  solely  with  the 
principal  eschatological  doctrines  which  are  contained  in  this 
portrayal  of  the  Church's  life. 

The  first  disciples,  incognizant  of  the  Church  as  a  body  dis- 
tinct from  Judaism,  found  themselves  confronted  with  the 
difficulty  of  adjusting  the  facts  in  the  life  of  Jesus  to  their 
earlier  belief  in  him  as  the  Messiah  and  to  their  traditional 
expectations.  Having  come  to  accept  him  in  the  course  of  his 
earthly  ministry  as  the  one  ordained  of  God  to  become  the 
messianic  deliverer  and  king,   they   were   rudely  thrown  into 

1  P.  3"  f-,  cf.  RV.  marg.,  Ac.  S".  2  310-13^  cf.  p.  56. 

3  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  §§  38-40,  42,  Stevens  Theol.  258  ff.,  Matthews  Mess. 
138  ff. 


116  ESCHATOLOGY 

disappointment  and  despair  by  the  crucifixion.  But  the  resur- 
rection restored  their  belief  and  hope ;  they  could  now  ask  the 
Lord  with  confidence,  whether  this  was  not  the  time  when  he 
would  restore  the  kingdom  to  Israel.^  After  the  forty  days  in 
which  he  spoke  to  them  of  the  things  concerning  the  kingdom 
of  (Tod,2  and  after  the  Ascension  and  the  pentecostal  gift  of  the 
Spirit,  that  question,  so  far  as  recorded,  was  never  raised  again. 
The  disciples  had  gained  a  new  conception  of  the  kingdom  and 
of  the  Messiah.  His  death,  so  hard  for  them  to  understand  at 
first,  and  so  great  a  stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  his  accept- 
ance by  the  Jews  as  the  Messiah,  was  now  seen  to  be  a  necessity 
laid  upon  him  by  divine  appointment.^  Passages  in  the  Old 
Testament  which  had  not  hitherto  received  a  messianic  applica- 
tion were  now  seen  to  be  prophetic  of  his  humiliation  and  death. 
The  suffering  '  servant '  spoken  of  by  Isaiah  was  understood  to 
be  the  Messiah.  This  very  humiliation  became  a  proof  of  the 
Messiahship.^  The  death  of  the  Messiah  was  seen  to  be  an 
essential  part  of  his  appointed  work.^  But  this  was  not  the  end ; 
the  brief  earthly  work  was  only  preliminary.  Through  the 
resurrection  and  ascension  God  had  now  raised  him  to  his  full 
messianic  dignity ;  exalted  to  the  right  hand  of  God  he  was 
now  made  that  for  which  he  had  been  ordained,  '  both  Lord  and 
Christ ; '  ^  now  the  title  given  to  Jehovah  himself  is  also  given 
without  modification  to  him,  he  is  '  Lord  of  all.'  '^  But  the  con- 
summation of  his  kingdom  lies  in  the  future  ;  he  must  return 
to  take  to  himself  his  sovereignty  over  all  the  world,  he  must 
come  to  complete  his  work  as  the  deliverer  and  savior  of  his 
people.  The  outlook  of  the  Church  in  consequence  of  this  faith 
becomes  then  predominantly  eschatological.  Already  it  con- 
ceives itself  to  be  living  in  the  '  last  days.'  ^  The  apostles  appeal 
to  their  Jewish  brethren  to  repent,  in  order  that  God  may  send 
forth  to  them  the  appointed  Messiah  to  complete  his  work.^  At 
that  coming  the  dead  will  be  raised,  both  the  just  and  the  un- 
just. ^^  Judgment  will  be  held  and  Christ  will  be  the  judge.  ^^ 
The  kingdom  of  God  ^^  will  be  instituted  with  that  perfect 
restoration  of  all  things,  in  which  sin  will  cease,  as  foretold  by 

1  16.  2  13.  3  428^   173.  4  832^,    172  f..  5  Cf.   p.  85. 

6  234^6^   531,   1332  f.  7  IQSS.  8  216  f-,   324.  9  319-21,   cf.  pp.  49  ff.,    130. 

10  42,   236,   2415.  11  1042,    1731.  12  13,   282^'.  31. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  117 

the  prophets.^  The  earlier  Judaistic  conception  is  gradually 
outgrown,  and  all  national  limitation  of  the  expected  kingdom 
disappears  ;  the  Messiah  is  the  Lord  and  Saviour  of  all  nations.  ^ 
The  awards  of  the  judgment  are  expressed  in  the  common  New 
Testament  terms :  for  the  righteous,  life,^  but  of tenest,  salva- 
tion ;  for  the  unrighteous  (whose  destiny  is  rarely  spoken  of), 
perdition.*  It  is  clear  that  these  simple  eschatological  doctrines 
underlie  all  the  teaching  of  the  book,  but  they  are  brought 
forward  with  less  emphasis  than  in  most  of  the  New  Testament 
writings.  Other  doctrines,  such  as  the  '  messianic  woes,'  the 
millennium,  the  new  heavens  and  the  new  earth,  are  not  men- 
tioned. The  dominant  message  of  the  preaching  is,  Jesus  is 
the  Messiah  who  will  bring  salvation  to  the  repentant.  As 
regards  fullness  of  teaching  about  the  Last  Things  and  the 
emphasis  thrown  upon  these,  the  Acts  is  one  of  the  least  escha- 
tological books  in  the  New  Testament. 

The  Eschatology  of  Our  Lord.  Inquiry  into  our  Lord's 
eschatological  teaching  brings  us  face  to  face  with  the  most 
difficult  problems  in  the  study  of  the  New  Testament.  Ques- 
tions regarding  the  sources  of  our  knowledge  and  the  interpre- 
tation of  these,  some  of  them  questions  of  profound  theological 
significance,  confront  us  with  great  force,  and  there  are  many 
fundamental  points  upon  which  scholars  have  not  yet  reached 
agreement.  The  literature  of  these  investigations  forms  a 
library  in  itself.  All  that  we  can  do  here  is  to  indicate  as 
briefly  as  possible  grounds  upon  which  one  may  reasonably  base 
opinion  and  to  state  the  essential  features  in  the  Lord's  escha- 
tological doctrine  as  thus  exhibited. 

The  Lord's  doctrines  of  the  future  are  only  the  final  unfold- 
ing of  what  he  taught  regarding  his  person,  his  office,  and  his 
work,  as  already  revealed  in  part  in  his  earthly  life.  The  whole 
of  God's  great  purpose  for  man  is  bound  up  with  the  essential 
truths  of  Jesus'  Messiahship  and  the  kingdom  of  redemption 
and  glory  which  he  came  to  establish.  His  eschatology  centers 
in  the  doctrine  of  his  Messiahship.  The  question  then  whether 
he  did  in  fact  believe  himself  to  be  the  Messiah,  and  in  what 
sense,  becomes  fundamental  in  our  inquiry.      We  cannot  avoid 

1  320f.  2  1036^    1347.  3  H18^    I348.  4  323^  §20. 


118  ESCHATOLOGY 

a  somewhat  long  discussion  of  it.  The  subject  of  Jesus'  mes- 
sianic consciousness,  or  more  broadly  speaking,  his  self-con- 
sciousness, has  held  a  prominent  place  in  recent  discussion. 
Whether  the  consciousness  of  divine  sonship  arose  out  of  the 
consciousness  of  Messiahship,  or  the  reverse,  how  the  latter 
arose  and  when  (whether  before  or  at  the  baptism,  at  the 
Transfiguration,  or  at  some  later  date,  when  it  was  first 
declared),  and  similar  questions,  however  much  space  they 
occupy  in  a  '•  Life '  of  Christ,  are  not  essential  for  our  present 
purpose.  In  fact,  we  are  treading  on  much  surer  ground  in 
speaking  of  his  self -testimony  than  in  speaking  of  the  processes 
of  his  self-consciousness.  The  inquiries  which  concern  us  here 
are,  did  he  declare  himself  the  Messiah,  or  assent  to  the  lan- 
guage of  those  who  so  declared  him,  and  what  did  he  teach 
regarding  his  Messiahship,  the  nature  of  his  kingdom  and  its 
future  ?  The  evidence  which  furnishes  the  answer  to  these 
questions  is  found  (1)  chiefly  in  utterances  recorded  in  the 
Gospels,  (2)  in  certain  acts  of  the  Lord's  life,  (3)  in  the 
beliefs  of  the  apostolic  Church.  These  will  be  spoken  of  in 
order. 

Ou7'  knowledge  of  the  Lord's  utterances.  Before  inquiry  into  the  Lord's 
teaching  about  his  Messiahship  and  the  messianic  kingdom,  as  given  in  the 
Gospels,  something  should  be  said  of  the  sources  of  these  records.  In  the 
present  state  of  critical  opinion  the  Fourth  Gospel  cannot  be  made,  with 
the  general  consent  of  scholars,  the  basis  of  investigation  into  the  Lord's 
exact  words.  Whether  the  Gospel  is  in  whole  or  in  part  the  work  of 
St.  John,  the  Apostle,  or  of  another  writer,  it  contains,  as  critics  of  nearly 
all  schools  agree,  an  interpretation  or  exposition  of  the  Lord's  teaching 
rather  than  a  precise  verbal  report.  It  can  hardly  be  questioned  that  the 
form  in  which  the  sayings  of  the  Lord  are  put  is  generally  that  of  the 
author ;  and  in  the  broader  sense  of  what  we  call  form,  it  is  probable  that 
the  author  has  put  into  his  record  a  meaning  which  in  his  later  spiritual 
enlightenment  he  found  to  be  contained  or  implied  in  the  Lord's  teaching, 
though  perhaps  not  originally  expressed  there  in  so  many  words.  Critical 
inquirers  therefore  are  cautious  in  appealing  to  the  testimony  of  this  Gos- 
pel in  these  respects  unless  it  is  confirmed  at  least  indirectly  by  other  New 
Testament  sources.  It  must,  however,  be  said  that  it  is  just  this  confirma- 
tion, direct  or  indirect,  which  raises  the  question  whether  criticism  has  not 
gone  too  far  in  minimizing  the  historical  character  of  the  book.  The 
theory  which  denies  to  it  in  all  its  parts  an  apostolic  source,  or  the  charac- 
ter of  an  independent  document,  raises  difficulties  not  to  be  set  aside  with  a 
wave  of  the  hand.     The  fact  that  a  large  part  of  its  teaching  is  found  in 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  119 

substance,  though  in  a  much  less  developed  form,  in  the  synoptic  record, 
and  the  fact  that  there  is  so  much  in  the  book  pointing  to  an  ultimate 
apostolic  soui-ce,  form  data  which  cannot  be  permanently  ignored,  and 
cause  many  scholars  to  doubt  whether  the  Johannine  question  has  yet 
reached  its  final  solution.  It  is  the  conviction  of  not  a  few  students  of 
keen  critical  instinct  which  is  expressed  by  a  recent  writer  on  the  subject : 
'  The  time  will  come  for  gathering  up  the  fragments  of  the  Fourth  Gospel 
which  are  of  historic  value,  for  the  story  of  the  ministry  of  Jesus  Christ .  .  . 
and  his  teaching.  .  .  .  And  when  it  comes,  our  own  or  a  later  genera- 
tion may  find  that  the  broken  pieces  which  remain  are  neither  so  few 
nor  so  fragmentary  as  the  literature  of  the  last  few  years  has  led  us  to 
suppose.'  1 

When  we  turn  to  the  record  in  the  synoptic  Gospels  it  is  necessary  first 
of  all  to  recognize  here  also  the  results  of  the  very  active  critical  inquiries 
carried  on  in  recent  times. '^  Much  remains  to  be  settled  in  regard  to  the 
origin  of  the  Synoptics,  and  the  sources  used  iu  their  composition,  yet  it 
may  be  said  that  substantial  agreement  has  been  reached  regarding  certain 
fundamental  points.  It  is  established  that  Mark  is  the  oldest  of  the  three 
Gospels,^  and  it  is  also  generally  held  that  in  a  form  not  very  different  from 
that  known  to  us  it  was  one  of  the  two  fundamental  sources  used  in  the 
composition  of  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke.  According  to  the  testimony  of 
Papias  (earlier  part  of  the  second  century),  Mark  is  composed  of  reminis- 
cences of  the  preaching  of  St.  Peter.*  The  view  that  its  main  source  goes 
back  in  some  form  to  St.  Peter  is  accepted  as  at  least  tenable  by  a  large 
number  of  scholars,  even  among  those  who  cannot  be  suspected  of  prejudice 
in  favor  of  the  Papias  testimony;  e.g.  Weizsacker,  H.  Holtzmann,  Bacon, 
Jiilicher. 

The  second  fundamental  source  used  by  Matthew  and  Luke  in  common 
was  a  document,  consisting  chiefly,  if  not  entirely,  of  discourses  or  sayings 
of  Jesus.  From  this  are  derived  those  records  of  his  teaching  which  are 
found  in  essentially  the  same  form  in  both  Gospels  but  not  in  Mark.^  This 
assumed  document  formerly  called  Logia  {utterances)  is  now  generally 
designated  by  the  more  neutral  symbol  Q  (German,  Quelle,  source).^  Most 
scholars  hold  it  to  be  older  than  Mark ;  the  latter  seems  to  have  been  influ- 

1  Brooke,  Historic  Value  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  in  Camb.  Bib.  Essays,  1909. 

2  On  the  vast  literature  of  the  subject  see  the  various  N.  T.  Introductions, 
Biblical  •  Encyclopaedias,  etc.  ;  especially  full  is  Moffatt  Introd.  to  the  Lit.  of 
N.T. 

3  By  Mk.,  Mt.  and  Lk.  are  meant  here  the  books  and  the  authors  of  these  as 
they  now  appear. 

*  This  tradition  appears  also  in  Justin,  Irenseus,  Clem.  A.  and  at. 

6  There  is  no  doubt  that  both  Mt.  and  Lk.  used  minor  sources  in  addition  to 
these  two  ;  but  it  is  improbable  that  Mt.  used  Lk.  or  vice  versa. 

6  It  is  of  course  supposable  that  the  parallel,  non-Marcan  parts  of  Mt.  .and 
Lk.  may  not  all  be  derived  from  a  single  document,  that  is,  the  two  evangelists 
may  have  used  in  common  more  than  one  document  containing  sayings.  Cf. 
Harnack  Lukas  d.  Arzt  108,  Allen  in  Oxford  Studies  in  the  Synop.  Problem 
2.36  ;  in  that  case  Q  would  be  taken  as  a  general  designation  of  these  sources 
as  a  whole  ;  a  single  document  is  however  more  commonly  assumed. 


120  ESCHATOLOGY 

enced  by  it  and  to  have  derived  some  material  from  it.^  There  is  reason  for 
connecting  this  discourse  document,  at  least  in  some  form,  with  St.  JMatthew, 
the  apostle.  Papias-  says  that  'Matthew  drew  up  the  Logia,'  that  is,  of 
the  Lord.  The  passage  has  been  the  subject  of  much  discussion,  but 
scholars  of  widely  differing  schools  agree  that  the  view  which  connects  Q 
in  some  way  with  the  Matthsean  Logia  and  traces  back  at  least  its  oldest 
portions  to  the  Apostle  is  probable.^ 

If  now  our  sources,  Q  and  Mark,  go  back  to  a  Petrine  and  a  Matthsean 
origin,  or  to  any  form  of  primitive  apostolic  tradition,  they  furnish  testi- 
mony which  cannot  easily  be  set  aside,  especially  if  they  concur  in  present- 
ing a  record  which  is  self -consistent,  and  accordant  with  the  facts  of  the 
Lord's  life  and  the  beliefs  of  apostolic  Christianity.  This  testimony  must 
however  apply  with  much  gTeater  force  to  general  content  of  thought  than 
to  exact  language ;  for  the  Lord's  utterances  are  preserved  in  translation 
only  (from  Aramaic  into  Greek)  and  in  a  form  into  which  they  crystallized 
through  frequent  oral  repetition.  Variation  in  the  records  is  abundantly 
illustrated  by  a  comparison  of  parallel  sayings  in  the  different  synoptics. 

On  the  other  hand  the  hypothesis  is  strongly  urged  that  the  record  of 
Jesus'  teaching  has  been  (colored  along  its  most  fundamental  lines  by  read- 
ing back  into  it  the  beliefs  of  the  apostolic  Church.  It  must  suffice  to 
observe  here  (1)  that  a  cautious  historian  will  find  great  difficulty  in  under- 
standing how  the  principal  doctrines  regarding  the  Lord's  person  and  work, 
new  as  they  were,  could  have  come  into  being  and  have  been  universally  ac- 
cepted except  through  the  influence  of  his  own  teaching ;  even  the  powerful 
personality  of  St.  Paul  could  not  have  transformed  so  completely  the  teach- 
ing of  Jesus,  given  to  the  original  apostles,  without  leaving  clearer  traces 
of  the  process  of  transformation  and  also  of  the  opposition  which  must 
necessarily  have  been  evoked,  or  at  least  traces  of  essential  divergences ; 
(2)  the  analogy  of  all  ancient  writings  which  seek  to  carry  back  teaching  to 
an  authority  prior  to  its  actual  origin  points  the  way  to  the  detection  of  the 
anachronism ;  we  should  not  fail  to  find  in  the  synoptic  Gospels  the  great 
doctrines  of  apostolic  Christianity  set  forth  conspicuously  and  in  fully 
developed  form  rather  than,  as  is  the  case,  incidentally  and  often  only  by 
implication.  Cei'tainly  the  great  controversies  which  agitated  the  apostolic 
Church,  so  strikingly  absent  from  the  Gospels,  would  have  read  into  the 
Lord's  sayings  some  clear,  relevant  utterances.  The  effect  of  reading  a 
highly  developed  apprehension  of  doctrine  into  the  earliest  form  of  its 
utterance  is  seen  distinctly  in  comparing  the  Fourth  Gospel  with  the 
Synoptics. 

1  Cf.  Streeter  in  Ox.  Stud.  165  ff.  Wellhausen,  Ein.  73  ff.,  however  makes  Q 
later  than  Mk. ;  with  this  Jiilicher,  Mn.  322,  agrees  as  regards  the  developed 
form  of  Q,  while  placing  its  primitive  form  before  Mk. 

2  Eusebius  H.  E.  III.  39 is. 

3  So,  e.(/.,  B.  Weiss,  Sanday,  Harnack,  Jiilicher,  Wendt. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  121 

The  Gospel  Record  of  Jesus'  Messianic  Teaching.^  (1)  His 
Messiahship.  The  state  of  the  messianic  hope  and  the  concep- 
tion of  the  Messiah  in  the  generation  to  which  Jesus  addressed 
himself  must  have  affected  profoundly  his  attitude  in  speaking 
of  his  Messiahship.  It  has  been  held  by  some  that  at  this 
time  the  messianic  hope  had  become  nearly  extinct,  or  at  least 
insignificant  as  a  factor  in  religious  or  political  thought  with 
the  Jews,^  but  this  view  is  generally  rejected.  Evidence  of 
the  activity  of  the  hope  among  the  masses  at  least  is  seen  in 
our  Gospels,  in  the  popular  revolutions,^  and  in  late  apocalyp- 
tic literature.'^  Doubtless  the  view  held  at  the  time  concern- 
ing the  Messiah  was  not  clearly  defined  and  uniform.^  The 
prophetic  and  spiritual  character  was  certainly  recognized.^ 
Some  could  even  wonder  whether  John  the  Baptist  were  not 
the  Messiah,  or  the  one  destined  to  become  such.^  Yet  so  far 
as  we  have  evidence  it  was  everywhere  believed  that  in  his 
kingly  office  he  would  destroy  the  power  of  the  Gentiles, 
deliver  his  people  out  of  their  hands,  and  establish  his  kingdom 
in  visible  glory,  The  national  and  political  aspect  is  every- 
where present  in  the  picture.^  If  Jesus  had  shared  this  idea 
of  the  Messiahship,  he  might  have  come  forward  with  the  cry, 
'  Lo  here!  I  am  he.'  This  he  does  not  do.  He  begins  his 
preaching  with  the  announcement  of  the  coming  kingdom,^ 
saying  nothing  of  himself.  His  acknowledgment,  or  assertion 
of  his  Messiahship  is  indirect  ;  generally  he  seeks  to  hide  it,i^ 
at  least  until  the  very  end.  There  are,  however,  at  least  two 
instances  in  which  he  acknowledges  unmistakably  that  he  is 
the  Christ.  The  first  occurs  at  Ciesarea  Philippi  in  connection 
with  St.  Peter's  confession,  '  Thou  art  the  C-hrist.'  ^^     The  Lord 

1  The  literature  is  voluminous  ;  besides  works  on  N.  T.Tlieol.,  Bible  Diction- 
aries, etc.,  see  the  follov/ing  as  among  the  more  useful :  Titius  N.  T.,  J.  Weiss 
Predigt,  Haupt  Eschat.,  Holtzm.  Mefis.  (an  invaluable  book),  Briggs  Mess.  Gos., 
Bruce  Kingdom.,  Baldensperger  Selbstbewusstsein,  etc.,  Wernle  Reich.,  \\'ell- 
hausen  Ein.,  Bousset  Predigt,  Dalman  Worte,  Wendt  Teaching,  Muirhead 
Eschat.,  Schweitzer  QHJ.,  Mathews  Mess.,  Lepin  Jesus,  Dewick  Eschat., 
Dobschiitz  Eschat.  2  Bruno  Bauer,  Schweitzer,  al.  ^  Cf .  Acts  5^^. 

4  Ap.  Bar.,  2  Es.,  Sib  Or.  Cf.  Bousset  Jud.  210  f.,  Holtzm.  Mess.  28, 
Schiirer  II.  (JOl  ff.  &  Cf.  Holtzm.  Mess.  15,  Lepin  Jesus  20  ff. 

6  Lk.  pv,  Mt.  121.  V  Lk.  315. 

8  Cf.  the  '  Evangelical  Canticles,'  the  Magnificat,  Lk.  146-55^  and  the  Bene- 
dictus  ib.  68-79,  which  are  derived  from,  or  inspired  by,  a  Jewish  source  and 
are  throughout  intensely  Hebrai.stic  in  their  view  of  the  Messiah's  office. 

9  Mk.  l"!.  10  Mt.  1620,  par.  n  Mk.  829,  par. 


122  ESCHATOLOGY 

himself  had  called  forth  this  confession  by  his  question  as  to 
whom  men  thought  him  to  be,  and  he  could  not  have  failed  to 
repel  the  ascription,  if  he  had  in  no  sense  regarded  himself  the 
Christ.  His  failure  to  dissent  is  equivalent  to  assent.  ^  In 
strong  contrast  is  his  attitude  when  Peter  remonstrates  against 
his  submission  to  suffering.  ^  Some  who  deny  that  he  claimed 
to  be  the  Messiah  interpret  his  command  to  tell  no  man  of  his 
Messiahship  (v.  30)  as  containing  such  dissent.  But  few 
students  of  the  Lord's  life  can  conceive  of  his  correcting  funda- 
mental error  by  a  command  not  to  speak  openly  about  it.^ 
The  second  instance  occurs  at  the  trial  before  the  Sanhedrim, 
when  to  the  high  priest's  question,  '  Art  thou  the  Christ  ? ' 
Jesus  answers,  '  I  am,'  ^  or  according  to  St.  Matthew  ^  in  words 
equally  affirmative,  'Thou  hast  said.' '^  The  messianic  claim 
is  no  less  certainly  implied,  though  not  so  distinctly  declared, 
in  answer  to  Pilate  at  the  Roman  trial,'''  also  in  answer  to  the 
message  of  inquiry  from  John  the  Baptist,  '  Art  thou  he  ?  '  ^  and 
in  answer  to  the  request  of  James  and  John  for  the  first  place 
in  the  kingdom.^ 

Jesus'  claim  to  be  the  Messiah  is  attested  with  equal  force 
by  his  acceptance  or  his  use  of  certain  appellatives  to  which  a 
messianic  meaning  was  attached  either  by  himself  or  the  peo- 
ple. The  title-  Son  of  JDavid,  the  favorite  designation  of  the 
Messiah  with  the  people,  he  does  not  use  himself,  but  he  accepts 
it  in  withholding  signs  of  disapproval  when  it  is  given  to  him 
by  others,  and  in  granting  entreaties  addressed  to  him  in  this 
name.i*^     His  perplexing  question  to  the  Pharisees  about  tlie 

1  The  strong  words  of  benediction  in  answer  to  Peter,  Mt.  161^,  are  wanting 
in  Mk.  and  Lk.,  and  are  therefore  rejected  by  many.  2  jyjk.  gss, 

3  Cf.  Holtzm.  Mess.  21  f.  *  Mk.  l#i  f-  5  262*. 

6  Such  is  the  interpretation  generally  given  to  these  words  by  the  commenta- 
tors. The  phrase  o-i)  efTras,  thou  hast  said,  or  its  equivalent,  o-i)  X^yeis,  vfiets 
Xiyere,  in  answer  to  a  direct  question  is  found  in  the  N.  T.  in  tlie  story  of  tlie 
Passion  only  (Mt.  26'-5. 64^  2711,  par.,  Lk.  22™)  ;  its  use  as  a  simple  affirmative  is 
not  found  in  Gk.  writers,  neither  is  it,  as  is  often  stated,  a  common  rabbinical 
formula.  But  it  is  shown  by  Dalman  (Worte  2-53  f.)  and  others  to  occur  in  a 
few  cases  in  rabbinical  writings  expressing  assent  with  a  certain  reluctance,  or 
out  of  the  questioner's  own  mouth.  This  is  clearly  the  sense  in  Mt.  2625. 
There  is  no  instance  of  its  implying  denial.  Cf.  Holtzm.  Mess.  30  f.,  Zahn 
Kom.  Mt.  2625,  Thayer  in  Journ.  Bib.  Lit.  1894.  ^  Mk.  I.52,  par. 

8  Mt.  112  ff.^  Lk.  718  «■  9  Mt.  2020  ff-,  Mk.  lO^s  «• 

10  Apart  from  the  triumphal  entry,  on  which  see  pp.  137,  302,  cf.  Mk.  10*8, 
par.,  Mt.  927,  1223,  1522. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  123 

Davidic  sonship  of  the  Messiah  ^  is  taken  by  some  as  a  rejection 
of  the  title  for  himself,  and  a  denial  of  its  applicability  to  the 
Messiah  altogether.^  But  it  is  evident  that  the  Lord  is  not 
here  denying  a  Davidic  descent  of  the  Messiah  ;  he  is  trying 
to  show  the  Pharisees  out  of  the  Scriptures  that  in  order  to 
constitute  one  the  Messiah  there  must  be  not  only  such  descent 
but  also  a  relation  which  sets  the  descendant  as  Lord  above 
David  himself.^  It  has  been  seen  above  ^  that  the  title  Son 
of  Crod  was  applied  to  the  theocratic  people  and  the  theocratic 
king,  and  probably  also  to  the  Messiah  whom  these  foreshad- 
owed. But  did  Jesus  himself  use  or  accept  the  title,  and  if  so, 
was  it  with  messianic  meaning  ;  or  is  this,  as  some  hold,  a 
reading  back  of  later  ideas  and  terms  into  the  Gospel  record? 
The  application  of  the  title  to  him  in  the  Epistles  and  the 
Fourth  Gospel  is  too  frequent  to  need  illustration  ;  it  is  a 
designation  adopted  universally  by  the  earliest  Christian  com- 
munity, and  this  fact  itself  furnishes  strong  probability  that  it 
was  used  with  this  distinct  significance  in  the  Lord's  own  time. 
As  Dr.  Sanday  says,  '  How  are  we  to  account  for  the  rapid 
growth  within  some  23  to  26  years  of  a  usage  already  so  fixed 
and  stereotyped  ?  Where  is  the  workshop  in  which  it  was 
fashioned,  if  it  did  not  descend  from  Christ  himself?  When 
we  think  of  the  way  in  which  the  best  authenticated  records  of 
his  teaching  lead  us  up  to  the  very  verge  of  the  challenged 
expressions,  it  seems  an  altogether  easier  step  to  regard  them 
as  the  natural  culmination  of  that  teaching  than  to  seek  their 
origin  wholly  outside  it.'  ^  The  presence  of  the  title  in  the 
Gospels  is  doubtless  to  be  assigned  to  a  correct  tradition, 
though  it  is  not  unlikely  that  in  some  passages  this  may  be  a 
reflection  of  the  more  clearly  defined  Christology  of  the  apos- 
tolic Church.  In  St.  Peter's  confession  ^  the  words,  '  the  Son 
of  God,'  may  possibly  be  an  addition  of  the  author,  as  they  are 
not  found  in  the  parallel  accounts  of  Mark  and  Luke.  In  our 
synoptic  sources  this  title  is  applied  to  Jesus  by  various  persons 
and  in  various  circumstances  :  ''  in  some  cases  it  is  used  as  a 


1  Mk.  123!^37^  par. 

2  Cf.  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  310  f.,  Wellhausen  Bin.  93. 

•  3  Cf .  Zahn  on  Mt.  22«  «-,  Wendt  Teaching  II.  133  ff.  <  P.  44. 

6  Hast.  IV.  573.  e  Mt.  16i6.  ^  E.g.  Mk.  5^,  146i,  1539,  Mt.  1428,  27«. 


124  ESCHATOLOGY 

repetition  of  his  own  words.  ^  There  is  no  instance  recorded  in 
which  he  directly  and  of  his  own  motion  gives  to  himself  the 
full  designation  the  Son  of  Grod,  though  he  accepts  it  from  the 
mouth  of  others  and  assents  to  it  when  questioned  as  to  his 
claim  to  it.^  He  does,  however,  speak  of  his  Sonship  and  God's 
Fatherhood,  and  not  as  men  in  general  may  so  speak,^  but  in  a 
special  sense,  not  applicable  to  other  men  ;  'No  one  knoweth 
the  Son  save  the  Father  ;  neither  doth  any  know  the  Father 
save  the  Son,  and  he  to  whomsoever  the  Son  willeth  to  reveal 
him.'  ^  He  never  places  himself  on  a  common  footing  with  his 
disciples  with  respect  to  sonship  ;  he  says  '  your  Father '  and 
'  My  P'ather,'  but  never  '  Our  Father ' ;  the  phrase  in  the  Pater- 
noster is  for  the  disciples  in  common  with  one  another,  not  in 
common  with  him,^  This  unique  Sonship  is  also  accorded  to 
him  by  the  heavenly  voice  at  the  Baptism  and  the  Transfigura- 
tion.^ We  are  certainly  right  then  in  holding  that  the  Lord 
declared  himself  the  Son  of  God  in  a  sense  in  which  no  other 
could  claim  that  relation.  But  did  he  therein  declare  himself 
the  Messiah  ?  The  wealth  of  meaning  which  the  title  con- 
tained for  him  lies  beyond  our  present  inquiry.'^  But  as  it 
sums  up  all  the  truth  of  his  personality,  it  certainly  contained 
his  Messiahship.  Its  messianic  significance  for  others  is  at- 
tested by  the  question  of  the  high  priest  in  which  he  makes 
the  title  synonymous  with  '  the  Christ.'  For  Jesus  himself  also 
it  contained  the  same  messianic  meaning.  He  assents  to  it 
before  the  high  priest,^  he  points  to  himself  in  the  parable  of 
the  vineyard  ^  as  Son  and  heir  of  the  messianic  throne. 

The  standing  designation  which  Jesus  gives  to  himself  in  the 
Gospels  is  the  Son  of  Man.  Duplicates  being  disregarded,  it 
occurs  some  40  times  in  the  Synoptics  and  at  least  11  times 
in   St.    John,!*^  but    elsewhere    in    the    New    Testament    only 

1  Mt.  2740.  43,  2  Lk.  2270.  3  Mt.  69.  32. 

4  Mt.  1127,  Lk.  1022,  The  authenticity  of  this  passage  has  been  questioned, 
but  on  purely  subjective  grounds.  It  is  derived  from  Q,  and  is  accepted  by 
most  critics,  e.g.  Dalman,  Harnack  ;  and  so  far  as  Jesus'  unique  Sonship  is 
concerned,  it  is  confirmed  by  the  Marcan  source,  13^2,  where  tlie  words, 
'  neither  the  Son,'  thougli  wanting  in  some  Mss.,  are  well  authenticated  and  are 
retained  by  nearly  all  critics. 

5  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.,  §  17.  6  Mk.  1",  par.,  9^  par. 

7  For  an  admirable  article  on  the  subject,  see  Sanday  in  Hast.  IV.  570  ff. 

8  Mk.  1461  f.,  par.  9  Mt.  2137. 

10  It  is  found  in  both  Q  and  the  Marcan  document. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  125 

once.^  Except  in  this  single  instance  (in  the  mouth  of  the  dying 
Stephen)  it  is  used  only  by  the  Lord  himself,  or  in  repetition 
of  his  words.  Its  origin,  choice,  and  meaning  raise  questions 
among  the  most  intricate  in  the  study  of  the  (jospels.^  It  can 
be  touched  upon  here  only  in  the  briefest  way.  It  is  certain 
that  our  sources  are  correct  in  assigning  the  use  of  the  title  to 
the  Lord  himself.  The  apostolic  Church  could  never  have 
originated,  or  have  brought  in  from  apocalyptic  literature,  and 
read  back  into  his  mouth,  as  some  claim, -^  a  term  which  the 
Church,  as  seen  above,  did  not  itself  use  ;  and  it  is  equally 
certain,  notwithstanding  contention  to  the  contrary,  that  unless 
our  (xospels  are  to  be  extensively  rewritten  in  tlie  interest  of  a 
theory,  the  Lord  referred  to  himself  in  his  earthly  as  well  as  his 
future  character. 

In  recent  discussion  much  attention  lias  naturally  been  given  to  the 
probable  form  and  meaning  of  the  term  in  Aramaic,  the  language  in  which  , 
Jesus  uttered  it ;  *  and  in  the  opinion  of  most  philologists,  vtos  rov  dvOpwirov, 
son  of  7nan,  is  a  literal  Greek  translation  of  a  term  meaning  man  as  con- 
trasted with  any  other  being,  that  is,  in  the  Aramaic  compound  meaning 
literally  son  of  man,  the  first  part  had  entirely  lost  its  force,  so  that  the 
phrase  meant  simply  man  as  a  member  of  the  human  race,  and  was'  the 
usual,  if  not  the  only,  expression  for  this  idea.  Jesus  then  is  supposed  to 
have  used  the  expression  when  speaking  of  mankind  at  large,  e.g.  '  The 
Sabbath  was  made  for  man '  (Mk.  2^'').  On  the  other  hand  he  is  reported  in 
the  Gospels  as  using  it  frequently,  when  it  would  not  be  applicable  to  man 
in  general,  but  only  to  himself,  e.g.  *  The  Son  of  man  coming  in  his  kingdom  ' 
(Mt.  IQ'^^).  When  the  Greek  translators  understood  it  to  be  used  in  the 
former  sense,  they  rendered  it  by  simple  av^pwTros,  vuui ;  when  in  the  latter 
sense,  by  6  vios  tov  avOpuiirov,  the  son  of  man,  the  literal  translation ;  in  this 
case  they  saw  in  it  a  special  self-designation  of  the  Lord,  and  the  peculiarity 
of  the  phrase  thus  used,  perhaps  not  quite  clearly  compreliended  by  the 
disciples  themselves,  may  have  led  to  its  retention  in  a  full,  literal  transla- 
tion. We  cannot  affirm  that  the  Greek  translators  interpret  with  accuracy 
in  every  instance  the  Lord's  intention  in  the  use  of  the  words ;  that  is,  there 
may  be  cases  where  there  is  room  to  question  whether  in  the  original  he 
referred  to  man  generally  or  to  himself  only  (e.g.  such  question  is  raised 
by  Lietzmann,  Wellhausen,  al.  in  Mt.  9*5,  12**).     But  such  cases,  if  apart  from 

1  Acts  7^6.     The  form  in  Rev.  has  not  the  definite  article. 

2  For  bibfiography  see  the  Bib.  Dictionaries,  Lives  of  Christ,  and  N.  T. 
Theologies.  A  vast  lit.  is  found  in  periodicals  and  special  treatises  ;  for  some 
of  the  more  important  works  see  Hast.  IV.  589  ;  cf.  also  above  p.  121  ;  invalua- 
ble for  the  discussion  of  different  views  and  lit.  of  the  subject  is  Holtzm.  Mess. 

3  E.g.  Lictziiiain),  Wellhausen. 

^  Especially  valuable  here  is  Fiebig  Der  Menschensohn,  190L 


126  ESCHATOLOGY 

misinterpretation  they  exist  at  all,  are  too  few  to  affect  the  general  validity 
of  the  distinction  made  in  onr  Greek  sources.  In  nearly  all  places  where 
the  son  of  man  occurs  it  is  unquestionably  clear  that  reference  is  made  to 
Jesus  himself.  In  all  probability  the  correct  translation  of  the  term  as  used 
by  the  Lord  in  referring  to  himself  is  The  man  rather  than  tJie  Son  of  man, 
that  is,  the  title  is  not  man,  or  a  man  simply,  it  is  tlie  man.  If  this  be 
thought  too  little  distinctive  for  a  title  applicable  to  a  single  person  only,  the 
same  might  be  said  of  the  messianic  titles,  the  Son  of  David,  and  the  Son 
of  God,  given  to  only  one  among  the  many  descendants  of  David  and  the 
many  sons  of  God.  (Cf.  Zahn,  Mt.  349  ff.)  It  should,  however,  be  added 
that  we  still  know  too  little  about  the  Aramaic  spoken  in  Palestine  at  the 
time  to  say  quite  certainly,  it  had  no  means  of  reproducing  the  separate 
expressions  man  and  the  son  of  man,  and  that  different  Aramaic  terms  may  not 
have  lain  behind  the  distinction  in  the  Greek  translation  of  the  Lord's  say- 
ings. (Cf.  Dalman,  Worte  195.)  In  any  event  the  translation,  the  son  of 
man,  cannot  be  due  to  ignorance  of  the  exact  meaning  of  the  original,  for  the 
translation  was  made  not  by  our  Evangelists,  but  by  the  authors  of  their 
sources,  who  doubtless  were  as  familiar  with  Aramaic  as  with  Greek. 

This  self-designation  of  Jesus  is  nowhere  explained  by  him  ; 
but  if  the  term  the  son  of  man  is  equivalent  to  the  man  (see 
above,  fine  print),  it  is  parallel  to,  and  illuminated  by,  a  famil- 
iar biblical  usage,  according  to  which  the  phrase  '  son  of ' 
followed  by  a  defining  noun  denotes  one  whose  essential  nature, 
or  category,  is  defined  by  the  noun,  e.g.  '  sons  of  disobedience '  ^ 
=  the  essentially  disobedient,  '  son  of  wickedness  '  ^  =  one 
essentially  wicked ;  so  '  son  of  man '  =  man,  when  his  essen- 
tial nature  as  man  is  made  prominent.  But  in  the  Lord's  use 
of  the  phrase  the  article  is  important.  As  he  is  tlie  Son  of 
God  among  many  sons  of  God,  and  the  Son  of  David  among 
many  sons  of  David,  so  he  is  tlie  Son  of  man  among  many  sons 
of  men,  the  man  among  all  men,  he  is  the  man  who  in  the 
strictest  sense  can  be  called  such,  the  only  one  in  whom  the 
race  has  reached  its  perfection.-^  The  passages  in  which  the  term 
occurs  fall,  with  a  small  number  of  exceptions  of  a  neutral 
character,  into  two  general  groups,  the  one  referring  to  present 
rejection,  humiliation,  and  suffering  ;  the  other  to  future  glori- 
fication and  power.  In  the  former  group  the  title  is  especially 
appropriate  as  contrasting  the  dignity  of  this  unique  being 
with  his  earthly  lot  ;  the  latter  group  points  on  to  the  con- 
summate exaltation  to  which  such  a  being  is  destined.     The 

1  Eph.  22.  2  py.  3922.  3  Zahn  Mi.  p.  349  ff. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  127 

view  that  the  Lord  uses  this  title  to  express  his  lowliness  and 
submission  to  man's  lot,  and  his  sympathy  with  all  that  is 
human  (while  all  this  is  doubtless  contained  in  the  idea)  over- 
looks the  group  of  passages  which  speak  of  his  eschatological 
glory.  On  the  other  hand  to  interpret  wholly  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  eschatological  passages,  confining  the  meaning  to 
the  apocalyptic  man,  the  man  mentioned  in  Daniel  and  other 
apocalyptic  writers,  makes  it  necessary  to  reject  the  passages 
referring  to  present  humiliation,  or  to  interpret  these  with 
extreme  arbitrariness. 

Whether  the  title,  the  Son  of  man,  originated  with  the  Lord 
himself,^  or  whether  he  adopted  it  from  existing  names  of  the 
Messiah,  cannot  be  said  with  certainty.  The  very  general 
opinion  of  present-day  scholars  ^  is  that  the  term  goes  back 
ultimately  to  Dan.  7^^,  where  in  reference  to  the  eschatological 
kingdom  the  prophet  speaks  of  '  one  like  unto  a  son  of  man ' 
coming  with  the  clouds  of  heaven.^  While  this  passage  pretty 
certainly  referred  originally  to  the  character  of  the  kingdom 
rather  than  to  the  person  of  the  Messiah,  later  it  received,  at 
least  in  some  quarters,  a  messianic  interpretation  ;  the  terms. 
Son  of  man,  that  man^  the  man,  referring  to  the  Messiah,  are 
found  in  apocalyptic  literature  in  connections  which  show  use 
of  the  Daniel  passage,^  though  there  is  no  evidence  that  this 
became  the  general  interpretation.  The  Lord  himself  in  speak- 
ing of  himself  under  this  title  shows  at  least  in  one  instance 
that  the  representation  of  the  passage  in  Daniel  was  before  his 
mind.^  On  the  other  hand  it  seems  certain  that  the  Son  of  man, 
or  the  man,  was  not  in  our  Lord's  time  a  common  designation  of 
the  Messiah.  Not  only  is  evidence  of  this  lacking,*^  but  had  it 
been  commonly  understood  thus,  he  could  not  have  applied  the 
title  to  himself  so  often  and  so  publicly,  while  at  the  same  time 
maintaining  such  reserve  in  declaring  his  Messiahship. '^     And 

1  So,  Zahn,  Westcott,  al.  2  cf.  Holtzm.  Mess.  51. 

'  Some  find  the  source  in  Ps.  8^,  or  in  Ezeli.  passim.  Gunkel  followed  by- 
others  seeks  to  trace  the  origin  f  uither  back,  into  Babylonian  tradition. 

4  En.  461-6,  2  Es.  I32  «• 

s  Mk.  1#'-,  par.  If  the  '  Little  Apocalypse  '  (cf.  p.  143)  be  attributed  to 
Jesus,  cf.  also  Mk.  13^^^  par. 

6  Dalman  Worte  197  ff. 

^  The  same  fact  would  be  shown  in  Mt.  16^'^i'',  if  the  words  Son  of  man, 
which  would  put  the  answer  into  the  question  itself,  are  not  due  to  the  editor ; 


128  ESCHATOLOGY 

because  he  gave  to  the  passages  in  Daniel  a  messianic  meaning, 
it  does  not  follow  that  he  borrowed  his  favorite  self-designation 
from  this  source,  any  more  than  that  he  borrowed  the  title  So7i 
of  God,  which  in  his  self-consciousness  he  applied  to  himself, 
from  its  existing  use  as  a  designation  of  the  messianic  king. 
As  he  must  have  reached  his  consciousness  of  divine  sonship 
apart  from  the  imperfect  conceptions  of  such  sonship  found 
in  the  Jewish  Scriptures,  so  the  consciousness  of  his  perfect 
humanity  must  have  arisen  and  found  its  appropriate  expression 
apart  from  apocalyptic  literature.  It  would  perhaps  be  safest 
to  say  that  he  found  in  the  prophet  Dan.  the  designation  coin- 
cident with  that  which  naturally  arose  as  the  expression  of  his 
consciousness  of  his  perfect  humanity,  The  man,  the  one  man 
in  whom  humanity  reached  its  perfection;  see  above. 

If  now  the  explanation  of  the  name  as  given  above  (pp.  125  f.) 
be  correct,  and  the  disciples  did  not  at  first  see  in  it  a  messianic 
meaning,  the  question  arises,  whether  the  Lord  himself  attached 
such  a  meaning  to  it.  According  to  our  sources  it  seems  clear 
that  he  did.  The  Son  of  man  is  the  title  by  which  he  desig- 
nates himself  in  that  large  group  of  passages  which  refer  to  his 
future  coming  and  the  fulfillment  of  the  messianic  kingdom, 
when  he  will  be  seen  at  the  right  hand  of  power  and  coming  with 
the  clouds  of  heaven,^  when  he  will  send  forth  his  angels  to  gather 
out  of  his  kingdom  all  that  is  foreign  to  it ;  ^  he  designates 
himself  by  the  same  title  in  that  other  group  of  passages  in 
which  he  speaks  of  his  humiliation  and  suffering,^  experiences 
which  he  regarded  as  part  of  the  divinely  ordered  destiny  of 
the  Messiah  :  and  still  further  this  is  the  title  which  he  takes  in 
speaking  of  the  mission,^  and  the  powers  ^  which  are  given  to 
him  alone  among  men.  It  is  however  without  doubt  an  error 
to  suppose  the  title  to  be  with  him  a  mere  synonym  of  Messiah; 
it  would  probably  be  more  nearly  correct  to  take  it  in  his  use 
as  including  the  Messiahship.  He  was  the  Messiah  because  he 
was  the  Son  of  man,  The  man,  even  as  he  was  the  Messiah  be- 
cause he  was  the  Son  of  God ;  or  rather,  because  he  was  both 

they  are  wautinc;  in  Mk.  and  Lk.  For  a  similar  reason  Jno.  123*  does  not  fur- 
nish certain  evidence. 

1  Mk.  1462,  par.  2  Mt.  IS"!.  3  ]£.(j.  Mt.  S^",  Mk.  m,  QSi,  par. 

*  Mk.  10«,  Lk.  1910.  5  Mk.  2io,  228,  par. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  129 

the  Son  of  man  and  the  Son  of  (iod.  For  him  the  title  ex- 
pressed liis  unique  being,  the  one  being  in  whom  humanity 
reached  its  perfect  realization  and  in  whom  at  the  same  time 
divine  sonship  inhered.  This  being  alone  could  be  the  Messiah, 
and  when  the  Lord  used  the  title  he  uttered  his  consciousness 
that  he  fulfilled  the  messianic  ideal. 

If  in  what  is  said  above  the  right  view  has  been  taken  of  the 
use  of  the  terms,  the  Christ,  the  »Son  of  David,  the  Son  of  God, 
the  Son  of  man,  it  is  certain,  notwithstanding  the  contention  of 
some  critics  to  the  contrary,  that  Jesus  accepted  these  titles  and 
meant  thus  to  express  the  consciousness  of  his  Messiahship. 
But  without  doubt  that  which  ultimately  led  his  followers  to 
recognize  him  as  the  Messiah  was  not  so  much  his  self-designa- 
tion l)y  a  significant  title,  as  the  relation  of  his  own  person  to 
his  message  and  his  work.  As  the  central  theme  in  his  preach- 
ing was  the  kingdom  of  God,  so  he  showed  himself  the  central 
figure  in  that  kingdom,  its  founder  and  leader.  He  broke  the 
power  of  the  prince  of  devils,  and  by  that  very  act  declared 
that  he  had  brought  in  the  kingdom  of  God,i  he  placed  himself 
in  his  own  person  above  the  Mosaic  law  and  laid  down  the 
qualifications  for  membership  in  the  kingdom, ^  those  who  would 
belong  to  it  must  follow  him,^  he  demanded  absolute  surrender 
to  his  will,^  he  forgave  sin,  he  declared  himself  greater  than  the 
prophet,  greater  than  the  temple,  greater  than  Solomon,^  the 
prophet  that  had  no  superior  was  his  forerunner,  the  Elijah 
who  should  precede  the  Messiah.^ 

Why  Jesus,  if  he  really  regarded  himself  the  Christ,  should  have  so 
studiously  avoided  declaring  this  in  explicit  terms  nearly  all  his  life  is  not 
stated  in  our  records.  The  view,  that  the  one  fact  certainly  excludes  the 
other,  is  a  very  arbitrary  reading  of  history ;  and  though  those  who  hold 
this  view  regard  any  possible  explanation  as  an  unwarrantable  reading  into 
the  records,''  yet  most  scholars  fail  to  find  a  real  difficulty  here.  If  the  Lord 
differed  radically  from  his  contemporaries  in  his  idea  of  the  messianic  office, 
a  premature  declaration  of  himself  would,  it  is  easy  to  see,  have  fatally 
impeded  his  religious  mission,  to  say  nothing  of  the  danger  of  provoking 
political  revolution.  Only  by  a  slow  process  of  enlightenment  could  his 
hearers  come  to  see  that  the  Son  of  man  was  truly  the  Messiah. 

»  Mt.  1228,  Lk.  1120.  2  Mt.  5-7.  3  Mt.  8^2,  Mk.  lO^i. 

4  Lk.  923  «-,  1426f-.  5  Mt.  126. «.« 

6  Mt.  11". "  ;  of.  Weiss  Theol.  §  13,  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  295  ff. 

">  Cf .  Schweitzer  QHJ.  220  f . 


130  ESCHATOLOGY 

The  denial  on  the  part  of  certain  schohirs  that  Jesus  claimed 
the  title  Messiah  proceeds  generally  from  the  supposition  that 
he  must  have  taken  it  in  its  current,  traditional  acceptation, 
and  that  the  adoption  of  it  in  a  sense  materially  modified  was 
equivalent  to  its  rejection.  The  Lord's  procedure  here  is  how- 
ever in  keeping  with  his  attitude  toward  the  older  revelation 
throughout;  he  rejects  the  partial  and  temporary  phases,  he 
seizes  hold  of,  and  unfolds,  the  essential  and  eternal.  In  at 
least  three  most  characteristic  particulars  his  break  with  the 
traditional  conceptions  was  so  complete  that  any  messianic 
claim  on  his  part  was,  in  the  mind  of  his  Jewish  contemporaries, 
an  act  of  blasphemy.  (1)  The  perception  that  the  Messiah 
must  suffer  and  die  for  his  people,  an  idea  at  variance  with 
every  expectation  inherited  from  the  prophets,  becomes  a  deter- 
mining force  in  his  course.  Whether  Jesus  foresaw  this  from 
the  beginning,  or  only  later  through  the  experiences  of  his  life, 
is  a  question  which  need  not  detain  us  here.^  But  it  is  a  strik- 
ing fact,  that  from  the  epoch-making  declaration  of  St.  Peter 
at  Csesarea  Philippi,  '  Thou  art  the  Christ,'  Jesus  passed  imme- 
diately to  teach  the  disciples  that  he  must  suffer  and  be  put  to 
death  ;  ^  and  henceforth  he  sets  his  face  unflinchingly  toward 
Jerusalem  and  the  cross.  However  or  whenever  he  may  have 
reached  the  consciousness  that  this  was  a  part  of  his  destiny,  it 
can  hardly  l)e  doul)tful  that  he  saw  the  applicability  to  him- 
self of  what  the  prophet,  the  Second  Isaiah,  had  said  concerning 
the  suffering  servant  of  Jehovah,  though  this  is  not  directly 
declared  in  his  teaching.  ^  (2)  He  rejected  entirely  the  Jewish 
conception  of  a  political  kingship  to  be  established  over  the 
nations  of  the  earth.  In  one  word,  '■  Render  unto  Caesar  the 
things  that  are  Caesar's,"  *  he  showed  the  remoteness  of  this 
thought  from  his  purpose.  The  legions  which  he  was  able  to 
summon  to  his  aid  were  not  those  of  the  sword. ^  (3)  All 
national  limitations  disappeared  from  his  doctrine  of  Messiah- 
ship.     His  mission  began,  to  be  sure,  with  '  the  lost  sheep  of  the 

1  For  various  views  see  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  853  ff.  2  Mk.  S^^-si,  par. 

3  Mk.  lO-'s  evidently  contains  a  reminiscence  of  Is.  531'^^-.  The  very  general 
natnre  of  the  reference  in  Lk.  IB^',  22^"  to  the  mention  of  the  Messiah's  sufferings 
in  the  prophets  favors  the  historicity  of  the  statement,  for  a  thought  so  promi- 
nent in  apostoUc  teaching,  if  '  read  back,'  wouki  probably  have  been  made  more 
explicit.  4  Mk.  12",  par.  a  Mt.  26^-'  ♦•. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  131 

house  of  Israel,'  ^  but  in  its  ultimate  scope  aimed  to  include  the 
field  which  is  the  world. ^  There  are  utterances  of  his,  such  as 
the  answer  to  the  Syrophoenician  woman  and  the  command  to 
the  apostles,  '  do  not  into  the  way  of  the  Gentiles,'  ^  which  are 
sometimes  taken  to  prove  that  he  shared  his  people's  idea  of  a 
purely  Jewish  Messiah,  at  least  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  career.* 
But  in  Jesus'  self-consciousness  as  the  Son  of  God  and  the  Son 
of  man  there  must  have  been  given  the  consciousness  of  a 
Messiahship  which  was  absolutely  universal.  His  gospel  was  to 
be  preached  to  all  nations ;  ^  his  disciples  were  to  be  the  light 
of  the  world. *^  The  limitation  at  first  imposed  in  the  sphere  of 
Jesus'  own  work  and  that  of  his  disciples  was  but  the  natural 
preparation  for  the  mission  to  all  the  world. '^ 

But  if  Jesus  rejected  these  essential  elements  in  the  Jewish 
doctrine  of  the  Messiah,  was  there  then  anything  left  ?  Was 
he  not  a  Messiah  merely  in  name  ?  By  many  he  is  thought  to 
have  appropriated  to  himself  the  office  by  way  of  accommodation 
only,  suiting  his  self-characterization  to  the  highest  term  in  his 
people's  understanding  ;  the  title  was,  it  is  said,  a  burden  to 
him  which  he  would  gladly  have  been  rid  of  ;  it  has  no  abiding 
value,  'in  our  time  it  is  only  a  requisite  for  missions  to  the 
Jews.'  ^  But  however  true  it  is,  that  the  Lord,  like  every  great 
originator  in  religious  thought,  must  bring  his  message  in 
forms  already  familiar  to  his  hearers,  yet  he  saw  in  the  revela- 
tions of  the  prophets,  through  all  that  was  partial  and  tempo- 
rary, an  eternal  truth  ;  ^  for  him  the  figure  of  the  prophetic 
Messiah  contained  a  meaning  not  seized  by  the  prophets  them- 
selves ;  for  him  that  figure  had  a  permanent  significance.  It 
seems  certain  tliat  it  was  the  consciousness  of  his  unique  nature 
and  office  that  led  him  to  see  in  himself  the  Messiah  and  not 
the  reverse,  as  some  hold  ;  '^^  for  it  is  not  easy  to  understand 
how,  if  he  had  started  from  the  prophetic  conception  of  the 
Messiah,  he  should  have  so  clearly  distinguished  the  accidental 
features  from  the  essential  and  have  applied  the  latter  only  to 
himself  ;   in  other  words,  some  consciousness  of  the  latter,  as 

1  Mt.   15--24.  2  Mt.    1338.  3  Mt.    105. 

4  Cf.  Baldensperger  Selbstbewusfitsein'^  1.30  f.     See  also  p.  140  ^  Lk.  24*^. 

6  Mt.  5".  V  Cf.  Wendt  Teaching  II.  197  ff. 

8  Schulz,  cited  by  Holtzm.  Mess.  97.  »  Mt.  5i7  f-. 

10  Cf.  Holtzm.   Theol.  I.  298  «• 


132  ESCHATOLOGY 

characteristic  of  his  own  person,  must  be  presupposed  in  this 
application.  When  the  consciousness  of  his  person  and  work 
unfolded  itself,  he  must  have  seen  that  he  himself  fulfilled  the 
messianic  ideal.  He  was  conscious  that  he  was  the  Son  of 
God  and  the  Son  of  man,  that  his  mission  was  to  suffer  for 
men,  to  deliver  them  with  an  eternal  salvation,  to  establish  the 
kingdom  of  God  and  to  be  its  Lord.  All  this  he  saw  to  be 
contained  in  the  person  and  work  of  the  Messiah  of  the  prophets. 
This  for  him  was  the  essential  and  permanent  significance  of 
the  Messiahship.  The  majestic  person,  in  whom  the  prophets 
dimly  and  distortedly  saw  God  coming  to  redeem  and  glorify 
his  people,  was  for  him  a  real  though  imperfect  vision  of  him- 
self. He  did  not  liken  himself  to  the  Messiah,  he  did  not 
adopt  the  messianic  role,  he  was  the  Messiah.  For  him  all  the 
truth  of  his  being  lay  hidden  in  one  or  another  of  the  pro- 
phetic words.  And  so  it  is  with  the  faith  of  the  Church.  His 
title  the  Christ  (the  Greek  term  has  largely  superseded  the 
Hebrew  equivalent,  the  Messiah)  sums  up  all  that  is  believed 
of  his  nature  and  office. 

(2)  The  Kingdom  of  God.  Correlative  with  the  Lord's  doc- 
trine of  the  Messiahship  is  that  of  the  Kingdom  of  God. 
The  king  and  his  kingdom  are  necessarily  implied  the  one 
in  the  other.  Jesus  began  his  public  ministry  by  proclaim- 
ing, not  himself,  but  the  kingdom,^  and  prominent  in  his 
teaching  as  he  soon  came  to  make  his  own  person,  frequent  as 
are  his  sayings  regarding  the  Son  of  man,  yet  reference  to  the 
kingdom  is  still  more  frequent.  We  in  our  everyday  tliovight 
have  largely  made  the  term  remote  and  figurative,  but  he  on 
the  contrary  in  parables,  in  discourses,  and  in  isolated  utter- 
ances made  it  central  in  his  message  for  the  present  and  the 
future. 

For  fSaaiXeia  tov  Oeov,  kingdom  of  God,  Mt.  uses  with  few  exceptions 
fiaaiXeia  twv  ovpavdv,  kingdom  of  heaven,  which  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in 
the  New  Testament,  except  possibly  in  Jno.  3^.  That  IMt.  in  this  is  closer 
to  the  original  source  (so,  Allen  in  Ox.  Stud.  241)  is  improbable,  for  it  is 
less  likely  that  Mk.  and  the  non-Mk.  parts  of  Lk.  (Q),  in  the  considerable 
number  of  places  where  they  have  6eov  for  the  Matthsean  ovpavSiv,  shoukl 
have  independently  agreed  in  varying  from  the   original,  than   that   the 

»  Mk.  115, 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  133 

variation  should  be  due  to  INIt.  The  entire  absence  of  tlie  Matthfean  form 
from  the  other  records  of  the  Lord's  words,  favors  the  suppositicju  that  the 
form  was  not  used  by  the  Lord  himself  (cf.  Wendt  Teachin;/  I.  ;}71).  In 
any  event  the  general  equivalence  of  the  two  forms  is  shown  by  a  compari- 
son of  the  parallel  passages  in  which  the  forms  are  found.  The  theory 
that  the  two  forms  differ  in  reference,  and  that  the  form  with  ovpavSiv 
always  means  the  eschatological  kingdom  (cf.  Allen  in  ICC.  Mt.  LXVII  ff.) 
requires  violence  in  the  interpretation  of  such  passages  as  Mt.  IV^  ,  21-^i, 
and  the  parables  of  the  sower,'  the  tares,  and  the  drag-net.  The  same 
method  of  interpretation  would  make  the  form  with  Oeov  likewise  escha- 
tological. The  view  that  ovpavoC  is  here  put  by  metonymy  for  Gixl,  ac- 
cording to  well-known  rabbinical  usage  (Schiirer  II.  629,  followed  by  many) 
is  at  variance  with  the  fact  that  neither  Mt.  nor  Jesus  shows  any  reluctance 
to  use  the  divine  name.  Most  scholars  take  the  Matthfean  form  to  be 
intended  to  designate  the  heavenly  origin  and  character  of  the  kingdom ; 
cf.  Holtzm.  Theol.  L  249  ff.,  Stevens  Theol.  28. 

We  have  no  occasion  here  to  enter  into  the  inanifohl  in- 
quiries, historical  and  ethical,  attaching  to  the  Lord's  use  of 
this  term  ;  we  can  only  notice  briefly  those  that  are  most  essen- 
tial to  our  present  purpose,  the  consideration  of  his  eschatology. 
(1)  He  himself  nowhere  declares  precisely  what  he  means  by 
the  term.  For  this  reason  some  suppose  he  must  have  taken  it 
in  the  usual  Jewish  sense,  as  the  realization  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment theocracy.^  Such  a  kingdom  was  of  course  to  be  one  of 
perfect  righteousness,  one  where  God's  rule  was  absolute ;  but 
it  centered,  nationally  and  politically,  in  Israel.  If,  however, 
as  maintained  above,  Jesus'  conception  of  his  Messiahship  grew 
out  of  the  consciousness  of  his  unique  nature  as  the  Son  of 
God  and  the  Son  of  man,  his  idea  of  the  messianic  kingdom 
must  have  been  free  from  all  national  determination.  And 
this  is  made  clear  in  his  teaching.  The  conditions  of  member- 
ship in  the  kingdom  have  no  relation  to  birth ;  they  are  set 
forth  in  the  Beatitudes  and  are  purely  spiritual.  Men  should 
come  from  all  corners  of  the  earth  and  sit  down  in  the  king- 
dom, while  Jews  should  be  thrust  out.^  The  early  disciples, 
Jews  as  they  were,  found  it  hard  to  grasp  this  truth,  but  this 
slowness  of  theirs  forms  no  sufificient  evidence  that  the  Lord 
had  not  declared  the  doctrine.  (2)  The  phrase  ^aa-iXeta  tov 
6eoVy  kingdom  of  Crod,  can  mean  either  the  sphere  of  God's  rule, 

1  Cf.  Weiss  Theol.  §  13  b.  2  Mt.  S"  *•,  Lk.  la^s. 


134  ESCHATOLOGY 

his  domain,  or  the  activity  of  God,  his  reign.^  Many  take  the 
latter  to  be  the  predominant  thought  in  Jesus'  use  of  the  ex- 
pression. The  reference,  then,  is  to  a  spiritual  condition  of 
perfect  obedience  to  God,  the  complete  sway  of  his  will  in  the 
hearts  and  conduct  of  men.  But  the  idea  of  rule  must  pass 
over  into  that  of  the  sphere  of  rule.  There  must  be,  if  not 
now,  at  least  in  the  end  a  people  over  whom  God  reigns.  Not 
only  in  the  eschatological  expectations  of  the  Jews  is  there  the 
idea  of  a  realm  of  God,  but  in  Jesus'  teaching  also  the  objective 
aspect  appears  distinct,  as  when  he  speaks  of  entrance  into  it,^ 
of  its  coming  and  manifestation,^  of  differences  of  rank  in  it,* 
of  eating  and  drinking  in  it.^  (3)  Much  difference  of  opinion 
exists  as  to  whether  Jesus  means  to  declare  the  kingdom  to 
have  already  come  in  his  appearing,  or  whether  he  places  it 
wholly  in  the  future.  The  disciples  are  taught  to  pray  for  its 
coming,  and  in  many  places  the  Lord  clearly  speaks  of  it  as 
future,  identifying  it  with  the  eschatological  kingdom  to  be 
established  at  his  parousia  ;  ^  this  is  the  most  frequent  repre- 
sentation, in  both  the  Marcan  source  and  Q.  On  the  other 
hand  there  are  utterances  of  his  that  appear  equally  clear  in 
declaring  it  already  present.  One  of  the  most  striking  of 
these  is  that  given  at  the  healing  of  the  demoniac, '  If  I  by  the 
Spirit  of  God  cast  out  devils,  then  is  the  kingdom  of  God  come 
to  you,'  that  is,  in  so  far  as  the  power  of  Satan  is  overthrown, 
the  kingdom  of  God  is  introduced.'^  The  very  fact  that  the 
Messiah  has  come  implies  the  presence  of  the  kingdom,  at  least 
in  some  sense,  in  his  activity.  '  These  acts  of  power  are  the 
morning-flush  of  the  rising  day  of  his  glory,  they  are  indeed 
proofs  of  the  presence  of  the  kingdom  of  God.'  ^  The  para- 
bles of  the  sower,  the  tares,  the  mustard  seed,  the  drag-net,  the 
leaven,  though  opinions  may  differ  regarding  the  main  truth 
intended,  all  clearly  imply  the  presence  of  the  kingdom  before 
the  End.  To  the  same  effect  is  Jesus'  answer  to  the  Pharisees, 
asking  about  the  time  of  the  coming,  '  The  kingdom  of  God  is 

1  Cf.  Dalman  Worte  75  ff.,  Rou,s.set  Predigt  101,  Volz  209  f. 

2  Mt.  721,  183,  Lk.  1.328.  3  Mk.  115,  Lk.  19".  *  Mt.  I81,  Lk.  728. 

5  Mk.  1425,  Lk.  1415. 

6  E.g.  Mk.  91,  par.,  1425,  Mt.  721,  8". 

^  Mt.  1228,  Lk.  1120,  a  saying  probably  from  Q.     Ou    <i>6dvw  here  cf.  Zahn 
Mt.  in  loc.  8  Titius  N.  T.  1.  184. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  135 

[already]  among  you/  ^  Among  other  passages  which  con- 
tain the  same  representation  are  those  in  which  Jesus  speaks 
of  present  membership  in  the  kingdom  and  present  entrance 
into  it. 2  It  is  evident,  though  many  deny  the  possibility  of 
combining  the  two  ideas,^  that  in  one  sense  the  kingdom  is 
eschatological,  and  that  in  another  it  is  already  present  in  the 
world.  The  relation  of  the  two  aspects  to  each  other  has  been 
variously  expressed,  as  that  of  idea  and  reality,  the  inner  and 
the  outer,  essence  and  manifestation,  content  and  form,  the 
time  of  conflict  and  the  time  of  triumph.  Most  scholars  who 
recognize  the  Lord's  habit  of  viewing  the  present,  the  real,  and 
the  imperfect,  in  the  light  of  the  timeless,  the  ideal,  and  the 
perfect,  find  little  difficulty  in  accepting  both  conceptions  of 
the  kingdom  as  belonging  to  his  teaching.^  But  the  wide 
scope  in  his  use  of  the  term  makes  it  difficult  to  give  to  it  a 
definition  applicable  to  either  aspect,  if  taken  by  itself.  (4)  If 
now  the  kingdom  is  in  any  sense  already  present,  the  question 
naturally  arises  whether  our  Lord  associated  with  it  even  the 
ideal  of  any  present,  outward  form,  or  whether  it  is  as  yet  only 
an  inner,  spiritual  state,  a  force  ruling  in  the  individual  only. 
In  the  Lord's  Prayer  the  petition.  Thy  kingdom  come,  is  made 
more  specific  by  the  equivalent  phrase.  Thy  will  be  done.  The 
conditions  of  membership  in  the  kingdom,  as  set  forth  in  the 
Lord's  teaching,  and  the  blessings  promised  are  purely  spiritual. 
It  is  therefore  contended  that  the  idea  of  '  kingdom '  is  entirely 
superseded  by  that  of  '  reign '  ;  wherever  God's  will  is  done  in 
the  heart,  there  his  reign,  his  kingdom  is  realized.  The  idea 
of  a  peo-ple  of  God  disappears.  It  needs  no  argument  to  show 

that  the  founding  of  an  institution  which  should  assume  the 
functions  of  political  government  in  the  world  was  foreign  to 
Jesus'  purpose  ;  but  unless  the  New  Testament  history  is  to  be 
entirely  rewritten,  it  is  clear  that  he  intended  his  followers  to 
form    an    organized    community.      Distinct    reference    to    the 

1  Lk.  1721.  This  probably  is  the  correct  interpretation.  Cf.  Weiss  in  Meyer, 
Plummer  In  ICC.  in  loc. 

2  E.g.  Mt.  11"  f-,  2131,  2313,  Mk.  1234,  Lk.  728,  123i,  I6I6. 

3  Cf .  Schweizer,  QHJ.  237  f. 

1  The  confidence  with  which  critics  of  the  extreme  eschatological  school  deny 
all  allusion  to  a  presi^it  kingdom  moves  Harnack  to  the  somewhat  impatient 
remark,  '  If  any  one  linds  it  impossible  to  accept  the  teaching,  The  kingdom  is 
future  and  yet  present,  argument  with  liini  is  useless,'  Suijini/s  of  Jesus  232. 


136  ESCHATOLOGY 

Church  is  found  in  the  Gospels  in  St.  Matthew  only,^  and 
here,  in  passages  which  are  attributed  by  many  to  later 
influence ;  such  attribution  is  not  wholly  improbable.  But 
whether  there  be  in  the  Lord's  words  a  distinct  mention  of  the 
Church  or  not,  the  formation  of  a  community  seems  certain  in 
his  purposes.  The  disciples  (afterwards  made  apostles)  whom 
he  gathered  about  him  in  the  outset  of  his  ministry  constituted 
the  nucleus  of  a  community  ;  and  he  sent  them  out,  not  merely 
to  preach  an  eschatological  kingdom,^  but  to  make  present  fol- 
lowers of  himself,'^  a  body  of  disciples  separate  from  the  world, 
as  a  city  set  upon  a  hill,  who  should  all  be  brethren.*  By  the 
initial  rite  of  baptism  these  were  introduced  into  a  visible  soci- 
ety ;  they  observed  as  a  distinct  community  rite  the  ordinance 
which  contained  a  symbol  of  the  new  covenant  inaugurated  in 
the  Lord's  death  (and  a  new  covenant  implied  a  new  covenant 
people).  That  in  such  a  society  there  must  be  those  to  whom, 
by  Jesus'  command,  administrative  functions  were  assigned  is 
an  inevitable  inference,  though  in  the  present  state  of  critical 
opinion,  this  cannot  be  said  to  be  explicitly  stated.  It  must 
however  be  remembered  that  neither  the  outward  form  nor 
the  inner  spiritual  state  taken  by  itself  alone  can  contain  in 
full  the  biblical  idea  of  the  kingdom  ;  not  Israel,  merely  as  a 
people,  not  the  Church,  merely  as  an  organized  society,  is  the 
kingdom  ;  neither  is  the  rule  of  God  in  the  individual  soul  that 
kingdom.  The  perfect  kingdom  is  that  in  which  both  elements 
are  united  in  their  perfection.  In  our  record  of  the  Lord's 
words,  the  passages  in  which  he  identifies  the  Church  and  the 
kingdom,  as  in  giving  to  an  apostle  '  the  keys  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,'  and  in  the  explanation  added  to  the  parable  of  the 
tares,  are  attributed  by  many  to  a  later  source ;  ^  yet  in  this  par- 
able itself,  which,  as  distinguished  from  the  added  explana- 
tion, may  certainly  be  accepted  as  from  the  Lord,  and  likewise 
in  the  parable  of  the  drag-net,^  the  connection  between  the 
Church  and  the  kingdom  is  clearl}^  implied.  And  such  para- 
bles contain  also  the  answer  to  the  objection,  that  where  there 

1  1618  f.^  1817.     On  these  passages  cf .  Weiss  in  Meyer  in  loc. ,  Wendt  Teach- 
ing II.  351  ff.,  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  268  ff.,  Stevens  Theol.  138  ff. 

2  Mt.   107.  3  Mt.    1032,  40,  42.  4  Mt.   238. 

6  Mt.  1619,  13«  are  wanting  in  Mk.  and  Lk.     Cf.  Holtzm.  Theol  I.  270  ff. 

6  Mt.    1347-50, 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  137 

is  any  evil  or  imperfection  the  kingdom  of  God  cannot  be. 
Undoubtedly  this  is  true  of  the  kingdom  in  its  ultimate  state  ; 
but  as  (jod's  rule  in  the  hearts  of  his  children  is  partial,  so  the 
present  form  of  the  kingdom  is  but  a  very  imperfect  embodi- 
ment of  the  ideal.  The  interval  between  the  Church  as  it  now 
is  and  the  kingdom  in  its  ideal  perfection  is  measureless.  But 
if  there  be  in  any  sense  a  present  kingdom,  it  must  in  every 
respect  fall  short  of  the  kingdom  to  which  it  looks  forward. 
Now  it  is  the  Church  marred  by  human  frailty,  like  every 
Christian  character  ;  then  it  will  be  the  Church  purified  and 
triumphant.^ 

Evidence  from  Certain  Events  in  the  Lord's  Life.  In  the  fore- 
going section  we  have  reviewed  the  testimony  to  Jesus'  messianic 
claims  furnished  by  utterances,  his  own  and  those  of  others, 
recorded  in  the  Gospels.  Similar  testimony  is  borne  by  certain 
events  in  his  life.  The  story  of  the  triumphal  entry  into 
Jerusalem  is  accepted  by  most  scholars  as  historical,  and  its 
testimony  to  Jesus'  declaration  of  his  Messiahship  seems  un- 
questionable. The  homage  of  the  multitude  is  rendered  to  him 
as  the  Messiah,  he  accepts  that  homage  and  defends  those  who 
offer  it  against  rebuke. ^  The  fact  that  his  view  of  his  messianic 
office  differs  from  theirs  is  not  a  sufficient  ground  for  evading 
the  acclamation.  To  have  denied  that  he  came  as  the  promised 
One  would  have  been  to  deny  the  applicability  of  the  messianic 
prophecy  to  himself.  The  correction  of  the  mistaken  messianic 
view  of  the  multitude  may  in  these  last  pressing  events  be 
left  to  the  lesson  of  the  passion  and  resurrection,  now  close  at 
hand.  So  also  the  history  of  the  crucifixion  furnishes  evi- 

dence which  cannot  by  reasonable  criticism  be  set  aside.  Jesus 
was  delivered  over  to  the  Roman  autliority,  was  tried,  con- 
demned and  executed  as  one  who  claimed  to  be  the  Messiah. 
Nowhere  in  the  trial  did  he    deny  the  charge.'^     Though  in 

1  Cf.  p.  96. 

-  Mt.  21"  does  not  show  this  act  of  the  people  to  have  been  simply  an  ovation 
given  to  -a  prophet  —  .so,  some  take  it  ;  the  words  of  the  multitude  express  rather 
the  ground  upon  which  they  justify  the  messianic  acclaim  of  v.  9,  i.e.  Jesus' 
greatness  as  a  prophet  ;  cf.  Jno.  (}"*'•. 

*  Had  he  denied  it,  no  disciple  could  after  his  shamefid  death  have  ever 
given  him  the  title. 


138  ESCHATOLOGY 

his  earlier  ministry  he  had  been  reserved  in  speaking  of  his 
Messiahship,  the  very  existence  of  this  charge  and  his  attitude 
throughout  the  trial  show  that  lie  regarded  himself  the  Messiah, 
and  that  he  had  in  some  way  declared  this  so  that  it  had  become 
known.  A  course  so  at  variance  as  was  his  with  all  current 
ideas  of  a  Messiah  could  not  apart  from  his  words  have  led  to 
this  charge. 

Evidence  from  the  Earliest  Christian  Belief.  The  value  of  the 
earliest  Christian  belief  as  testimony  to  Jesus'  claim  to  be  the 
Messiah  and  to  his  teaching  regarding  his  kingdom  lies  in  what 
seems  unquestionably  to  be  the  origin  of  such  belief.  We  have 
seen  above  the  universal  belief  of  the  apostolic  age :  Jesus,  the 
risen  and  ascended  Lord,  is  the  Messiah ;  he  will  return  soon  in 
visible  glory  to  consummate  the  kingdom  of  God ;  the  judg- 
ment will  be  held ;  and  eternal  life  will  become  the  inheritance 
of  the  risen  believers  in  a  realm  above  all  national  or  racial 
limitations,  above  all  political  domain  and  merely  earthly  glory. 
This  hope  takes  its  character  from  the  conception  of  the  king- 
dom and  the  king  (though  neither  of  these  express  terms  is 
much  used  outside  of  the  Gospels),  or  perhaps  it  should  rather 
be  said,  from  the  conception  of  the  person  and  work  of  the 
Messiah  in  whom  it  all  centers.  But  whence  comes  this  belief 
that  Jesus  is  the  Messiah  ?  A  confident  answer,  familiar  to 
readers  of  modern  theological  literature,  is  that  it  arose  in  the 
early  Christian  community  as  a  result  of  reflection  upon  Christ's 
resurrection  ;  that  event  first  led  the  disciples  to  attribute  to 
Jesus  a  messianic  character,  a  thing  which  he  himself  had  never 
claimed.  1  The  convincing  objection  to  this  theory  is  well  stated 
as  follows  :  '  The  rise  of  this  belief  [that  Jesus  is  the  Messiah] 
is  altogether  inexplicable,  if  Jesus  had  not  himself  in  his  life- 
time acknowledged  himself  to  his  disciples  as  the  Messiah. 
For  it  is,  to  be  sure,  conceivable  that  the  first  disciples  of  Jesus, 
whose  hopes  had  all  been  shattered  by  his  death  and  burial  and 
whose  views  of  his  Messiahship  had  all  been  destroyed,  should 
under  the  influence  of  their  acquaintance  with  the  risen  Je'sus 
have  returned  to  the  belief  that  he  was  the  Messiah,   if  they 

1  Auioiii^  well-known  advocates  of  this  view  are  Scholten,  Bruno  Bauer, 
Brandt,  and  more  recently  Wrede  Bus  Messiamjeheimniss. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  139 

had  previously  acquired  this  belief  through  his  utterances  and 
course  of  action.  But  it  would  be  wholly  inexplicable  that 
this  belief  should  have  originated  with  the  disciples  after  the 
catastrophe  ;  one  would  have  to  suppose  that  these  wonderful 
Easter  experiences  had  produced  in  their  souls  something 
absolutely  new  in  a  purely  magical  way  and  without  any 
psychological  mediation.'  ^  Some  believed  that  John  the  Baptist 
had  risen  again  in  the  person  of  Jesus,^  but  they  did  not  on 
this  account  receive  this  Jesus-John  as  the  Messiah.  And 
when  we  look  at  the  new  conception  of  the  Messiah  and  his 
kingdom  everywhere  existent  in  the  apostolic  Church,  it  is 
equally  certain  that  it  could  not  have  originated  in  the  minds  of 
the  disciples  themselves.  It  was  hard  for  them  to  unlearn  the 
doctrine  of  a  national  kingdom  and  glory,-^  and  the  Messiah's 
resurrection  and  ascension  could  not  in  themselves  transform  the 
traditional  hope ;  these  could  at  most  only  postpone  its  fulfill- 
ment. Moreover  the  highly  spiritualized  idea  of  the  kingdom 
reached  in  the  Church,  as  seen  in  St.  Paul  and  St.  John,  makes 
it  difficult  to  understand  how  the  doctrine  of  the  Lord's  return 
should  have  become  prominent,  if  it  had  not  been  taught  by  the 
Lord  himself.  All  these  considerations  make  it  reasonably 
certain,  that  these  fundamental  beliefs  of  the  apostolic  Church 
did  not  arise  by  any  process  of  reflection  within  the  Church 
itself,  but  through  the  teaching  of  Jesus ;  in  other  words  that 
we  have  here  trustwortliy  testimony  to  Jesus'  teaching  regard- 
ing himself  and  his  kingdom.^ 

The  Place  of  Eschatology  in  Jesus'  Vieiv  of  His  Mission.  The 
above  study  of  Jesus'  doctrine  of  his  Messiahship  and  his  king- 
dom has  been  necessary  because  it  is  in  that  doctrine  that  his 
eschatology  centers ;  the  contents  and  significance  of  the  latter 
are  determined  by  the  former.  But  before  speaking  of  the 
details  of  his  teaching  in  regard  to  the  Last  Things,  notice 
should  be  taken  of  a.  subject,  in  part  anticipated  above,  the 
relative  prominence  of  the  present  and  the  coming  age  in  his 
thought.  \\\  recent  New  Testament  study  much  discussion  has 
been  given  to  the  question,  whether  Jesus  did  not  regard  his 

1  Bousset  Jesus  11.     Cf.  also  Holtzm.  Mess.  37,  Wellhausen  Ein.  92. 

2  Mk.  828,  6".  3  Mk.  1037,  Acts  l^.  ^  See  p.  120. 


140  ESCHATOLOGY 

mission  as  wholly  eschatological.i  By  a  considerable  number  of 
scholars  the  question  is  answered  emphatically  in  the  affirma- 
tive —  an  answer  which  must  materially  modify  the  traditional 
view  of  the  Life  of  our  Lord.  This  interpretation  of  New 
Testament  history  makes  Jesus  in  his  earthly  course,  like  John 
the  Baptist,  simply  a  prophet  proclaiming  the  coming  of  the 
kingdom  of  God ;  he  remains,  throughout,  his  own  forerunner. 
Not  yet  has  the  kingdom  come,  not  yet  is  he  the  Messiah.  The 
consciousness  that  he  is  destined  to  become  the  Messiah  is  a 
secret  with  him,  which  at  first  he  did  not  intend  to  reveal  even 
to  his  disciples.  How  the  kingdom  will  come,  how  he  Avill  at- 
tain his  Messiahship  he  knows  not ;  all  that  he  leaves  in  his 
Father's  hands,  but  he  believes  the  fulfillment  is  not  far  off. 
On  that  first  mission  of  the  Twelve  (Mat.  10)  he  sends  them 
out,  expecting  that  before  their  return  God  will  intervene  with 
power,  the  new  kingdom  will  break  uj)on  the  world.  In  the 
disappointment  which  followed  and  in  view  of  the  enmity  of  his 
people  he  came  to  see  that  his  own  death  was  necessary,  serving 
God's  purpose,  but  that  it  could  not  cause  his  work  to  fail,  it 
n>ust  be  the  means  of  bringing  in  the  kingdom ;  he  would  soon 
return  as  the  Son  of  man  on  the  clouds  of  heaven.  His  mission 
was  not  to  teach  either  about  God  or  man's  relation  to  God,  or 
about  human  duty ;  he  did  not  give  men  moral  precepts,  ex- 
cept only  for  the  short  interim  before  the  End,  in  preparation 
for  it  (an  interim sethik,  as  it  is  called).  Thus  the  whole  con- 
tent of  his  teaching,  according  to  the  extreme  eschatologists, 
was  eschatological,  the  announcement  of  the  coming  kingdom, 
whose  blessings,  since  he  did  little  to  correct  current  concep- 
tions, he  must  have  understood  to  be  in  general  those  commonly 
expected  by  his  people. 

That  this  will  not  be  the  permanent  reading  of  Jesus'  history 
can  be  pretty  confidently  asserted.  We  have  seen  above,  how 
certain  was  his  consciousness  that  he  is^  not  that  he  is  going  to 
be,  the  Messiah,  and  that  in  his  work  the  kingdom  has  already 
come  to  men ;  we  have  also  seen  that  he  formed  his  followers 
into  a  lasting  community.     When  we  turn  to  his  lessons  of 

1  Cf.  J.  Weiss,  Predigt,  Baldensperger  Selbst,  Schweitzer  QHJ.,  Dobscluitz 
Esr.hat.,  Holtzm.  Mess.,  Wellhausen  Mn.,  Burkitt  in  Cam.  Bib.  Essays,  Dewick 
Eschat. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  141 

religious  and  moral  truth  we  find  liiin  everywliere  dealing  with 
eternal  verities,  with  the  fatherhood  of  God  whose  love  embraces 
every  child  of  man,  with  love  as  the  fundamental  law  of  all 
human  relations.  It  is  a  most  striking  feature  in  his  utterances, 
that  there  is  in  them  so  little  of  the  temporary  and  provisional, 
that  they  are  for  all  time  and  all  circumstances.  Perhaps  the 
most  convincing  objection  to  a  purely  eschatological  interpreta- 
tion of  his  aim  is  foUnd  in  the  fact  that  tlirongh  all  the  centuries 
the  profoundest  spiritual  needs  of  the  world  have  been  met  in 
his  person  and  teaching,  to  a  large  extent  quite  apart  from 
his  eschatology,  which  has  fallen  into  the  background  and  is 
often  entirely  overlooked.  'If  eschatology  is  the  key  to  all 
gospel  questions,  then  it  becomes  the  prol)lem  of  prol)lems  how 
Christianity  could  go  on  without  eschatology  tlirougli  so  many 
centuries.'  ^ 

But  on  the  other  hand  no  careful  student  of  the  Gospels 
will  make  the  subject  of  eschatology  in  the  Lord's  conceptions 
insignificant ;  on  the  contrary  it  will  be  seen  to  lie  in  the 
background  of  his  characteristic  themes,  to  shape  the  form  of 
his  utterances  and  to  express  the  final  meaning  of  his  office  and 
mission.  As  already  seen,  the  outlook  of  the  jjrophetic  and 
apocalyptic  writers  in  later  Judaism  is  toward  an  approaching 
end ;  to  a  very  large  degree  is  this  true  of  the  Church  through- 
out the  apostolic  age.  And  in  this  respect  Jesus  is  in  harmony 
with  the  movement  of  religious  thought  throughout  this  long 
period.  As  to  how  far  he  looked  upon  this  end  as  close  at  hand 
more  will  be  said  below.  The  atmosphere  of  the  age  is  often 
described  as  charged  with  eschatological  expectation  ;  and  Jesus 
is  said  to  have  taken  over  from  the  apocalyptic  its  most  com- 
mon conceptions.  It  would  be  more  strictly  just  to  say  that 
he  laid  liold  of  certain  great  eschatological  truths  which  in  the 
progress  of  divine  revelation  had  become  common  property,  that 
he  purified  and  spiritualized  these  and  gave  them  their  true  sig- 
nificance in  their  relation  to  himself.  It  was  inevitable  that  he 
should  express  such  truths  in  the  forms  made  familiar  by  the 
prevalent  apocalyptic  ;  and  yet  his  divergence  from  the  apoca- 
lyptic writers  is  very  marked.  He  says  nothing  of  national  and 
political  glories  in  the  coming  kingdom,  or  of  its  sway  over 
1  Dobscliutz  Eschat.  58  f. 


142  ESCHATOLOGY 

vanquished  nations  ;  he  gives  no  description  of  earthly  splendors 
or  material  blessings  in  the  new  age,  he  does  not  picture  the 
nature  or  inhabitants  of  the  various  heavens,  the  state  of  the 
dead,  the  resurrection,  or  the  horrors  of  the  judgment.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  he  was  familiar  with  the  non-biblical  apoca- 
lypses, though  the  leading  eschatological  elements  contained 
in  them  had  without  doubt  become  more  or  less  the  common 
property  of  the  time.  These  he  taught,  not  however  in  the 
manner  of  the  apocalyptic  writers.  With  the  exception  of  the 
great  discourse  concerning  the  Last  Things,  assigned  to  the 
week  of  his  passion,  as  he  sat  on  Mount  Olivet  over  against 
Jerusalem,  which  will  be  noticed  later  on,i  his  doctrines  of  the 
future  are  brought  in  only  incidentally,  with  a  few  simple 
touches,  as  bearing  upon  some  topic  of  which  he  is  speaking, 
and  yet  in  a  way  which  shows  that  they  were  profoundly  influ- 
ential in  his  thought.  The  truth  which  he  taught  his  followers 
and  the  divine  power  which  he  brought  into  their  lives  were 
forces  mighty  for  millenniums  of  earthly  history,  and  yet  it  is 
clear  that  he  is  everyAvhere  pointing  to  a  consummation,  an  end. 
There  is  a  sense  in  which  his  whole  aim  may  be  called  eschato- 
logical, that  is,  his  aim  is  the  complete  redemption  of  man, 
the  complete  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God ;  and  the 
realization  of  all  this  lies  in  the  End.  But  this  perfect  consum- 
mation of  his  messianic  work  is  a  fact.,  of  which  he  is  unwaver- 
ingly assured  from  the  beginning  ;  the  question  of  the  time  of 
the  final  advent  or  the  j^lace  of  the  kingdom  was  entirely  sub- 
ordinate. 

As  compared  with  late  Judaism,  and  even  with  the  days  of  the  Lord's 
earthly  life,  the  eschatological  attitude  of  mind,  the  outlook  which  viewed 
things  from  the  standpoint  of  the  end,  became  more  intense  in  the  apos- 
tolic age;  and  naturally  so,  for  the  Messiah  had  now  appeared  and  the 
consummation  of  hope,  greatly  modified  as  the  hope  had  become,  could  not 
be  far  distant;  already  the  'Last  Times,'  which  should  precede  the  full 
messianic  glory,  appeared  to  be  present.  The  disciples  were  mourning 
because  the  Bridegroom  had  been  taken  from  them,  but  his  return  could 
not  be  long  delayed  (cf.  Wellhausen  Ein.  107,  Dobschiitz  Eschaf.  74  f.)- 
It  is  for  this  reason  that  eschatological  traits  are  more  prominent  in  the 
later  Gospel  records  than  in  the  earlier,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  through 
the  same  influence  the  record  of  the  Lord's  words  may  have  received  in 

1  p.  143. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  143 

some  cases  a  more  distinct  escliatological  coloring  than  originally  belonged 
to  them.  Matthew  among  the  Gospels  contains  the  most  highly  developed 
eschatology ;  not  a  few  of  the  sayings  or  allusions,  as  here  given,  appear  to 
be  additions  to,  or  modifications  of,  the  Marcan  source,  or  Q;  next  in  order 
after  Mt.,  as  regards  eschatological  matter,  comes  Mark,  and  last  Q.  But 
escliatological  matter  is  contained  in  all  our  sources,  in  Mark,  in  Q,  in  the 
matter  peculiar  to  Mt.,  and  in  that  peculiar  to  Lk.  (cf .  Streeter  in  Ox.  Stud. 
425  ff.,  Dohschiitz  Ei^chat.  79  ff.,  Sanday  in  Hih.  Journ.  Oct.  1911).  But 
apart  from  this  documentary  evidence,  the  power  of  eschatology  among  the 
earliest  disciples  attests  its  certain  attribution  to  the  Lord  himself.  'The 
beliefs  of  the  early  Church  may  have  modified,  and  did  modify,  the  records 
of  his  utterances,  but  it  is  too  great  a  paradox  to  maintain  that  what  was 
so  central  in  the  belief  of  the  primitive  Church  was  not  present  at  least  in 
germ  in  what  the  Master  taught,'  Streeter  op.  cit.  433. 

The  Little  Apocalypse.  The  great  discourse  on  the  Last  Things  given 
in  Mk.  13,  Mt.  24,  Lk.  21,  and  often  called  the  Little  Apocalypse,  has  since 
its  critical  treatment  by  Colaui  aud  Weizsacker  (1864)  been  held  by  many 
scholars  to  be  an  'apocalyptic  leaflet'  (apocalyptisches  Fluf/blatt)  of  Jewish 
or  Jewish-Christian  origin,  which  came  into  circulation  shortly  before  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  which  Mk.  (the  source  of  Mt.  and  Lk.)  in- 
troduced, with  the  insertion  of  some  genuine  sayings  of  Jesus,  into  his 
Gospel.i  It  is  seen  to  follow  in  its  outline  the  conventional  form  of  the 
Jewish  apocalypses  with  their  principal  divisions  :  first,  the  beginning  of 
troubles ;  second,  the  culmination  of  the  '  messianic  woes  ' ;  third,  the  final 
catastrophe,  with  the  appearance  of  the  Messiah,  the  judgment,  and  the 
completion  of  the  ages ;  it  predicts  future  events  with  a  definiteness  of 
detail  in  traditional  imagery  at  variance  with  the  Lord's  usage  as  seen  else- 
where ;  it  attributes  to  him  sayings  held  to  be  irreconcilable  with  one 
another.  Such  are  the  principal  grounds  for  the  theory  mentioned.  But 
the  absence  of  all  political  and  national  traits  shows  that  it  cannot  be  a 
Jetcish  apocalypse ;  and  the  supposition  that  Mk.  should  have  picked  up 
and  inserted  in  his  book  a  Jeicish-Christian  document  circulating  anony- 
mously, or  pseudonymously,  is  so  at  variance  with  the  general  character  of 
his  work,  that  it  can  be  adopted  only  when  other  reasonable  explanations 
of  the  facts  are  wanting.  In  point  of  fact  the  hypothesis  is  unnecessary. 
The  salient  apocalyptic  features  in  the  discourse  follow,  as  do  the  Jewish 
apocalypses  in  general,  the  traits  found  in  the  Old  Testament,  especially  in 
Daniel  (cf.  Briggs  134)  ;  and  in  so  far  it  might  be  accepted  either  as 
spoken  by  the  Lord  himself,  whose  words  and  conceptions  so  often  attach 
themselves  to  the  prophets,  or  as  given  in  Q,  to  which  some  scholars  refer 
it,  or  as  compiled  by  Mk.  from  his  sources.  There  is  no  part  requiring  the 
hypothesis  of  a  document  originating  independently  of  these  sources.  On 
the  other  hand  the  analogy  of  the  Lord's  discourses  as  generally  given  in 

1  Among  numerous  discussions,  cf.  Weiffenbach  Wiederkinifts(jedanke  Jesu ; 
Briggs  Mess.  Gosp.  132  ff.  ;  Hacon  Journ.  Bib.  Lit.  Vol.  XX^MII.  ;  Haupt 
Eschat.  21  £f.  ;  Spitta,  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1909  ;  Streeter  in  Ox.  Stud.  179  ff.;  Dob- 
schlitz  Eschat.  85  ff.  ;  Stevens  Theol.  152  ff. 


144  ESCHATOLOGY 

the  Gospels  suggests  that  we  have  here  a  gi-oup  of  sayings  spoken  on 
various  occasions ;  and  the  occurrence  here  of  sayings  found  in  other  con- 
nections in  Mt.  and  Lk.  points  in  this  direction,  as  does  also  the  apparent 
mingling  of  different  subjects,  or  at  least  the  difficulty  of  combining  in  one 
outlook  all  the  representations  found  here.  Only  one  other  long  discourse 
is  found  in  J\lk.  (chap.  4)  ;  that  also  has  an  eschatological  tone  and  is  a 
compilation.  The  close  juxtaposition  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and 
the  Lord's  coming,  found  in  the  Little  Apocalypse  in  all  three  forms  of  the 
discourse,  and  made  especially  distinct  in  Mt.  but  not  occurring  elsewhere 
in  the  Lord's  utterances,  may  be  due  to  the  compiler,  whether  Mk.  or  the 
author  of  his  source,  who  clearly  connected  the  two  events  in  time.  To  his 
mode  of  thought  and  expression  may  also  be  due  the  minute  picture  of 
future  events,  characteristic,  not  of  the  Q  sayings,  but  of  the  apocalyptic, 
as  may  be  the  presence  of  much  of  the  traditional  imagery.  Also  some 
parts  may  be  interpretative  additions  made  by  the  conipiler.  This  hypoth- 
esis, which  regards  the  discoui'se  as  for  the  most  part  a  gToup  of  sayings,  not 
all  originally  relating  to  the  same  theme,  but  so  interpreted,  and  therefore 
here  combined  and  reported  in  familiar  apocalyptic  phraseology,  seems  to 
present  the  least  difficulty. 

•  The  Principal  Expectations  in  Jesus'  Eschatology .  In  the 
foregoing  pages  we  have  considered  the  fundamental  concep- 
tions of  Jesus  which  determined  the  nature  and  contents  of  his 
eschatology,  that  is,  his  messianic  office,  and  the  kingdom  which 
he  came  to  establish ;  and  we  have  seen  the  place  which  escha- 
tology occupied  in  his  thoughts  of  his  office  and  mission.  It 
remains  now  to  inquire  into  certain  leading  features,  which 
with  those  already  spoken  of,  make  up  the  picture  of  the  End, 
as  it  appears  in  his  utterances. 

(1)  The  Parousia.  The  dominating  doctrines  in  the  Lord's 
eschatology  are  those  of  his  Coming  and  his  future  Kingdom. 
Regarding  tlie  former,  two  questions  arise  :  what  did  he  teach 
about  the  nature  of  his  coming,  and  what  about  its  time  f  The 
Pauline  and  Johannine  writings  speak  of  a  coming  or  a  presence 
in  the  Spirit,  and  the  same  idea  may  be  alluded  to  in  the  Lord's 
promises,  to  be  with  his  disciples,  as  given  in  St.  Matthew.^ 
There  is  a  most  real  sense  in  which  the  Lord  is  continually 
coming  to  his  children ;  and  many  understand  this  spiritual 
coming  to  include  all  that  he  intended  in  speaking  of  his 
parousia.  In  a  special  sense  also  there  was  a  coming  in  the 
outpouring  of  the  Spirit  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  and  also  in 

1  i8»   2820. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  145 

the  resurrection,  and  many  hold  one  or  the  other  of  these  to 
have  been  the  parousia  of  which  he  really  spoke.  But  after  the 
occurrence  of  the  resurrection  and  the  Pentecostal  coming  in 
the  Spirit,  it  is  inconceivable  that  the  Lord's  sayings,  if  they 
had  originally  referred  to  these  events  and  had  not  distinctly 
declared  an  eschatological  coming,  should  have  been  so  com- 
pletely transformed  and  made  to  refer  rarely  or  indirectly  to 
these  events,  but  often  and  unmistakably  to  the  one  event  of 
the  advent  at  the  end  of  the  ages.  If  there  had  occurred  a 
process  of  '  reading  back,'  it  would  have  taken  a  direction  the 
reverse  of  that  found  in  the  Gospel  record.  In  view  of  the 
extraordinary  spiritualization  of  messianic  ideas  in  the  apostolic 
Church  it  is  hard  to  conceive  how  the  expectation  of  a  future 
advent  could  have  become  so  intense  and  universal,  unless 
it  had  been  awakened  by  the  Lord  himself.  Upon  all  sound 
critical  principles  we  must  attribute  to  him  the  announcement 
of  a  coming  which,  whether  in  our  Gospel  records  it  be  described 
in  vivid  apocalyptic  imagery,  or  alluded  to  only  incidentally,  is 
a  definite  event,  a  visible  advent  in  glory  and  power,  ushering 
in  the  final  reign  of  the  kingdom  of  God.^  The  question  of  the 
Lord's  prediction*  regarding  the  time  of  his  coming  is  a  difficult 
one.  He  is  recorded  as  saying  that  some  of  those  listening  to 
him  should  live  to  see  the  coming  of  the  Son  of  man,^  that  it 
should  take  place  before  the  apostles  on  their  mission  should 
have  gone  over  the  cities  of  Israel,^  that  the  generation  then 
present  should  not  pass  away  till  all  was  accomplished.^  The 
Lord  bids  his  hearers  to  be  always  ready  for  the  coming  of  the 
Son  of  man.^  The  sense  of  such  passages  interpreted  by  the 
uniform  usage  of  the  phraseology  in  the  New  Testament  is  so 
evident,  that  the  numerous  attempts  of  scholars  to  find  refer- 
ence to  some  event  other  than  the  parousia  must  be  regarded  as 
quite  unsatisfactory.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  theory  of 
'  prophetic  foreshortening '  which  views  future  events  across 
long  intervals,  as  if  near  at  hand.  Whether,  or  not,  such  pas- 
sages report  accurately  the  very  words  of  Jesus,  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  they  express  what  the  disciples  understood  him  to 

1  E.g.  Mt.  1627,  Mk.  1462,  Lk.  926.     On  various  senses  of  the  Coming  cf. 
Haupt  Eschnt.  139  ff.,  Stevens  Theol.  165  ff.  2  Mk.  91  par. 

3  Mt.  1023.  4  Mt.  1330.  5  Lk.  1235-40. 


146  ESCHATOLOGY 

foretell.  The  certain  belief  of  the  apostolic  Church,  that  the 
great  day  Avas  near,  cannot  be  explained  except  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  the  disciples  had  so  understood  his  teaching.  But  an 
apprehension  of  his  teaching  which  was  radically  wrong  is  very 
unlikely.  His  reported  language  in  such  connections  may  have 
been  colored  or  made  more  precise  than  that  actually  used 
through  the  prepossession  of  his  hearers,  yet  it  is  difficult  to 
avoid  the  conclusion  that  he  in  some  form  spoke  of  his  return 
at  a  time  not  all  too  remote,  that  he  looked  for  an  earlier 
consummation  of  his  kingdom  than  history  has  shown  to  be 
realized.  In  this  conclusion  the  larger  number  of  recent 
scholars  are  coming  to  agree. 

The  supposition  that  this  prediction  is  wanting  in  the  oldest  source,  Q, 
and  has  been  added  in  the  later  Marcan  and  Matthfean  source  (cf.  Streeter 
in  Ox.  Stud.  424  ff.)  cannot  be  established.  It  is  without  doubt  true  that 
eschatology  is  less  prominent  in  Q,  but  our  knowledge  of  that  document  is 
too  meager  to  furnish  data  for  certain  inference  in  this  particular  doctrine ; 
at  all  events  eschatology  is  found  in  it  and  probably  this  very  idea  of  the 
nearness  of  the  parousia  (Mt.  23**^^  is  probably  a  Q  passage).  While  escha- 
tology in  general  became  more  developed  in  the  later  documents,  Mt.  and 
Mk.,  yet  this  doctrine  of  the  coming  as  near  is  more,  likely  to  have  been 
eliminated  than  to  have  been  added  to  the  record  of  the  Lord's  words  at  a 
time  when  the  parousia  and  its  signs  were  delayed.  An  example  of  later 
modification  probably  due  to  this  influence  is  seen  in  Luke's  version  of  the 
parable  of  the  talents  (cf .  Lk.  IQu-ss  with  Mt.  25^^'^,  different  versions  of  the 
same  parable),  where  we  have  a  correction  of  the  opinion  that  the  kingdom 
would  appear  immediately,  v.  11. 

It  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  question  is  historical 
rather  than  dogmatic.  While  we  must  speak  with  great  reserve 
concerning  the  limitations  of  the  Lord's  knowledge,  yet  the 
doctrine  of  the  incarnation  carries  with  it  a  limitation  in  the 
ordinary  sphere  of  human  knowledge,  as  a  feature  of  his  incar- 
nate life.  There  is  a  sphere  in  which  life  with  him  as  with  all 
men  was  a  process  of  growth. ^  It  is  onl}'^  in  moral  and  spiritual 
truth  that  his  oneness  with  the  Father  must  be  understood  to 
raise  him  above  all  error.  '  Religious  perfection  does  not  in- 
clude omniscience.'  '^  The  fact  of  the  linal,  absolute  triumph  of 
God's  kingdom  can  never  be  a  matter  of  doubt  with  him,  but 
the  exact  time  when  this  should  be  accomplished  is  that  of  a 
1  Lk.  252.  2  Baldensperger  205. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  147 

historical  event,  dependent  at  least  in  part  upon  human  condi- 
tions, and  he  declares  that  no  man  knows  the  day  and  the  hour, 
'not  even  the  angels,  neither  the  Son.'^ 

But  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  declared  ignorance  of  the 
precise  time  of  the  parousia  is  irreconcilable  with  those  other 
sayings  which  place  it  within  the  generations  then  present, 
though  many  scholars  so  regard  it ;  ^  to  many  however  it  seems 
quite  possible  to  understand  the  Lord  to  have  referred  in  the  one 
case  to  a  somewhat  long  and  indefinite  period,  in  the  other,  to  a 
precise  date  within  that  period.  The  householder  knows  the 
night  is  the  period  within  which  the  attempts  of  a  thief  would  be 
made,  but  no  one  can  tell  in  what  watch  of  the  night  he  will 
come.^  ^  In  putting  the  date  at  the  end  of  this  generation  he 
gives  no  real  date.'*  All  Jewish  prophecy  placed  the  End  in 
close  connection  with  the  appearing  of  the  Messiah,  and  it  would 
seem  almost  inevitable  that  Jesus,  who  was  conscious  that  the 
messianic  work  had  begun  in  him,  should  have  hoped  for  its 
consummation  at  no  distant  time.  In  any  event  we  cannot  too 
strongly  emphasize  the  fact  that  the  disagreement  between  the 
Lord's  hope  and  the  course  of  subsequent  history  in  no  way 
affects  the  essential  nature  of  his  person,  or  his  revelation  to 
man.  '  If  we  keep  to  the  letter  of  his  words,  we  cannot  help 
agreeing  that  he  was  wrong  regarding  the  outward  form  of  his 
predictions,  and  especially  the  time  of  God's  fulfillment.  But 
this  does  not  involve,  I  am  sure,  any  imperfection  on  his  side, 
any  more  than  his  opinion  about  the  sun  as  a  star  going  round 
the  earth,  or  about  the  Pentateuch  as  a  book  written  by  Moses. 
.  .  .  The  form  of  his  expectation  was  unimportant  even  for 
himself.  He  left  it  to  his  Father  how  and  when  he  would 
realize  it.'  ^ 

Perhaps  the  greatest  difficulty  in  supposing  that  the  Lord  looked  for  an 
early  return  lies  in  his  knowledge  of  the  obstacles  which  must  hinder  the 
growth  of  the  divine  kingdom.     His  profound  insight  into  human  nature 

1  Mk.  1332,  Mt.  2436.  The  genuineness  of  no  saying  of  Jesus  is  more  certain 
than  this  ;  it  could  not  have  arisen  at  a  time  when  it  seemed  at  variance  with 
his  accepted  divinity  ;  on  the  contrary  there  appears  an  effort  to  get  rid  of  it. 
It  is  omitted  in  its  connection  in  Lk.  after  2V^,  and  the  words  '  neither  the  Son  ' 
are  wanting  in  some  later  Mss.  of  Mt. 

2  Cf.  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  401  f.,  Denney  Jesus  355. 

3  Lk.  1238-<o.     Cf.  AVeiss  Theol.  §  33  a,  J.  Weiss,  Predigt  71,  96  ff. 

4  Dobschutz  Eschat.  116.  &  pnd.  184  f. 


148  ESCHATOLOGY 

and  his  experience  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  even  God's  chosen  people 
made  clear  to  him  the  slowness  with  which  moral  and  spiritual  truth  must 
advance  in  the  world.  He  does  not,  to  be  sure,  say  that  the  world  should 
be  evangelized  before  the  parousia,  but  rather  that  the  gospel  must  first  be 
preached  to  all  nations  (Lk.  24*'',  Mk.  lo^")  ;  yet  this  could  not  mean  a 
mere  proclamation  of  the  gospel ;  the  slow  process  of  '  making  disciples ' 
was  intended  (Mt.  2820),  ^nd  the  Lord's  anticipation  of  something  of  this 
slowness  is  seen  in  his  words.  Such  expressions  in  the  eschatological  para- 
bles as  'after  a  long  time'  (Mt.  25^^),  'into  a  far  country'  (Lk.  191^),  'my 
lord  tarrieth'  (Mt.  24*^),  which  clearly  express  this  thought,  may  as  some 
suppose  be  due  to  later  editorial  work  in  view  of  the  delayed  parousia 
(cf .  Holtzm.  TJieol.  I.  386  f.)  ;  yet  these  parables,  as  well  as  those  speak- 
ing of  the  growth  of  the  seed  (Mk.  4),  all  imply  a  considerable  lapse  of 
time,  a  delay.  The  questionable  phrases  mentioned  crystallize  what  is 
really  contained  in  the  parables  themselves.  We  cannot,  however,  for  a 
moment  suppose  that  these  two  aspects  of  the  future  presented  themselves 
to  Jesus'  mind  as  in  perplexing  conflict.  His  vision  was  steadily  fixed  on 
working  the  works  of  him  that  sent  him ;  all  else"  he  left  in  the  hands  of 
the  Father  who  in  the  exercise  of  his  own  power  had  fixed  the  times  and 
seasons  (Acts  1''').  And  in  this  respect  he  was  followed  by  his  disciples 
who  went  on  through  the  apostolic  age  planting  and  organizing  churches, 
laying  foundations  in  faith  and  morals,  as  those  who  would  build  a  struc- 
ture for  ages  of  earthly  history,  yet  ever  cherishing  an  eager  expectation  of 
a  near  end.  Only  in  one  church,  that  of  the  Thessalonians,  do  we  see  the 
hope  of  the  near  advent  seriously  disturbing  the  settled  order  of  Christian 
thought  and  conduct ;  and  this  failure  was  promptly  reproved  by  their 
apostle. 

The  antecedents  of  the  Messiah's  coming,  as  they  are  com- 
monly described  in  apocalyptic  literature,  appear  also  in  the 
Lord's  predictions  of  his  parousia.  The  '  messianic  woes,' 
times  of  trouble,  convulsions  in  the  heavenly  bodies  and  in 
earth,  wars,  terrors,  persecutions,  apostasy  will  occur  as  signs 
that  the  end  is  near.  The  details  of  these  prophecies  and  the 
imagery,  taken  directly  from  traditional  apocalyptic  repre- 
sentations, are  found  only  in  the  eschatological  discourse 
(Mk.  13,  par.),  and  we  cannot  say  how  far  they  are  to  be 
attributed  to  the  Lord,  and  how  far  to  the  recorder  of  his 
sayings ;  yet  what  is  essential  in  the  doctrine  of  the  '  messianic 
woes,'  as  a  time  of  trouble  and  testing,  which  shall  precede  the 
Lord's  appearing,  is  contained  in  other  parts  of  our  record. ^ 
But  the  parousia  itself  will  break  upon  the  world  suddenly,  as 
a  thief  in  the  night. ^     The  two  thoughts  are  held  by  many  to 

1  Mt.  10"-22,  34-87,  233''  f",  Lk.  1722,  IS^  f-  _      2  Lk.  1239. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  149 

be  contradictory.^  lUit  the  same  juxtaposition  of  signs  of  the 
end  and  ignorance  of  the  time  appears  in  Jewish  literature 
also,2  and  in  St.  Paul.^  Many  find  this  difficulty  in  the  Lord's 
sayings  removed  by  the  figure  used,  as  seen  above  ;  the  uncer- 
tainty pertains  to  the  particular  watch,  not  to  the  night  as  a 
whole.  In  another  connection  the  suddenness  appears  to  be 
represented  as  the  unpreparedness  of  those  who,  like  the  gener- 
ation of  Noah,  are  not  watchful,  and  blind  themselves  to  the 
monitions  of  the  signs.* 

(2)  The  Eschatological  Kingdom.  ].iittle  need  be  added  to 
what  has  already  been  said  concerning  the  kingdom  of  the 
future.  If,  as  maintained  above,  the  kingdom  was  in  some 
sense  already  present  in  the  person  and  work  of  Jesus,  and  if 
it  consists  essentially  in  the  reign  of  God's  will,  then  it  is 
found  at  least  in  one  aspect  wherever  that  will  is  the  control- 
ling force  in  men.  It  may  then  ever  be  growing  in  power  and 
extent,  ever  coming,  as  a  moral  and  social  evolution,  in  the 
promotion  of  which  men  are  used  as  God's  agents  ;  and  every 
child  of  God  finds  in  this  advancement  of  the  kingdom,  with 
the  blessings  it  confers,  his  sufficient  motive  to  activity  for 
himself  and  others.  The  various  parables  of  the  growing  seed 
and  the  leaven  seem  to  represent  its  perfection  as  the  last 
result  of  such  a  process  of  evolution.  Many  find  in  this  process 
and  its  final  outcome  all  that  is  meant  by  the  Lord's  prophecies 
of  a  coming  kingdom.  But  throughout  apocalyptic  literature 
and  throughout  Jesus'  teaching  there  is  found  the  representa- 
tion of  a  great  future  event,  a  miraculous  intervention  of  God, 
which  apart  from  man's  agency  shall  establish  the  kingdom  in 
its  final  glory.  A  stone  is  to  be  '  cut  out  of  the  mountain 
without  hands,'  ^  the  harvest  is  to  come  at  the  end  of  the  period 
of  growth,  then  the  sickle  is  put  forth.  ^  God  has  fixed  condi- 
tions which  shall  precede  the  final  event, '^  but  the  consumma- 
tion is  his  act  alone.  The  idea  of  an  invisible,  spiritual  state, 
the  outcome  of  a  gradual  process  of  evolution,  does  not  satisfy 
the  terms  of  the  Lord's  prediction.      Though  a  spiritualizing 

1  Cf .  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  389.  2  cf.  Volz  171  f.  3  Cf .  p.  89. 

4  Lk.  172'  ;  cf.  J.  Weiss  in  Meyer  in  loc.  and  on  Mk.  IS^^.     Cf.  p.  147. 
B  Dan.  245.  6  Mk.  429.  ^  cf .  pp.  78  f . 


150  ESCHATOLOGY 

of  the  conception  appears  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  St.  Paul, 
an  aspect  which  may  not  improbably  be  traced  back  to  the 
Lord  himself,  yet  even  in  these  writers  this  form  does  not  dis- 
place that  of  the  visible  apocalyptic  kingdom  which  shall  come 
at  the  End.  i  '  The  kingdom  of  God  is  not  established,  so  long 
as  its  dominion  is  only  recognized  by  individuals ;  it  wants  to 
be  collective,  universal,'  ^ 

The  Lord  does  not  describe  the  glories  of  the  kingdom 
which  is  to  come,  but  he  assumes  its  blessedness.  He  places  it 
not  in  heaven  but  on  earth.  Everywhere  he  speaks  of  its 
coming,  that  is,  to  earth  ;  the  petition,  '  Thy  kingdom  come,'  is 
followed  by  the  defining  words,  'Thy  will  be  done  on  earth.' 
The  Lord  does  not  speak  specifically  to  his  followers  of  their 
entrance  into  the  present  heaven  of  God's  abode. ^  In  this 
respect  he  follows  the  usual  biblical  and  apocalyptic  idea,  and 
doubtless  he  has  also  in  mind  the  same  idea  of  a  renewed  world, 
in  which  the  distinction  between  heaven  and  earth  disappears. 
In  one  instance  he  refers  directly  to  this  renewal ;  ^  he  also  uses 
the  apocalyptic  phrase,  '  heaven  and  earth  shall  pass  away,'  ^  a 
phrase  always  associated  with  the  idea  of  world-renewal.^ 
How  much  in  this  may  be  symbol  and  how  much  literal  reality 
we  cannot  say,  but  there  is  no  compelling  reason  for  resolving 
it  altogether  into  the  former,  '  Because  we  have  entered  upon 
the  dispensation  of  the  Spirit,  we  are  not  reduced  to  the  bar- 
renness of  intellectual  purism  ;  we  are  not  called  upon  to  strip 
rudely  away  all  that  is  still  shrouded  in  symbol  and  metaphor. 
We  may  leave  ourselves  room  for  the  expectation  of  a  new 
heaven  and  a  new  earth,  though  we  cannot  guess  what  outward 
form  of  embodiment  they  may  assume.'  '  As  regards  also  the 
members  of  the  kingdom  the  Lord  follows  the  common  apoca- 
lyptic representation.  These  are  his  faithful  ones  gathered  out 
of  a  world  where  there  are  many  enemies.  The  latter  are 
driven  from  his  presence  into  a  punishment  described  in  the 
conventional    terms, ^      As    in    the    apocalyptic    writings,    the 

1  Cf.  p.  304.  2  Dobschiitz  Eschat.  206. 

3  '  Lay  up  treasure  in  heaven  '  means,  lay  up  there,  as  in  a  treasure  house,  the 
treasure  which  betits  that  place,  whence  as  from  a  place  of  deposit  it  may  be 
paid  out  to  you  again.  ^Mt.  IQ^s,  TraXivyeveala.  ^  Mt.  5i8,  Lk.  2133. 

6  Cf.  Titius  N.  T.  25,  J.  Weiss  Predigt  105  ff.,  Bousset  Prediyt  87,  Well- 
hausen  Ein.  103.  ^  Sanday  Hib.  Journ.  Oct.  1911,  103. 

8  Mt.  25«. 


OUR  LORD'S   DOCTRINE  151 

supreme  foe  is  the  prince  of  evil  spirits,  and  the  supreme 
triumph  in  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  is  the  overthrow 
of  Satan  and  his  hosts,  and  their  consignment  to  the  doom 
prepared  for  them.  There  is  no  intimation  of  a  conquest  by 
their  conversion  into  friends.  If  these  representations  regard- 
ing his  enemies  seem  hard  to  reconcile  with  the  measureless 
love  and  mercy  which  irradiate  the  whole  character  and  teach- 
ing of  our  Lord,  we  must  observe  that  in  these  conventional 
apocalyptic  forms  may  be  expressed  the  terrible  possibility  of 
an  unending  hostility  to,  and  separation  from,  (fod. 

(3)  Tlie  Intermediate  State  and  the  Resurrection.  Little  is 
said  on  these  subjects  in  the  synoptic  records,  but  the  usual 
apocalyptic  doctrines  are  expressed  or  assumed.  \i\  answer  to 
the  Sadducees'  argument  against  the  resurrection,  the  Lord 
shows  from  the  Old  Testament  scriptures  that  the  dead  are 
raised.^  In  one  other  connection  also  he  speaks  of  the  resur- 
rection, and  there  it  is  mentioned  as  a  fact  which  both  he  and 
his  hearers  accept  without  question.^  It  is  to  take  place 
among  the  events  of  the  End,  and  both  the  just  and  the  unjust 
would  seem  to  be  understood  as  sharing  in  it,  though  this  is 
not  distinctly  stated,  and  some  suppose  that  the  just  only  are 
thought  of.  The  difference  of  opinion  in  Jewish,  and  perhaps 
Christian,  circles  regarding  the  share  of  the  unjust  in  the  res- 
urrection has  already  bieen  spoken  of.^  Their  presence  at  the 
judgment  is  perhaps  assumed  in  such  sayings  as,  'It  shall  be 
more  tolerable  for  Tyre  and  Sidon,  for  the  land  of  Sodom,  in 
the  day  of  judgment,'  etc.*  A  bodily  existence  of  the  wicked 
after  the  judgment  is  more  distinctly  implied  in  the  words, 
'  Fear  him  who  is  able  to  destroy  both  body  and  soul  in  hell. '  ^ 
It  is  noticeable  however  that  the  Lucan  account  of  the  dispute 
with  the  Sadducees  limits  the  reference  to  the  righteous,  to 
'  those  who  are  accounted  worthy  to  attain  to  that  world  and 
the  resurrection  of  the  dead.'  "^  This  variation  from  the  Marcan 
and  Matthsean  accounts  is  perhaps  due  to  editorial  influence. 
It  is  clear  that  a  distinction  between  the  just  and  the  unjust  in 
this  respect  was  not  clearly  defined  in  the  Lord's  teaching. 

1  Mt.  1218-27,  par.  2  Lk.  14".  3  pp.  62,  93.  ^  Mt.  II22.  24. 

5  Mt.  1028.     cf.  J.  Weiss  Predigt  109  ff.  6  Lk.  203^.     Cf.  also  141* 


152  ESCHATOLOGY 

The  nature  of  the  resurrection  body  is  alluded  to  in  only  one 
place,  in  the  argument  with  the  Sadducees,  where  the  Lord  tells 
them  that  they  know  not  the  power  of  God,  that  is,  to  raise  the 
dead  in  a  form  adapted  to  an  existence  whose  conditions  are 
entirely  different  from  those  of  our  present  bodily  life,  to  a 
state  where  they  neither  marry  nor  are  given  in  marriage,  for 
the  risen  will  be  as  the  angels.  We  seem  to  havg  here  refer- 
ence to  what  St.  Paul  calls  the  '  spiritual  body,'  ^  and  the  ap- 
pearances of  the  Lord  as  given  in  the  post-resurrection  history 
agree  with  this  identification.  These  narratives  are  designed 
to  show  that  the  Lord  had  really  returned,  not  as  a  phantom, 
but  in  a  bodily  form  which  could  be  apprehended  by  the 
senses,  though  not  subject  to  the  conditions  of  matter.  In  the 
source  peculiar  to  St.  Luke,^  as  also  in  the  Johannine  account,^ 
there  are  features,  such  as  the  eating  of  material  food,  which 
cannot  easily  be  reconciled  with  the  other  facts  in  the  narra- 
tives. These  may  probably  be  regarded  as  traditions  due  to 
the  intense  realization  of  the  identity  of  the  risen  Lord  with 
the  former  Master,  and  the  failure,  notwithstanding  the  con- 
flict with  the  appearances  and  disappearances  recorded  in  the 
same  narratives,  to  distinguish  a  '  spiritual  body  '  from  that 
which  has  'flesh  and  bones.' 

Concerning  the  subject  so  profoundly  interesting  to  the  later 
Christian  world,  and  prominent  also  in  late  Jewish  literature, 
the  state  of  the  soul  immediately  after  death  and  before  the 
judgment,  the  Lord  says  very  little,  as  is  true  of  the  New 
Testament  in  general ;  and  this  quite  naturally,  in  view  of  the 
supposed  nearness  of  the  End,  and  the  resurrection.  What  is 
recorded  of  the  Lord's  sayings  is  given  in  forms  taken  entirely 
from  the  current  apocalyptic.  As  in  the  later  Jewish  belief, 
the  state  is  not  one  of  semiconscious  existence,  but  of  active 
consciousness,  a  capability  of  pleasure  and  pain,  of  a  living 
union  with  God.  The  recompense,  even  if  not  the  final  one, 
awarded  to  the  conduct  of  this  present  life  is  entered  upon 
immediately  after  death.  The  patriarchs  in  the  place  of  the 
departed,  as  living,  still  have  God  as  their  God,^  the  dying  thief 
is  at  once  admitted  to  paradise  (not  heaven,  but  the  abode  of 
the  blessed  dead).^     The  only  place  in  which  the  Lord  speaks 

1  Cf .  p.   90.  2  2439-43.  3  202V.  4  Mt.   1227.  6  Lk.   2343. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  153 

directly  of  the  state  of  the  dead  is  in  the  parable  of  the  rich 
man  and  Lazarus/  which  represents  these  as  passing  at  death, 
the  one  to  suffering,  the  other  to  blessedness.  There  is  nothing 
here  to  intimate  that  the  award,  which  follows  at  once,  antici- 
pates the  final  judgment  day  so  far  as  to  leave  no  room  for  the 
latter.  Doubtless  the  parable  is  to  be  understood  according  to 
the  usual  apocalyptic  view,  which  looked  upon  such  award  as 
preliminary,  pending  the  final  recompense.  A  final  judgment 
still  awaits  Tyre  and  Sidon,  and  the  land  of  Sodom,  of  which 
the  earlier  doom  is  only  anticipative.^  But  there  is  nothing 
indicating  that  this  preliminary  doom  may  be  reversed  at  the 
end.  The  possibility,  or  impossibility,  of  a  moral  change  in  the 
interval  before  the  judgment  is  not  spoken  of,  either  here  or 
elsewhere.  It  should  be  noticed  that  the  passage  is  not  an 
exposition  of  dogma  concerning  the  state  of  the  dead,  but  a 
parable  chosen  from  familiar  beliefs  to  enforce  a  moral  lesson. 
'  It  does  not  take  us  beyond  the  broad  fact  that  there  is  a  state 
of  being  into  which  men  pass  at  death,  and  that  the  divine 
righteousness  follows  them  thither  with  moral  decisions  affect- 
ing their  condition  there  and  reversing  antecedent  estimates 
and  circumstances.'  ^ 

(4)  The  Judgment  and  its  Awards.  As  in  all  biblical  and 
apocalyptic  representations,  so  in  Jesus'  teaching,  the  day  of 
judgment  appears  as  an  inseparable  part  of  the  great  drama  of 
the  End.  All  nations  will  be  gathered  at  the  tribunal,  both  the 
living  and  the  dead ;  ^  the  smallest  act  will  be  brought  into 
account ;  ^  in  some  sayings,  God  appears  as  the  judge,''  but 
oftenest  Christ.''  The  awards  of  the  judgment  are  conceived 
under  the  forms  of  the  familiar  Jewish  eschatology,  though 
there  is  little  tendency  to  graphic  picturing  of  the  future 
state,  such  as  is  found  in  apocalyptic  writers  ;  only  a  few  pro- 
foundly significant  terms  are  used  to  characterize  the  lot  of  the 
judged.  The  award  of  the  rigliteous  is  eternal  life,^  the  inher- 
itance of  the  kingdom  prepared  for  them  from  the  foundation  of 

1  Lk.  1619-31.  2  Mt.  11",  2'«.     Of.  p.  69. 

3  Salmoud  in  Hast.  II.  275.  ^  Mt.  2532,  1122,24^  par.,  12-11,  par.,  IS'"*-. 

5  Mt.  1236.  6  Mt.  1032 1-,  Lk.  926,  187. 

7  E.g.  Mt.  722 f.,  1627,  27'i',  Lk.  132?.  »  Mk.  103it. 


154  ESCHATOLOGY 

the  world,!  immediate  communion  with  God,  '  they  shall  see 
God.' 2  xhe  unrighteous  go  away  into  eternal  punishment,^ 
they  are  cast  out  into  outer  darkness,*  into  the  Gehenna  of  un- 
quenchable fire.''  The  terrible  thought  of  an  unending  penalty 
naturally  leads  students  of  the  Lord's  words  to  seek  some  trace 
of  a  possible  reversal  or  mitigation.  His  statement  regarding 
the  one  sin  of  blasphemy  against  the  Holy  Spirit,  which  shall 
not  be  forgiven  in  this  age  nor  in  that  following  the  judgment,*^ 
is  thought  to  imply  that  other  sins  may  be  forgiven  in  the 
'coming  age.'  But  such  an  interpretation  is  not  supported  by 
his  other  utterances  ;  on  the  contrary  it  is  in  conflict  with  these. 
The  words  are  an  emphatic  expression  for  neve?;  which  is  used 
in  the  Marcan  parallel.  '^  Some  have  found  in  the  '  few  stripes  ' 
with  which  the  servant,  ignorant  of  his  lord's  will,  shall  be  beaten  ^ 
allusion  to  a  shortening  of  the  period  of  punishment.  This  too 
is  contrary  to  Jesus'  teaching  given  elsewhere,  and  even  if 
accepted,  would  not  meet  the  hard  case  of  those  who  having 
sinned  knowingly  might  conceivably  in  a  future  state  repent. 
We  are  without  doubt  compelled  to  accept  the  sayings  as  they 
stand  with  all  their  hardness,  in  view  of  the  beliefs  regarding 
the  subject  at  the  time,  and  the  Lord's  adoption  of  current 
modes  of  expression.  These  very  facts,  however,  raise  an  im- 
portant consideration  regarding  the  finality  of  such  utterances. 
The  scope  of  Jesus'  teaching  on  the  subject,  as  addressed  to 
men  of  his  own  time,  led  naturally  to  limitations.  He  had  no 
occasion  to  touch  the  theme  of  a  change  of  attitude  in  the  '  com- 
ing age ' ;  and  his  well-known  habit  of  enunciating  general 
truths,  without  mentioning  possible  exceptions  and  modifi- 
cations in  varying  circumstances,  would  make  unlikely  the 
introduction  of  such  contingent  factors  into  his  eschatological 
teaching.  The  general  tenor  of  his  utterances  on  the  subject  is 
what  we  should  expect.  And  it  is  also  doubtless  true  that  this 
element  in  his  teaching  is  much  intensified  in  the  form  in  which 
it  is  preserved  by  the  hearers  of  that  generation,  who  could 
hardly  have  comprehended  an  eschatological  punishment  essen- 
tially different  from  that  of  current  belief,  or  have  expressed 

'  Mt.  253-'.  2  Mt.  58.  3  Mt.  25«.  4  Mt.  22i3.  5  Mk.  9«. 

6  Mt.  1232.     <■  xhe  age  to  come  '  does  not  refer  to  the  period  between  death 
and  tlie  judgment.  ^  329.  s  Lk.  i248. 


OUR  LORD'S  DOCTRINE  155 

it  ill  essentially  different  forms.  The  part  played  by  the 
recorder  is  strongly  illustrated  in  a  comparison  of  St.  Matthew 
with  the  other  Synoptists.  The  larger  number  of  these  hard 
sayings  are  found  in  the  former,  and  many  of  these  are  seen  by 
critical  examination  to  be  additions  or  variations  due  to  editorial 
working  over  of  the  source.  Our  ultimate  view  of  the  great 
Christian  truth  contained  in  these  sayings  of  the  Lord  must  be 
affected  by  the  revelation  which  he  gave  concerning  God's 
attitude  toward  the  sons  of  men.  But  when  long  cycles  inter- 
vene before  the  final  judgment,  we  must  in  view  of  the  tendency 
toward  moral  fixedness,  the  tendency  of  habit  to  pass  into  un- 
changeable character,  conceive  at  least  the  possibility  of  a  soul 
passing  into  a  self-induced,  unchangeable  attitude  of  enmity 
toward  God,  a  state  of  '  eternal  sin.'  ^  This  is  what  would  con- 
stitute eternal  punishment ;  it  is  what  St.  John  calls  '  sin  unto 
death,'  that  is,  sin  resulting  in  complete  spiritual  death.^ 

Conclusion.  In  closing  a  survey  of  our  Lord's  eschatological 
teaching  it  is  well  to  observe  that  there  must  of  necessity  be 
much  in  it  which  we  cannot  clearly  represent  to  ourselves  in 
the  forms  of  our  modern  thought.  He  chose  the  terms,  the 
imagery,  and  the  conceptions  familiar  to  his  age,  with  all  their 
limitations  and  imperfections,  for  nothing  else  could  have  had 
real  meaning  for  his  hearers.  Perhaps  we  may  say  that  noth- 
ing could  be  more  intelligible  to  us,  especially  in  view  of  our 
biblical  inheritance.  The  forms  of  the  revelation  given  in 
prophecy  can  only  very  imperfectly  shadow  forth  the  realities 
to  come.  The  principal  function  of  prophecy,  so  far  as  it  is 
predictive,  is  to  encourage,  to  warn,  and  to  guide  along  the 
way  in  which  God  is  moving,  and  toward  the  end  to  which  he 
would  bring  his  people.  It  can  never  be  entirely  understood 
until  it  is  fulfilled.  But  yet  in  these  prophecies  of  the  Lord 
telling  of  his  coming,  the  setting  up  of  his  Kingdom,  the  resur- 
rection, and  the  judgment,  though  much  may  be  in  traditional 
form  and  symbolical,  this  at  least  seems  to  be  clearly  taught 
by  him  :  that  there  awaits  the  world  a  manifestation  of  his 
presence  in  the  glory  of  a  completed  triumph  of  the  cause  of 
God  over  all  evil,  a  reign  of  God  in  the  world  ;  that  a  great 
1  Mk.  329.  2 1  juo.  516. 


156  ESCHATOLOGY 

testing  of  moral  issues  will  stand  at  the  meeting  of  the  ages ; 
that  the  redeemed  clothed  in  a  new  form  will  be  gathered  into 
one  people  of  God  ;  that  an  entrance  into  life,  then  fully  real- 
ized, and  into  a  closer  union  with  God,  will  be  granted  to  all 
those  'who  have  loved  the  Lord's  appearing.'  ^ 


The  Eschatology  of  the  Revelation.  The  exposition  here 

given  of  the  eschatology  of  the  book  of  the  Revelation  pre- 
supposes the  views  adopted  in  regard  to  its  composition  and 
interpretation  found  in  the  Commentary,  as  well  as  results 
reached  in  certain  later  paragraphs  in  the  Introductory  Studies. 
While  eschatological  teaching  is  introduced  in  other  books  of 
the  New  Testament  incidentally,  the  Revelation  alone  has  the 
prophecy  of  the  Last  Things  as  its  entire  theme.  Hence  the 
subject  is  unfolded  here  with  features  and  details  not  found 
elsewhere.  It  was  natural  that  the  Church  of  the  first  century 
should  produce  such  a  writing,  for  Christian  hope  centered  in 
the  coming  of  the  kingdom  of  God  and  his  Christ.  The  mes- 
sianic hope  was  the  necessary  offspring  of  the  belief  in  an  ulti- 
mate triumph  of  good  over  evil,  of  God  over  Satan,  and  was 
especially  intensified  in  times  of  imperial  persecution.  Such  a 
time  the  Church  was  entering  upon  at  the  close  of  the  century ,2 
and  it  foresaw  the  advance  of  this  persecution  to  the  fierce 
conflict  of  the  End.  The  framework  of  Christian  eschatology 
in  general  was,  as  repeatedly  pointed  out  above,  that  of  Jewish 
apocalyptic  ;  but  this  is  especially  the  case  in  the  book  of  the 
Revelation.  Yet  as  the  conception  of  the  Christ  differs  from, 
though  growing  out  of,  that  of  the  Jewish  Messiah,  so  the 
whole  conception  of  the  kingdom  and  of  the  final  issues  is  per- 
meated with  a  new  and  more  spiritual  idea.  The  author  of 
the  Revelation  does  not  transform  traditional  apocalyptic  by 
discarding  its  elements  and  figures  —  no  New  Testament  writer 
does  this  in  a  thoroughgoing  way  —  it  is  not  likely  that  he 
himself  conceived  the  future  altogether  apart  from  these  con- 
ventional forms  ;  but  he  adds  facts  of  Christian  revelation,  and 
thus  gives  to  his  eschatological  picture  a  new  meaning,  which 
must  be  seen  to  be  such,  when  his  additions  are  followed  out  to 
1  2  Tim.  48.  2  See  pp.  201  ff.,  208  ff. 


THE  REVELATION  157 

their  consequence.  It  is  not  necessary  to  ask  how  far  he 
used  traditions  in  a  purely  figurative  sense  —  that  he  does 
so  in  some  instances  cannot  be  questioned.  The  permanent 
meaning  and  value  of  his  great  panorama  is  spoken  of  else- 
where.^ 

The  time  of  the  End,  as  generally  in  Jewish  and  Christian 
expectation,  is  near  at  hand.^  And  yet  the  multiplied  series 
of  plagues,  the  period  of  Antichrist's  domination,  and  the  pre- 
liminary millennial  kingdom  form  a  sequence  requiring  the 
assumption  of  a  k)ng  lapse  of  time  before  the  final  catastrophe. 
It  is  a  tempting  supposition  that  the  nearness  declared  refers 
only  to  the  beginning.  But  it  is  clear  that  '  the  things  which 
must  shortly  come  to  pass '  ^  and  '  the  words  of  prophecy '  * 
include  the  contents  of  the  whole  book  ;  with  this  reference  to 
the  End  agrees  the  announcement  of  the  Lord's  coming.^  It 
is  not  possible  to  bring  the  two  representations  into  exact 
accord.  The  dissonance  is  due  to  the  fact,  frequently  seen,  that 
the  Apocalyptist  is  following  different  eschatological  traditions 
in  different  parts,  and  does  not  attempt  to  bring  these  into 
actual  harmony.^  A  historical  program  followed  with  close 
logical  sequence  of  time  and  space  is  foreign  to  the  manner  of 
our  Apocalyptist,  who  is  original  and  at  the  same  time  uses 
extensively  conventional  ideas.  There  is  in  this  an  intimation 
that  he  is  conscious  of  using  traditional  conceptions  in  a  sense 
not  strictly  literal.  The  prophecy  of  our  book  centers  in  a 

final  catastrophe,  like  all  apocalyptic,  and  the  events  group 
themselves  into  three  classes  :  (1)  the  long  series  of  prelimi- 
nary movements  ;  (2)  the  crisis  of  the  definitive  conflict  with 
Satan  ;  (3)  the  resurrection,  the  world-judgment,  and  the  final 
state  of  the  redeemed. 

(1)  The  Preliminary  Events.  (a)    The   messianic   woes  J 

This  standing  feature  in  apocalyptic  prophecy  appears  here  in 
the  sending  of  divine  visitations  upon  the  world  in  preparation 
for  the  Great  Day.  These  as  given  in  our  Apocalyptist's  pic- 
ture are  the  three  series  of  the  seals  (chap.  6),  the  trumpets 
(8-9),  and  the  bowls  (16).  These  are  partly  natural  plagues, 
though  miraculously  intensified,  such  as  war,  slaughter,  famine, 

1  pp.  291  ff.  2  CL  1'.  3,  3",  106,  226. 7,  lo,  20.  3  11,  226. 

*  13,  2210.  5  311^  22'.  12.  20.  6  Cf .  pp.  722  f.,  745.  I  €f.  p.  33.  f. 


158  ESCHATOLOGY 

pestilence,  earthquake,  and  the  scorching  heat  of  the  sun; 
partly  also  they  are  supernatural,  such  as  vast  disturbances  in 
the  heavens,  the  corruption  of  the  waters,  the  tortures  of  the 
hellish  locusts  and  of  the  cavalry  of  fiend-like  horses.  But  all 
alike  are  sent  by  special  intervention  of  God  and  with  special 
eschatological  purpose.  They  are  manifestations  of  his  wrath, 
and  have  the  twofold  purpose  of  punishing  and  of  leading  to 
repentance.  As  in  all  apocalyi^tic  representation,  the  former 
purpose  is  made  most  distinct,  yet  the  latter  is  also  included,  ^ 
They  constitute  a  part  of  '  that  hour  which  is  to  come  upon  the 
whole  world  to  try  them  that  dwell  upon  the  earth.' ^  The 
forms  under  which  the  coming  visitations  are  represented  are 
derived  for  the  most  part  from  suggestions  given  in  the  famil- 
iar plagues  of  the  Old  Testament,  but  the  Apocalyptist  does 
not  always  intend  the  literal  meaning  of  his  prediction,  as  for 
example  in  6^\  where  the  heaven  is  said  to  be  removed  as  a 
scroll  rolled  up,  though  in  what  follows  it  is  seen  to  remain  ; 
or  in  8^^,  where  the  extinction  of  a  third  part  of  the  luminaries 
causes  darkness  for  a  third  part  of  the  day.^  (6)  The  perse- 
cutio7i  of  the  saints.  As  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,*  the 
last  days  are  to  be  times  of  suffering  for  the  Church.  The 
hostility  of  the  world-power,  the  Roman  Empire  (the  Beast,  as 
first  manifested),  with  its  demand  of  emperor-worship,  already 
showing  itself,  will  increase  to  the  end  of  that  domination  and 
pass  on  with  unlimited  intensity  into  the  succeeding  reign  of 
Antichrist.  Satan  through  his  special  agents,  the  beast  and 
the  false  prophet,  and  by  the  aid  of  all  his  servants,  will  wage 
relentless  war  with  the  woman's  seed,  who  have  the  testimony 
of  Jesus.  ^  This  dread  prophecy  springs  from  the  universal 
observation  of  the  increasing  bitterness  of  the  conflict  through 
which  moral  progress  wins  its  victory.  But  the  saints  who 
prove  faithful  are  assured  of  final  deliverancCo^  (c)  The 
destruction  of  Rome.  The  persecution  of  God^s  people  in  any 
age  by  the  world-empire  then  existing  gives  to  the  conflict 
thus  aroused  the  character  of  a  supreme  trial ;  and  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  saints,  the  triumph  of  the  cause  ol  God,  is  foreseen 

1  See  p.  554.  2  310.  3  gee  Com.  in  lor. 

4  Cf .  Mk.  139  ff-,  Ac.  1422,  2  Tim.  312  f-  &  121^,  13. 

6  310,  chapt.  7,  126.  J4-16   i4i->. 


THE   REVELATION  159 

by  prophets  and  apoealyptists  to  be  realized  only  in  the  de- 
struction of  this  great  enem}^  it  may  be  Egypt,  Assyria,  Syria, 
or  Rome.  The  Christian  Apocalyptist  at  the  end  of  the  first 
century  sees  that  a  crisis  in  the  trial  of  the  Church  was  about 
to  be  precipitated  in  the  Roman  persecution,  and  was  approach- 
ing a  climax  in  the  attempt  to  displace  the  worship  of  Christ 
by  the  worship  of  Caesar.  ^  The  Roman  Empire  is  the  Beast  in 
his  earlier  manifestation.  ^  Naturally  then  the  annihilation  of 
Rome's  power  stands  among  the  foremost  events  expected  by 
the  Apocalyptist.  The  fall  of  the  imperial  city  forms  a  domi- 
nant factor  in  the  book,  and  the  theme  of  one  of  its  most  splen- 
did passages.  Already  its  doom  is  near  ;  the  king  called 
symbolically  the  sixth  is  now  reigning ;  his  successor,  the 
seventh,  who  will  be  the  last,  will  continue  but  a  little  while  ; 
then  Rome  will  be  utterly  destroyed  by  Antichrist. ^  {d)  The 
Coming  of  Antichrist.  The  Roman  emperors  and  the  priest- 
hood maintaining  the  emperor-worship  are  only  the  humanly 
endowed  agents  of  Satan,  and  their  removal  does  not  end  this 
warfare  against  the  Church.  The  expectation  that  the  con- 
flict with  a  hostile  world-power  must  go  on  to  an  extreme  of 
intensity,  and  the  prevalent  Jewish  and  Christian  belief  in  the 
advent  of  a  world-ruler,  human  yet  possessing  demonic  powers, 
opened  to  the  Apocalyptist  a  vision  of  the  part  to  be  taken  by 
Satan's  mightiest  agent,  the  Antichrist.*  When  the  Roman 
Empire  should  have  fulfilled  its  destined  period.  Antichrist, 
the  beast  in  his  supreme  manifestation,  will  come  in  the  person 
of  a  demonized  Nero  returned  from  the  dead,^  and  with  his 
allies,  the  ten  kings  of  the  earth,  will  destroy  the  imperial 
city.^  He  will  rule  the  entire  earth  with  awful  tyranny;  aided 
by  the  false  prophet  (a  wonder-working  priesthood),  he  will 
demand  universal  worship,  the  extreme  form  of  emperor-wor- 
ship begun  by  the  Roman  rulers  ;  and  he  will  persecute  the 
saints  unto  death.  He  will  continue  through  the  symbolical 
period,  three  and  a  half  years. '^  (e)  The  Conversion  of  Israel. 
The  Apocalyptist,  a  Christian  Jew,  appears  to  introduce  a 
prophecy,  found  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament,  that  in  the 
Last  Times  God's  ancient  people  will  repent  of  their  rejection 

1  See  pp.  201  ff.,  209.       2  pp.  407  f.       3  148,  1(519,  171-195. 

4  See  pp.  397  ff.      ^ See  pp.  400  ff .      6  1712-17.     '133-18,178.". 


160  ESCHATOLOGY 

of  Christ.^  They  will  be  moved  to  repentance  by  preachers, 
whose  words  will  be  enforced  by  great  miracles  wrought  in 
their  presence.  This  conversion  of  Israel  seems  to  be  placed 
in  the  reign  of  Antichrist.  (/)    TJie  overthrow  of  Antichrist 

hy  the  Christ  and  the  temporary  imprisonment  of  Satan.  As  the 
destined  time  of  Antichrist's  rule  nears  its  end  he  will  gather 
his  adherents,  the  hosts  of  earth,  at  Harmagedon  for  the  great 
battle  against  the  Christ.  The  heaven  will  be  opened  and 
Christ  will  come  forth  as  a  warrior  accompanied  by  the  celes- 
tial armies  ;  with  the  sword  of  his  mouth  he  will  slay  the 
nations,  Antichrist's  followers  ;  Antichrist  himself  and  his 
prophet  will  be  cast  alive  into  hell.^  An  angel  will  lay  hold 
of  Satan,  and  binding  him  with  a  great  chain  will  cast  him 
into  the  bottomless  pit  where  he  will  be  bound  a  thousand 
years.  ^  Christ  does  not  appear  in  this  scene  as  a  being  of  love 
and  compassion  ;  it  is  the  day  of  his  wrath  against  his  enemies, 
proven  incorrigible.  The  characterization  is  similar  to  that 
which  appears  repeatedly  in  the  Gospels,  especially  the  Fourth 
Gospel.*  The  Fourth  Gospel,  though  distinctively  the  '  Gospel 
of  love,"  is  also  the  Gospel  of  Christ's  wrath,  and  its  author 
often  shows  the  disposition  of  a  son  of  thunder,  whether  he  be 
the  Apostle    or    another.  (^)   The  MiUennium.     After   the 

destruction  of  the  hostile  hosts  of  the  earth  with  their  leaders 
and  the  binding  of  Satan,  no  foe  will  remain  to  war  on  the 
saints,  and  a  preliminary  kingdom  will  be  set  up  on  earth. 
Here  the  martyrs  raised  from  the  dead  will  reign  in  blessedness 
with  Christ  a  thousand  years  (a  symbolical  period).  The  rest 
of  the  dead  will  not  be  raised  till  the  general  resurrection.^ 
The  seat  of  the  millennial  kingdom  will  be  Jerusalem,^  but 
unquestionably  an  idealized  Jerusalem,  not  the  actual  historic 
city,  unsuited  to  the  blessedness  described,  and  long  since 
destroyed  ;  yet  the  celestial  city,  the  new  Jerusalem,  cannot  be 
meant;  that  does  not  descend  till  a  later  period,  at  the  time  of 
the  entrance  of  the  new  heaven  and  earth  (21).  In  the  proph- 
ecy of  the  temporary  binding  of  Satan,  and  a  preliminary 
millennial  kingdom  on  earth,  to  a  share  in  which  the  martyrs 

1  See  pp.  588  ff.  2  leis-ie,  1911-21  ;  cf.  2  Thess.  28-io.  3  20i-«. 

*  Cf.  Mt.  2313-33,  Mk.  35,  Jno.  213-16,  537-46,  sis-as,  939-41,  uss  rv  marg. 
s  205.  6  209. 


THE   REVELATION  1()1 

only  are  raised,  the  Apocalyptist  differs  from  the  otlier  New 
Testament  writers ;  these  connect  all  the  events  of  the  End 
immediately  with  the  Lord's  second  coming.  It  is  evident 
that  he  is  adapting  the  earlier  apocalyptic  to  one  of  tlie  special 
purposes  of  his  book,  the  exhibition  of  the  blessed  reward  to  be 
bestowed  on  martyrdom. ^ 

(2)  The  Crisis  of  the  Definitive  Conflict  with  Satan.  The 
release  of  iSatan,  his  last  assault  npon  G-oiVs  people,  and  his  eternal 
doom.  After  the  thousand  years  of  peace  in  the  preliminary 
kingdom  Satan  will  be  loosed  and  will  marshal  the  nations  of 
the  earth,  the  enemies  of  God,  in  number  as  the  sand  of  the 
sea,  who  will  come  from  afar  from  every  quarter  against  the 
citadel  of  the  saints,  the  Jerusalem  of  the  millennial  kingdom. 
Fire  from  heaven  will  consume  the  host,  and  Satan  who  deceived 
them  will  be  cast  into  the  endless  tortures  of  hell.  In  connection 
with  this  battle  nothing  is  said  of  any  part  taken  by  Christ. 
The  difficulty  caused  by  the  presence  in  the  earth  of  the  hosts 
of  hostile  nations  after  they  have  previously  been  declared  to  be 
destroyed  in  the  battle  with  Antichrist  ^  is  due  to  the  author's 
use  of  a  familiar  representation  in  two  distinct  but  similar  con- 
nections, without  attention  to  exact  congruity.^ 

(3)  The  Resurrection,  the  World-judgment,  and  the  Final 
State  of  the  Redeemed.  (a)  TJie  general  resiirreetion  and 
judgment.  The  complete  triumph  of  God  in  the  conflict  with 
Satan  will  be  followed  by  the  resurrection  of  all  the  dead,  the 
wicked  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  righteous  who  not  being  of  the 
number  of  the  martyrs  had  not  already  been  raised  to  a  share 
in  the  millennial  kingdom.*  These  all  appear  before  the  judg- 
ment throne ;  the  sentence  of  the  wicked  is  the  second  death, 
the  unending  doom  of  hell ;  ^  to  the  righteous  is  awarded  end- 
less life  in  the  new  Jerusalem  in  perfect  union  with  God.^ 
After  this  final  judgment  no  change  of  state  is  contemplated. 
As  regards  the  interval  hettveen  death  and  the  resurrection.,  the 
book  is  silent  concerning  the  state  of  the  wicked.  Of  the 
righteous  dead  it  is  said  that  the}^  will  enjoy  a  blessed  rest  from 
troul>le,  and  their  good  works  will  be  remembered  in  their 
behalf  at  the  judgment.'     To  those  who  have  died  the  martyr's 

1  p.  737.  2  1614,  1921.  3  See  p.  745.  4  2012-13. 

5  14»-ii,  2015.  6  213-225.  ^  See  on  14i3. 


162  ESCHATOLOGY 

death  special  honor  will  be  given  while  they  await  resurrection 
to  their  place  in  the  millennium ;  garments  of  heavenly  glory 
will  be  given  to  them,  while  they  remain  in  keeping  beneath  the 
heavenly  altar  ;  and  they  are  bidden  to  rest  from  their  distressful 
yearning  for  vengeance  for  yet  a  little  while,  when  their  destined 
number  will  be  filled  up  and  their  prayer  answered.^  Then 
will  come  their  reward  in  the  reign  of  the  millennium.  The 
supposed  nearness  of  the  end  accounts  for  the  small  space  in  the 
Apocalyptist's  thought  given  to  the  state  of  the  dead. 

(^)  TJie  7iew  heaven  and  earth,  and  the  new  Jerusalem.  The 
concluding  act  in  the  drama  of  the  End  is,  as  generally  in 
Jewish  and  CUiristian  eschatology,  the  renewal  of  all  things.  A 
new  heaven  and  a  new  earth,  as  befits  the  perfected  kingdom  of 
God,  will  take  the  place  of  the  old ;  the  new  Jerusalem  having 
the  glory  of  God  will  descend  from  heaven  to  the  new  earth  to 
form  the  abode  of  God  with  his  people.  The  new  Jerusalem  as 
viewed  by  the  Apocalyptist  is  not  heaven,  the  heaven  of  God's 
dwelling  as  everywhere  conceived  in  the  Bible ;  it  is  the  city  of 
Jewish  apocalyptic  prepared  from  eternity  and  preserved  in 
heaven  to  be  brought  down  to  earth  after  the  judgment,  as  the 
place  where  God  will  dwell  with  his  people.  But  in  this  con- 
ception of  a  renewed  world  heaven  and  earth  are  completely 
blended.  The  throne  of  God  and  the  Lamb  with  the  redeemed 
worshiping  before  them  is,  as  seen  by  the  Apocalyptist  in  the 
final  consummation,  placed  indifferently  in  heaven  and  in  the 
new  Jerusalem  on  the  new  earth ;  or  as  we  might  say,  the  con- 
ception of  this  new  Jerusalem  takes  the  place  of  heaven  as 
generally  thought  of.^  How  far  the  Apocalyptist  formed  to 
himself  a  clear  idea  of  the  attributes  and  perfections  of  the  new 
state  described  under  these  figures  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  it 
is  clear  that  the  spiritual  facts  contained  in  them  form  for  him 
what  is  most  essential  in  his  prophecies.  This  is  seen  in  what 
he  says  of  the  nature  of  the  kingdom,  the  conditions  of  mem- 
bership in  it,  and  the  state  of  tlie  saints  therein.  And  for  a 
true  apprehension  of  his  eschatology  this  must  be  constantly 
kept  in  mind  in  connection  with  his  use  of  apocalyptic  traits, 
more  or  less  conventional,  which  form  the  outlines  of  his 
pictures.  To  his  own  mind  he  has  thoroughly  Christianized  the 
1  See  on  6".  *  Cf .  79-ifi  with  212-3  ;  see  also  152. 


THE  REVELATION  163 

meaning  of  the  traditions  which  he  uses.  The  kingdom  is 
universal,  composed  of  every  nation,  kindred,  and  tongue  of 
earth ;  ^  the  gates  of  the  city  stand  open  to  every  tribe  of  the 
Israel  of  God,  it  is  built  upon  the  foundations  of  the  Apostles 
of  all  the  world ;  ^  its  members  are  those  who  have  been  re- 
deemed by  the  sacrificial  death  of  Christ,^  they  have  gotten  the 
victory  over  Satan  through  the  blood  of  the  Lamb  and  the 
word  of  his  gospel ;  *  their  salvation  is  attained  only  through 
faith  in  him  and  its  steadfast  maintenance  ;^  they  are  those 
who  keep  his  commandments,  who  follow  him  in  all  things,  who 
keep  themselves  unspotted  from  the  world,  have  no  guile  in 
their  mouth,  no  fault  before  the  throne  of  God.^  But  their 
blissful  inheritance  is  not  a  good  won  by  their  own  works,  it  is 
a  free  gift ; "  their  accomplished  salvation  is  ascribed  to  God 
and  Christ,^  it  is  the  Lamb  that  has  redeemed  them  to  (jod.^ 

It  is  certainly  a  misinterpretation  when  the  Apocalyptist  is  understood 
to  ignore  virtually  faith  as  a  primary  condition  of  salvation  and  to  assign 
the  decision  to  works,  the  keeping  of  God's  commandments,  that  is,  to 
substitute  a  kind  of  Christian  legalism  for  the  doctrine  of  faith  as  found 
elsewhere.  (So,  Weizsacker,  Holtzmann,  Jtilicher,  Swete,  al.)  Great 
emphasis  is,  to  be  sure,  placed  on  cpya,  works ;  cf.  chapts.  2-^3,  pngsini,  14^^, 
19^ ;  and  of  the  final  judgment  it  is  said,  that  men  shall  be  judged  according 
to  their  works,  2^^,  20^2-13^  22^'^.  But  equally  clear  is  the  same  characteriza- 
tion of  the  judgment  given  by  Paul,  the  great  defender  of  justification  by 
faith,  cf.  Ro.  2^,  2  Co.  h^\  CoL  3^-*  f-  Works  are  throughout  not  thought  of 
apart  from  the  faith  from  which  they  spring  and  without  which  they  are 
inconceivable.  All  difficulty  is  removed  by  the  utterance  of  the  (iospel  that 
the  work  of  God  which  men  must  do  is  faith  in  Christ  (Jno.  6^'').  To  the 
same  effect  our  author  coordinates  the  commandments  of  God  which  the 
saints  are  to  keep  with  faith  in  Jesus  (li^'^).  For  the  scope  of  the  term 
Ipya,  works,  see  Com.  on  2^.  There  is  in  New  Testament  soteriology  no 
antithesis  between  faith  and  works  except  that  between  a  living  faith 
necessarily  active  and  a  belief  which  though  real  is  inoperative  in  the  life. 
This  is  the  real  antithesis  discussed  in  the  epistle  of  St.  James.  The  severe 
stress  of  the  times  contemplated  in  our  book  explains  the  emphasis  which 
the  author  throws  on  works ;  in  the  awful  temptation  awaiting  the  Church 
the  faith  of  its  members  must  manifest  itself  in  their  deeds. 

The  final  blessedness  of  the  saints  is  described  under  various 
forms,  for  the  most  part  figures  whose  spiritual  meaning  is 
plain.     They  will  cease  from  all  sorrow  and  pain,  God  will  wipe 

1  59,  79,  IS'*.  -  2112-w.  3  15^  59^  714.  1  12".  5  1412^  213. 

6  144-5,12.  7  216,  2217.  8  710,  1210,  191 ;  see  Com.  in  loc.  »  59. 


164  ESCHATOLOGY 

away  every  tear  from  their  eyes,  he  will  dwell  in  the  midst  of 
them,  he  will  be  their  God  and  they  his  people. ^  Their  inti- 
mate spiritual  communion  with  God  and  Christ  is  set  forth  in 
manifold  figures ;  as  sharers  in  the  divine  throne,  as  kings  and 
priests,^  they  will  enjoy  the  glory  and  the  privilege  of  immedi- 
ate access  to  God's  presence  ;  they  will  be  joined  with  Christ  as  a 
woman  is  joined  to  lier  husband,^  they  will  be  the  sons  of  God,* 
and  bear  the  marks  which  show  them  to  be  wholly  his,^  —  all 
figures  expressing  the  closest  spiritual  union.  The  comprehen- 
sive term  by  which  the  eschatological  state  is  expressed  in  the 
book  is  life  ;  the  saints  partake  of  the  tree  of  life,*^  of  the  water 
of  life,'''  the  same  idea  is  contained  in  the  eating  of  heavenly 
manna  ;^  they  receive  the  crown  of  life  ;  ^  they  are  enrolled  in 
the  book  of  life.^*^  In  the  prominence  of  the  term  life^  the  book 
agrees  with  other  New  Testament  writings,  especially  the  Paul- 
ine and  Johannine. 

Yet  in  the  writings  of  Paul  and  John  not  merely  continued  existence  is 
meant,  but  also  all  the  blessedness  of  the  indwelling  of  the  believer  in  God, 
and  consequently  a  state  already  begun  in  this  life  (see  pp.  94,  102); 
while  in  the  Revelation  the  state  of  undying  existence  after  the  judgment 
seems  to  be  chiefly  thought  of.  A  fundamental  difference  is  found  herein 
by  some  between  the  Revelation  and  the  Fourth  Gospel ;  in  the  latter  the 
future  life  of  the  believer  is  only  the  continuance  of  what  is  begnin  here, 
the  believer  has  already  passed  from  death  into  life  (Jno.  .5^'')  ;  while  in 
the  Revelation  life  is  understood  to  be  the  unending  state  bestowed  upon 
him  at  the  judgment  as  the  reward  of  his  course  here.  This  difference, 
however,  though  it  may  appear  to  exist  in  most  cases,  is  not  maintained 
throughout  the  two  books.  In  the  Fourth  Gospel  life  refers  in  some 
instances  to  the  future  state  entered  upon  at  the  end  (cf .  S^^-  ^9,  6^^'  *",  12^5) ; 
on  the  other  hand  in  the  Revelation  the  figures  of  the  continued  leading 
forth  to  the  fountains,  the  flowing  forth  of  the  waters  from  the  throne,  the 
feeding  with  manna,  the  leaves  ever  growing  for  healing  (7*',  21^,  22^'m  i'^, 
2''),  all  imply  a  continuing  spiritual  process  similar  to  that  meant  in  the 
Gospel  rather  than  a  fixed  condition  beginning  at  the  judgment.  In  the 
offer  of  life  in  21^,  22^''  certainly  a  reference  to  the  spiritual  life  of  the 
present  is  included.  Naturally  the  Gospel  speaks  oftenest  of  the  one  aspect 
of  life  and  the  Revelation  of  the  other,  for  the  former  book  is  chiefly  con- 
cerned with  the  present  spiritual  state,  and  the  latter  with  that  belonging 
to  the  future  world. 


1  21*-^,  Ti'"^.  2  321^  510.  3  197-9.  4  217.  5  312^  22*. 

6  27,  222.  1*.  19.  7  717'^   216    22'>  '".  8  217.  9  210, 

1035]  138,  i78J  2012.  )5,  21".' 


THE  REVELATION  165 

A  word  should  be  added  on  the  most  striking  diiferences  in 
eschatology,  already  allnded  to,  between  the  Revelation  and 
the  other  New  Testament  writings.  The  appearance  of  the 
warrior  Christ  to  battle  with  Antichrist  at  a  time  anterior  to 
the  general  judgment  and  separated  from  it  by  a  millennium, 
as  described  in  19^^~^^,  the  silence  regarding  any  part  taken  by 
Christ  in  the  last  conflict  with  Satan  and  in  the  judgment  after 
the  thousand  years  as  described  in  20""^^,  are  at  variance  with 
prophecies  of  the  events  of  the  Lord's  coming  given  elsewhere 
in  the  New  Testament.  The  Lord's  destruction  of  Antichrist 
by  the  word  of  his  mouth  forms  a  part  of  St.  Paul's  prophecy 
of  the  parousia,!  but  the  '  coming '  (jrapova-ia)  there  spoken  of 
must  according  to  the  uniform  usage  of  the  Apostle  be  under- 
stood of  the  advent  for  the  general  judgment  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  kingdom.  And  the  only  future  coming  of  the 
Lord  spoken  of  by  other  New  Testament  writers,  apart  from 
our  book,  is  that  with  which  these  last  events  are  associated  in 
one  group.  What  is  elsewhere  foreseen  as  immediately  con- 
secutive steps  in  one  great  movement  is  viewed  by  our  Apoca- 
lyptist  as  consisting  of  parts  widely  separated  in  time  however 
closely  connected  in  essential  relations.  In  visions  of  a  future 
immeasurably  remote  variation  in  perspective,  the  occurrence 
of  a  parallax,  as  it  were,  need  not  cause  great  difficulty,  espe- 
cially in  our  book  where  the  greater  fullness  of  detail  would 
make  easy  the  separation  of  things  elsewhere  combined.  In 
some  places  in  his  book  the  Apocalyptist  agrees  with  the  other 
writers  in  condensing  these  last  events  into  one  connected 
series,  and  in  assigning  to  Christ  a  coming  to  judgment ;  cf.  I'', 
27,  10^  1414^20^  2212.  In  the  particular  chapters  in  which  the 
variation  spoken  of  occurs  he  views  the  steps  separately,  be- 
cause he  is  especially  interested  here  in  a  millennium  as  provid- 
ing a  reward  for  the  martyrs  ;  and  this  carries  with  it  the 
premillennial  overthrow  of  Antichrist. 2  The  representation  in 
these  chapters  of  the  last  conflict  and  the  judgment  follows 
closely  the  earlier  Jewish  model  ;  hence  the  absence  of  Christ 
from  these  scenes. 

1  2  Thes.  28.  2  See  p.  736. 


166  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

II 
APOCALYPTIC    LITERATURE i 

The  Revelation  of  John  follows,  not  only  in  form  but  to  a 
considerable  extent  in  matter  also,  the  manner  of  a  class  of 
Jewish  writings  which  were  widely  known  and  influential  in 
the  last  two  centuries  before  Christ  and  in  the  first  century  of 
our  era,  and  which  are  now  generally  called  apocalyptic.  As 
regards  the  type  of  literature  the  Revelation  is  rightly  placed 
in  the  same  general  class  with  these,  much  as  it  differs  from 
them,  and  it  cannot  be  correctly  interpreted  apart  from  these 
modes  of  thought  and  expression  which  greatly  influenced  its 
formal  character.  A  knowledge  of  this  apocalyptic  literature 
is  essential  then  to  a  right  understanding  of  our  book.  In 
placing  the  Revelation  of  John  in  the  class  of  apocalyptic  writ- 
ings, most  of  which  lie  outside  of  the  canon  of  Holy  Scripture, 
we  do  not  detract  from  its  practical  value,  or  its  canonical 
character.  Driver's  words  in  reference  to  the  Book  of  Daniel 
are  appropriate  here  :  'Just  as  there  are  Psalms  both  canonical 
and  non-canonical  (the  so-called  Psalms  of  Solomon),  Proverbs 
both  canonical  and  non-canonical  (Ecclesiasticus),  histories 
both  canonical  and  non-canonical  (I  Mace),  "midrashim" 
both  canonical  (Jonah)  and  non-canonical  (Tobit,  Judith),  so 
there  are  analogously  Apocalypses  both  canonical  and  non- 
canonical  ;  the  superiority,  in  each  case,  from  a  theological 
point  of  view,  of  the  canonical  work  does  not  place  it  in  a  dif- 
ferent literary  category  from  the  corresponding  non-canonical 
work,  or  works'  (Dan.  in  CB.  LXXXIV). 

The  noun  apocalyptic  in  distinction  from  prophecy  is  the 
term  now  commonly  used  to  denote  that  group  of  eschatological 
hopes  and  beliefs  which  have  been  set  forth  above  ^  as  belong- 
ing to  the  latest  development  of  Judaism  —  a  development  in 
which  a  universal  and  transcendental  outlook  appears  as  the 
principal  characteristic  instead   of  the    national   and   earthly. 

1  Cf.  Lucke  I,  Hilgeiifeld  Jwl.  Apokalyptik,  Baldensperger  172  ff.,  Bousset 
,fiid.  Apok.  and  Judenthuin  230  ft'.,  Volz  4  ff.,  Druinmond  3  ff..  Porter  Messages 
uf  the  Apoc.  writers,  the  articles  in  Hast.  Enc.  Bib.  and  the  Jewish  Enc.  For 
the  hterature  deaUng  with  each  of  the  apocalyptic  writings  respectively,  see 
p.  181,  Schiii-er  HI  188  ff.  2  p.  63  ff. 


APOCALYPTIC   LITERATURE  167 

While  the  expectations  of  both  prophecy  and  apocalyptic  cen- 
ter in  a  coming  messianic  era,  that  is,  in  a  final  era  in  which 
the  kingdom  of  God  will  be  established,  the  former  conceives 
this  kingdom  chiefly  in  political  and  earthly  aspects,  the  latter 
in  those  that  are  non-political  and  supernatural.  The  main 
interest  of  the  one  is  mundane  ;  of  the  other  supermundane. 
The  principal  elements  in  the  messianic  hope  of  'pro'phery  are 
the  Day  of  Jehovah,  in  which  punishment  will  be  meted  out  to 
the  heathen  and  faithless  Israelites  ;  the  deliverance  of  God's 
people  from  all  their  enemies  ;  the  institution  of  Jehovah's 
kingdom  in  Palestine  and  the  extension  of  its  power  over  all 
the  GentilcvS  ;  the  return  of  the  scattered  Israelites  ;  the  resto- 
ration of  Jerusalem  in  great  splendor  ;  the  presence  of  God  in 
his  temple  ;  the  reign  of  a  Davidic  Messiah  in  an  era  of  perfect 
peace  and  glory.  On  the  other  hand  in  apocalyptic  the  princi- 
pal factors  of  the  eschatological  hope  are  the  advent  of  the 
'  coming  age,'  spiritually  perfect  in  contrast  with  this  '  present 
age '  hopelessly  corrupt  ;  the  universal  judgment,  not  of  Jew 
and  Gentile  as  such,  but  of  the  righteous  and  the  wicked,  not 
of  men  only  but  also  of  angels  and  spirits  ;  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead ;  the  everlasting  destruction  of  the  power  of  Satan 
and  his  hosts  ;  the  superhuman  Messiah  reigning  with  God  in 
a  renewed  heaven  and  earth  ;  eternal  life  in  the  presence  of 
God  and  the  Messiah  for  the  righteous,  and  for  the  unrighteous 
unending  punishment  in  Gehenna.  By  apocalyptic  literature 
then  is  generally  meant  those  writings  which  contain  this 
latter  form  of  eschatological  hope  in  whole  or  in  part. 

Apocalypse.  aTroKaAvi/'ts,  aTroKaXuVretv,  a  term  occurring  in  various  but 
kindred  senses  in  the  Septuagint  and  the  New  Testament,  is  common  in 
the  latter  with  the  special  significance  of  a  supei-natural  unveiling,  revela- 
tion, of  divine  mysteries,  of  the  unknown  and  hidden  things  pertaining  to 
the  kingdom  of  God  and  divine  truth.  In  2  Co.  12i-'^  Paul  uses  it  with 
reference  to  his  ecstasies  or  visions ;  and  similarly  it  is  used  in  Rev.  1*,  as 
a  descriptive  title  of  the  unveiling,  the  revelation,  given  by  God  of  the 
consummation  of  his  kingdom  as  recorded  in  this  book  (cf.  Thayer,  West- 
cott,  Introd.  34  ff.).  It  is  not  here  a  title  designating  the  book  as  an 
apocalypse,  that  is,  as  belonging  to  a  class  of  books  called  apocalypses. 
But  from  the  use  of  the  word  in  this  opening  description  the  book  came 
subsequently  to  receive  the  title,  the  Apocalypse  of  John,  and  pseu- 
depigraphic  writings  of  a  later  date,  containing  professed  visions  of  the 
future,  adopted  the  title,  e.g.  the  Apocalypse  of  Peter,  the  Apocalypse   o/" 


168  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

Paul.  As  a  name  of  a  type  of  literature  apocalypse  then  is  subsequent  to 
the  time  of  our  book  (cf.  Zahn  Ebi.  II.  596).  The  distinction  between  the 
author's  use  of  the  word  in  the  opening  verse  and  that  of  the  title  given  to 
the  book  in  /«/r/-  time  is  shown  by  the  defining  words  in  each  case ;  in  the 
former  the  meaning  is  the  revelation  given  by  God  of  the  mysteries  de- 
scribed ;  in  the  latter  the  Apocalypse  of,  i.e.  written  by,  John. 

Modern  writers  taking  the  word  apocalyj^se  in  its  generic 
sense  have  applied  the  adjective  apocalyptic  to  all  writings 
whether  Jewish  or  Christian  which  possess  in  common  certain 
characteristic  forms  appearing  in  the  Apocalypse  of  John  and 
which  contain  an  unveiling,  a  revelation,  real  or  fictitious,  of 
events  and  doctrines  of  the  Last  Things  as  these  are  conceived 
in  the  later,  transcendental,  eschatology  spoken  of  above. ^  It 
is  thus  that  such  pre-Christian  writings  as  the  Book  of  Daniel, 
the  Book  of  Enoch,  as  well  as  late  Jewish  books,  e.g.  2  Esdras, 
are  called  apocalyptic.  The  word  is  also  applied  in  cases 
where  these  eschatological  ideas  are  found,  though  not  in  the 
form  of  a  professed  revelation,  e.g.  the  Psalms  of  Solomon.  A 
curious  feature  in  many  apocalyptic  writings  is  the  writer's 
interest  in  fancies  pertaining  to  the  physical  universe,  the  phe- 
nomena of  nature  and  the  heavenly  bodies  ;  these  are  a  part 
of  the  secrets  unveiled  in  the  alleged  revelations.  Consider- 
able portions  of  the  Book  of  Enoch  are  taken  up  with  such 
subjects.  2 

The  two  classes  of  hopes  styled  by  modern  writers,  the  one  prophetic, 
the  other  apocalyptic,  clearly  belong  to  different  stages  of  religious 
thought.  It  is  desirable  therefore  to  give  them  distinct  names ;  but  it  can 
hardly  be  questioned  that  those  now  in  common  use  are  not  happily  chosen 
as  titles  mutually  exclusive ;  for  prophecy  which  in  its  essential  character 
is  a  divine  message  relating  to  religious  and  ethical  truth,  calling  to  present 
duty,  is  not  wanting  in  the  writings  called  apocalyptic ;  and  on  the  other 
hand  apocalyptic  ideas  appear  more  or  less  distinctly  in  writings  which  we 
term  prophetic.  The  apocalyiitic  writings  so  far  as  they  contain  a  product 
of  genuine  revelation  —  and  this  is  undoubtedly  the  case  in  some  instances 
—  are  prophetic.  But  the  older  prophecy  is  chiefly  concerned  with  the  call 
to  present  duty,  and  the  prediction  of  the  future  is  subordinate ;  while 
apocalyptic  prophecy,  though  containing  a  moral  and  religioiis  appeal  to  its 
readers,  is  occupied  predominantly  with  the  future.  Such  writings  then  as 
the  Book  of  Daniel,  the  Rev.  of  John,  Is.  24-27,  ]\It.  24-2.5,  belong  to 
apocalyptic  prophecy,  that  is,  they  are  both  prophetic  and  apocalyptic. 

1  p.  03  ff.  2  17_36,  72-82  ;  cf.  SI.  En.  passim. 


CHARACTERISTICS  169 

Characteristics  of  Apocalyptic  Literature.  The  various 
writings,  or  parts  of  writings,  styled  apocalyptic,  notwith- 
standing many  minor  differences,  agree  so  far  in  certain  lead- 
ing features  as  to  justify  the  grouping  of  them  into  a  special 
class  with  a  designation  of  its  own.  Of  these  characteristic 
features  the  most  fundamental  is  found  in  the  group  of  escha- 
tological  expectations  and  beliefs,  which  speaking  in  a  general 
way  we  may  say  are  common  to  the  class.  A  survey  sufficient 
for  our  purpose  of  this  apocalyptic  form  of  eschatology  has 
been  given  above,  and  the  distinction  pointed  out  between  the 
apocalyptic  and  the  older  prophecy. ^  It  is  first  of  all  in  these 
religious  and  eschatological  ideas  that  the  distinctiveness  of 
these  writings  as  a  type  of  literature  consists.  But  there  are 
also  certain  other  characteristics  of  a  more  external  and  formal 
kind,  the  recognition  of  which  will  not  only  define  the  class 
more  clearly,  but  will  also  serve  to  prevent  the  misinterpreta- 
tion of  many  passages  found  in  literature  of  this  nature. 

(1)    Visions  and  raptures.     The  highly  elaborated  vision,  or 

similar  mode  of  revelation,  is  the  most  distinctive  feature  in 

the  form    of    apocalyptic    literature.      The    subject    matter    is 

attributed   by   the  authors  to  a  special    revelation,  commonly 

given  in  visions,  ecstasies,  or  raptures  into  the  unseen  world. 

It   is   true   that  in  the  older  prophecy  the  vision  is  not  only 

mentioned  as  a  means  of  revelation,  but  also  descriptions  are 

given  of  the  concrete  pictures  unfolded  to  the  prophet ;  ^  such 

pictures  however  are  brief,  simple,  and  altogether  subordinate 

as  constitutive  factors.     It  is  in  the  book  of  Ezekiel,  who  at 

least  in  this  respect  shows  a  tendency  toward  the  apocalyptic, 

that  we  first  find  highly  elaborated  visions  forming  an  essential 

element  of  the  work.^     And  this  characteristic  becomes  more 

distinct  and  fundamental  in  the  apocalyptic  literature  proper. 

Here  the  vision  or  rapture  is  a  literary  form  wrought  out  with 

great  fullness   of  details,  often  with  strange    symbolism    and 

with  fantastic  imagery.     Examples  of  such  constitutive  traits 

are  the  vision  of  the  four  beasts  and  that  of  the  ram  and  the 

he-goat   in   Daniel  ;  ^  the  vision  of  the  bullock,  the  sheep  and 

1  p.  167.  2  cf.  Is.  61-S  Am.  8i,  Jer.  1".  is. 

*  Cf.  the  vision  of  the  tlu'one-chariot,  1-3,  the  rapture  visions  in  8-11,  40-48, 
cf.  also  371-".  -i  7-8. 


170  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

the  seventy  shepherds  in  Enoch  ^  symbolizing  human  history  to 
the  establishment  of  the  messianic  kingdom  ;  the  visions  given 
to  Enoch  in  a  rapture  through  the  unknown  regions  of  the 
earth,  through  Hades  and  the  heavens,^  unveiling  the  secrets 
of  nature,  and  the  final  abodes  of  the  rigliteous  and  the 
wicked ;  the  vision  in  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  of  the  forest 
trees  and  the  vine,^  and  that  of  the  lightning-crowned  cloud 
pouring  down  twelve  showers  of  dark  and  bright  waters,"^  sym- 
bolizing the  fortunes  of  Israel,  the  '  messianic  woes '  and  the 
triumph  of  the  Messiah  ;  the  vision  in  Second  Esdras  of  the 
mourning  woman  transfigured,  symbolizing  the  final  glorifica- 
tion of  afflicted  Zion,^  and  that  of  the  eagle  *"  picturing  the 
final  destruction  of  the  world  power,  Rome  ;  the  revelations 
given  in  a  rapture  through  the  seven  heavens,  which  form  the 
principal  contents  of  Slavonic  Enoch  ;  the  visions  and  raptures 
of  the  Revelation  of  John.  It  is  this  fundamental  place  of  the 
vision,  or  similar  mode  of  unveiliny  hidden  things  (apocalypse) 
in  these  writings,  that  has  given  them  the  name  apocalyptic. 

(2)  Mysteriousness.  It  is  characteristic  of  these  writings 
that  the  revelations,  or  half  revelations,  are  often  given  in 
strange,  unintelligible  forms.  The  symbolical  beasts  are  un- 
imaginable monsters  with  their  many  heads  and  horns  springing 
out  and  warring  one  with  another ;  ''  inanimate  objects  are 
represented  with  attributes  of  men  and  animals ;  ^  the  extraor- 
dinary and  unnatural  are  preferred  to  the  ordinary  and  natural.^ 
Hence  a  standing  feature  is  the  interpreter  explaining  the 
visions,  allegories,  and  symbols  ;  sometimes  this  is  God  himself  j^*^ 
but  commonly  an  angel,^^  in  accordance  with  the  great  promi- 
nence assigned  to  the  agency  of  angels  throughout  this  literature.^ 
This  element  of  mysteriousness  is  probably  due,  at  least  in  part, 
to  the  thought  that  the  great  secrets  treated  of  could  l)e  com- 
municated only  under  such  mysterious  forms  ;    and  notwith- 

1  85-90.  2  i7_36.  3  36-38.  ■»  53-74.  5  9_io. 

6  11-12.  ■?  Dan.  7  f.,  2  Es.  11  f.,  Rev.  13,  17. 

8  Dau.  78,  Ap.  Bar.  36,  En.  86-88,  Rev.  9i. 

9  Cf.  Ap.  Bar.  29,  73Kf-,  En.  lO^^ff-,  80,  2  Es.  5*-9,  Sib.  Or.  III.  796  ff.,  Rev. 
5»-8,  87-12,  9M1.  10  Ap.  Bar.  38  ff.,  2  Es.  13i3 ff-. 

11  Dan.  716 ff.,  316 ff.,  En.  I2,  Ap.  Bar.  55  ff.,  2  Es.  1029ff-,  Rev.  li,  171. 

12  p.  70. 


CHARACTERISTICS  171 

standing  the  presence  of  the  interpreter  there  remains  a  large 
element  of  vagueness  and  uncertainty,  of  designed  enigma, 
especially  in  predictions  of  the  future.  The  significance  of  the 
writings  in  tlieir  general  import  was  doubtless  made  intelligible 
to  the  readers,  while  many  details  must  have  been  altogether 
obscure.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  even  the  writer  himself,  in 
order  to  give  his  picture  fullness  and  power,  or  mysteriousness, 
sometimes  introduced  touches  to  which  he  did  not  attach  a 
separate  meaning  in  themselves.  A  specific  meaning  in  every 
detail  can  no  more  be  sought  in  an  elaborate  vision  than  in  the 
parables  of  our  Lord,^  or  in  the  ornate  picture  of  a  Homeric 
simile.  The  significance  of  the  representation  is  contained  in 
the  leading  factors,  while  details  are  often  designed  only  to  give 
life  and  color. 

(3)  lAterary  Dependence.  The  apocalypses  are  not  through- 
out the  primary  sources  of  the  material  which  they  contain. 
The  apocalyptist  is  not  essentially  an  originator ;  he  adopts, 
transforms,  interprets  apocalyptic  matter  already  at  hand. 
The  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament  writers,  their  visions, 
imagery  and  symbolism,  entered  largely  into  these  compositions, 
as  did  also  popular  traditions  and  conceptions  in  which  were 
enshrined  as  in  folk-lore,  myths  and  fancies  belonging  to  the 
Hebrews  and  other  orientals  in  common.  The  apocalypses  do 
not  spring  from  the  professional  scribes  or  the  official  class ; 
they  are  for  the  most  part  folk -literature ;  hence  folklore 
popular  legends  and  ideas  inherited  or  adopted  from  a  non- 
Hebrew  source  could  the  more  easily  have  found  their  way 
into  this  field.  Thus  not  only  the  general  outlines  of  the  future 
age,  the  coming  judgment,  the  messianic  glory  are  stereotyped 
elements  following  out  and  transforming  the  lines  of  older 
prophecy,  but  also  many  characteristic  details  are  only  slightly 
varied  uses  of  a  store  of  traditional  material  from  which  all 
alike  draw.^  Each  writer  borrows  from  his  predecessor  and 
from  common  tradition.  Examples  of  sucli  dependence  are  the 
frequently  recurring  representations  of  the  series  of  world-king- 
doms determined  by  symbolical   numbers,    four,    seven,   etc.; 

1  Cf.  Trench,  Notes  on  the  Parables  III. 

2  Cf.  Gunkel  225  f.,  Bousset,  Antichrist  6  ff. 


172  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

kings  and  empires  under  the  form  of  animals  with  heads  and 
horns  symbolically  numbered ;  the  dragon-form  of  the  arch- 
enemy ;  portents  in  the  heavens  and  the  earth ;  the  emergence 
of  the  apocalyptic  beasts  from  the  sea ;  the  trumpet-call  usher- 
ing in  the  great  day.  The  Book  of  Daniel,  the  first  great 
apocalypse,  established  the  norm  which  later  writers  followed 
more  or  less  closely  in  certain  ideas  and  in  forms,  symbols,  and 
general  structure.  Very  wide  also  was  the  influence  of  such 
passages  as  Isaiah  13-14,  Ezekiel  1,  28-39,  Joel  2-3,  Zechariah 
9-14.  In  some  instances  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  writer 
has  taken  over  and  adopted  familiar  pictures  containing  minor 
details  which  are  not  strictly  applicable  to  his  purpose,  using 
the  representation  because  of  its  significance  as  a  whole. ^  Such 
an  origin  may  sometimes  account  for  traits  which  would  other- 
wise give  insoluble  difficulty  to  the  interpreter.  It  is  not 
however  to  be  supposed  that  the  apocalyptist  is  altogether 
wanting  in  originality,  or  real  spiritual  vision.  Our  great 
apocalypses  without  doubt  contain,  if  not  new  religious  concep- 
tions, at  least  new  inventions  -of  the  religious  imagination, 
probably  in  some  cases,  we  may  say,  new  forms  of  vision.  A 
more  mechanical  dependence  also  appears  in  the  writings  as  now 
extant;  as  they  have  come  down  to  us  they  are  nearly  all  seen 
by  critical  analysis  to  consist  of  compilatiojis  from  different 
documents,  with  and  without  revision,  and  to  contain  additions 
by  later  hands.  But  of  the  two  canonical  apocalypses,  the 
Book  of  Daniel  is  commonly  regarded  as  essentially  a  unit ;  the 
unity  of  the  Revelation  of  John  will  be  discussed  below.^ 

(4)  Pseudo7iymity.  The  apocalypses,  with  the  exception  of 
the  Rev.  of  John,^  were  attributed  to  authors  of  an  age  long 
past.  They  purport  to  contain  revelations  given  to  such  men 
of  antiquity  as  Moses,  Enoch,  Isaiah,  Baruch,  Ezra,  and  the  like. 
The  Revelation  of  John  however  in  this  as  in  many  other  re- 
spects differs  from  the  other  apocalypses.  The  apocalyptists 
were  probably  led  to  attribute  their  writings  to  some  great 
name  of  the  past  because  they  were  conscious  that  they  could 
not  speak  to  their  generation  in  their  own  name  with  the  power 

1  cf_  p.  171.  2  pp.  216  ff.  '  Also  the  .Shepherd  of  Hennas. 


CHARACTERISTICS  173 

of  an  independent  prophet.  The  age  of  the  great  prophets  had 
passed  away.  It  was  so  far  a  time  of  spiritual  decline,  that  no 
one  was  sent  with  an  Isaian  trumpet-call  to  duty ;  no  one  could 
come  with  the  cry,  '  Thus  saith  the  Lord,'  and  meet  with  believ- 
ing acceptance.  The  apocalyptists  stand  on  a  lower  plane  of 
inspiration  and  mission ;  their  office  is  preeminently  to  hold  up 
as  motives  promises  of  the  future,  (renuine  visions  they  in  some 
cases  undoubtedly  received,  but  the  commission  was  not  that  of 
the  direct  personal  preacher ;  it  was  rather  to  write  a  revelation 
of  the  unfolding  of  God's  promises  made  of  old  to  his  people. 
The  roots  of  their  prediction  lie  in  the  past,^  and  they  not 
unnaturally  then  speak  as  if  from  the  past.  As  the  whole 
course  of  world-history  to  its  consummation  —  a  favorite  theme 
with  them  —  is  one,  they  carry  back  to  the  past  the  visions  of 
the  end ;  and  the  correspondence  of  a  part  of  the  assumed  pre- 
dictions with  the  known  facts  of  past  history,  and  the  authority 
of  a  great  name,  give  credibility  to  the  forecasts  of  the  future. 
This  professed  ancient  authorship,  once  established  as  a  charac- 
teristic of  apocalyptic  writing,  came  to  be  adopted  by  inferior 
writers  and  imitators  as  a  mere  literary  form.  But  when  as  in 
the  New  Testament  age  prophecy  revives  again,  and  one  like  the 
author  of  the  Revelation  of  John  comes  forth  with  the  conscious- 
ness of  a  real  prophetic  commission, ^  he  speaks  in  his  own  name. 
That  writings  inspired  with  a  strong  moral  and  religious  purpose 
should  be  attributed  to  assumed  names  may  seem  to  our  modern 
minds  inexplicable  ;  but  such  was  not  the  case  with  the  ancients, 
especially  the  Hebrews.  First  of  all,  the  material  of  the  apoca- 
lypses being,  as  seen  above,  largely  derived  from  earlier  sources, 
the  writers  doubtless  often  regarded  their  works  not  so  much 
their  own  as  those  of  some  great  personage  of  the  past.  The 
procedure  seen  here  is  not  very  different  from  the  common 
literary  device  of  putting  into  the  mouths  of  persons  of  another 
time  speeches,  poetic  utterances,  and  the  like  which  perhaps 
tradition  attributed  to  them  and  which  were  appropriate  to 
them.  At  all  events  pseudonymity  was  a  common  literary 
characteristic  of  these  centuries,  and  does  not  by  any  means  in 
all  cases  show  a  disregard  of  truthfulness,  or  an  intention 
actually  to  deceive  in  the  interest  of  the  author  or  his  cause. 
1  Cf.  p.  171.  2  See  p.  292. 


174  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

Pseudonymous  writings  appear  at  this  time  in  great  numbers 
among  the  Greeks  and  Hebrews  alike,  especially  at  Alexandria.^ 

It  should  be  distinctly  observed  that  when  the  characteristics 
of  apocalyptic  literature  mentioned  above  are  attributed  to  the 
Book  of  Daniel  or  the  Revelation  of  John,  these  books  of  our 
Bible  are  not  robbed  of  their  religious  value  or  their  canonical 
rank.  There  is  nothing  in  these  features  of  their  construction 
which  would  render  their  visions  and  revelations  less  real  than 
those  of  Isaiah  or  St.  Paul.  There  can  be  no  question  that  in 
many  of  the  pseudepigraphic  writings  the  visions  described  are 
pure  inventions  adopted  as  a  part  of  the  literary  form.  But 
in  these  two  books  at  least,  the  reality  of  a  great  spiritual 
ecstasy,  of  a  supernatural  unfolding  of  things  seen  only  by  the 
inner  eye,  stands  upon  the  same  ground  of  credibility  as  in  the 
other  visions  and  revelations  of  the  prophets  and  of  the  New 
Testament.  Neither  dependence  upon  earlier  sources  nor 
minute  study  in  the  elaboration  of  details  in  the  record  of  the 
visions  is  in  itself  a  mark  of  fictitiousness.  The  greatest  of  the 
prophets  derived  material  from  their  predecessors,  as  for  ex- 
ample Isaiah  from  Amos  and  Hosea,^  and  Ezekiel  from  Jere- 
miah.^ And  visions  assume  the  forms  of  familiar  objects  ; 
traditional  ideas  and  imagery  give  them  their  characteristic 
features.  EzekieFs  great  vision  in  his  opening  chapter  con- 
tains a  striking  combination  of  traditional  Hebrew  and  Baby- 
lonian figures.*  The  more  thoroughly  the  mind  of  the  seer  is 
permeated  with  the  imagery  and  symbolism  of  his  predecessors, 
the  more  certainly  would  his  vision  in  a  state  of  ecstasy  bor- 
row leading  traits  from  these.  In  the  study  of  the  Revelation 
of  John  it  will  be  seen  that  the  visions  are  to  a  very  large 
extent  composed  of  factors  evidently  suggested  by  the  Old 
Testament  and  other  sources,  yet  transformed  and  brought 
into  new  combinations  with  the  freedom  of  an  independent 
seer.  It  is  moreover  of  fundamental  importance  in  studying 
this  book  to  remember  that  it  is  not  a  description  penned  while 
the  visions  were  still  present  with  the  author,  while  he  was 
still  in  a  state  of  ecstasy  ;  it  is  a  record  made  subsequently, 

1  Holtzm.  Bin.  192  f.,  Jiilicher  42.  2  Cf.  W.  R.  Smith  Prophets  209. 

3  Cf.  Davidson  Ezek.  in  CB.,  p.  xix  f.  4  cf.  Stade  290  f. 


OCCASION  175 

after  he  had  left  Patmos.^  The  book  then  is  a  definitely 
planned  work  to  put  before  the  readers  the  great  revelations 
which  had  been  given  to  the  Prophet  in  his  visions.  And  it  is 
easy  to  understand,  or  rather  it  is  scarcely  possible  not  to  sup- 
pose, that  the  stupendous  scenes  unfolded  before  the  Seer's 
view  defied,  perhaps,  his  own  power  to  grasp  fully,  certainly  his 
power  to  portray.  These  revelations  surpass  in  awful  gran- 
deur, in  profound  religious  value  and  in  fullness  of  scope,  all 
other  apocalypses,  and  the  writer  labors  with  all  the  resources 
which  he  can  summon  to  his  aid  to  present  them  to  his  readers 
with  vividness  and  power.  While  the  work  in  its  fundamental 
conceptions  must  belong  to  his  memory  of  his  visions,  yet 
much  also  both  in  the  framework  and  the  details  must  be  due 
to  his  conscious  effort  as  a  literary  artist  struggling  to  give  in 
familiar  apocalyptic  form  and  manner  a  presentation  of  the 
truths  revealed  in  his  ecstatic  experiences.  The  plan,  minutely 
organized  with  the  structure  of  an  elaborate  outline,  with  in- 
tricately interwoven  threads,  bears  frequent  traces  of  a  prophet 
who  is  working  consciously  to  embody  truth  seized  in  an 
ecstasy  rather  than  to  describe  symbols  actually  seen.  Some- 
thing of  the  same  studied  effort,  though  on  an  inferior  plane 
and  carried  out  with  far  less  brilliancy  of  religious  imagination, 
appears  in  the  closing  vision  of  Ezekiel  (40-48)  and  in  the 
Book  of  Daniel.  The  writer's  conformity  to  a  particular  type 
of  literature  is  not  unlike  that  of  the  prophets  and  psalmists 
who  adopt  the  forms  of  Hebrew  poetry,  or  that  of  the  authors 
of  the  Book  of  Job  and  the  Song  of  Solomon,  who  have  put 
their  message  in  the  form  of  lyrical  drama.  In  none  of  these 
cases  does  the  conscious  elaboration  of  the  form  affect  the 
canonical  rank  of  the  work. 

The  Occasion  of  the  Apocalyptic  Writings.  The  origin 
of  the  apocaly23tic  writings  is  found  in  the  religious  and  polit- 
ical condition  of  the  Jews  in  the  three  centuries  of  the  period 
in  which  falls  the  birth  of  Christ.  They  are  born  of  the  dis- 
tress, spiritual  and  civil,  of  the  times.  As  the  writers  look 
out  upon  it,  the  world  is  full  of  wickedness,  sin  is  triumphant, 
the  godly  are  afflicted,  evil  spirits  are  mightier  than  the  powers 
of  goodness,  the  kingdom  of  God's  people  is  overthrown,  and  a 

1 1». 


176  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

galling  subjection  to  Gentile  rule  continues  from  generation  to 
generation.  The  present,  whether  for  the  righteous  individual 
or  for  God's  kingdom,  is  an  era  of  great  darkness,  and  the 
immediate  future  offers  only  an  outlook  still  darker.  '  For 
look,  how  much  the  world  shall  be  weaker  through  age,  so 
much  the  more  shall  evils  increase  upon  them  that  dwell 
therein,  .  .  .  for  the  world  is  set  in  darkness  and  they  that 
dwell  therein  are  without  light.' ^  Where  are  the  blessings 
foretold  by  the  fathers  and  the  prophets,  where  the  happiness 
and  prosperity  promised  to  the  godly,  where  the  glory  prom- 
ised to  the  kingdom  ?  In  these  dark  questionings  touching  the 
righteousness  and  faithfulness  of  God,  touching  the  truth  of 
the  prophets,  the  devout  Jew  with  invincible  faith  turns  away 
from  the  hopeless  present  to  the  future  ;  he  catches  revelations, 
apocalypses,  of  a  not  far-off  coming  of  God,  of  a  day  of  deliv- 
erance and  recompense,  of  the  fulfillment  of  the  yet  unfulfilled 
prophecies.  At  the  same  time  the  historical  experiences  of  the 
nation  and  the  influence  of  surroundings  have  broadened  and 
modified  the  outlook  of  the  apocalyptist ;  his  vision  of  the 
future  has  become  more  spiritual,  wider  in  scope,  to  a  larger 
degree  supermundane.  It  is  in  these  circumstances  that  he 
appears  as  a  prophet  to  bring  a  needed  message  to  his  time. 
He  raises  a  voice  of  warning  against  the  prevailing  iniquity, 
whether  in  Israel  or  among  the  Gentiles,  declaring  the  certain 
and  awful  vengeance  soon  to  be  revealed  ;  but  chiefly  he  seeks 
to  comfort  and  encourage  the  suffering  and  despairing.  In 
the  midst  of  bitter  trials,  and  in  face  of  those  more  bitter 
about  to  come,  he  appears  with  his  vision  of  sure  deliverance 
and  final  glory  to  revive  hope,  to  stay  up  faith,  to  fortify 
endurance.  He  unfolds  a  future  which  shall  show  to  Israel 
and  the  world  that  God  is  just  and  righteous,  that  he  is  faith- 
ful to  his  promises,  that  he  is  gracious  to  give  their  recompense 
to  his  righteous  servants.  This  is  the  great  purpose  of  the 
apocalypses  in  general.  And  the  deeper  the  distress  of  the 
times  and  the  more  threatening  the  nearer  future,  the  more 
glowing  becomes  the  apocalyptic  picture  of  the  end.  A  tend- 
ency toward  the  apocalyptic  in  both  spirit  and  form  begins  to 
show  itself  in  the  prophets  who  arose  in  the  trials  of  the  exilic 

1  2  Es.  1417  ff, 


PRIOR  TO   DANIEL  177 

and  earlier  part  of  tlie  post-exilic  age,  but  it  was  the  time  of 
Aiitioclius  Epiphanes,  with  its  awful  persecutions,  that  pro- 
duced the  first  distinct  apocalyptic  book,  so  far  as  known  to 
us,  the  Book  of  Daniel.  The  various  writings  grouped  together 
in  the  Book  of  Enoch  belong  to  the  second  and  first  centuries 
before  Christ,  a  period  of  almost  unbroken  trouble  from  inter- 
nal strife,  apostasy,  and  fierce  conflict  without  ;  the  Psalms  of 
Solomon  fall  in  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  by 
Pompey  ;  the  Assumption  of  Moses  shortly  before,  and  the 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  and  2  Esdras  shortly  after,  the  tribula- 
tion attending  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus ;  the 
Revelation  of  John  in  a  period  in  which  the  Roman  persecu- 
tion of  the  Church  had  already  begun,  and  still  fiercer  woes 
were  threatening. 

The  Jewish  Apocalyptic  Writings.  Apocalyptic  tendencies  in 
the  Old  Testament  prior  to  the  Book  of  Daniel.  Reference  has 
already  been  made  to  Ezekiel  as  marking  in  some  respects  a 
transition  from  the  older  prophetic  type  to  the  apocalyptic. 
Ezekiel's  activity  coincides  with  the  great  crisis  of  the  nation's 
downfall  in  the  Babylonian  captivity ;  and  while  much  of  his 
book  is  occupied  with  denunciation  of  Israel's  sin  and  announce- 
ment of  inevitable  punishment  in  the  doom  of  the  nation,  his 
vision  passes  on  through  this  calamitous  period  to  a  restoration, 
a  sublime  redemption ;  and  his  picture,  notwithstanding  its 
features  of  local  and  political  glory  after  the  manner  of  the 
older  prophets,  is  full  of  profound  spiritual  significance.^  The 
Prophet's  idea  of  God  is  more  transcendental,  his  universalism 
more  distinctly  religious,  his  outlook  more  eschatological ;  he 
announces  clearly  the  religious  significance  of  the  individual,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  nation.  With  him  begins,  as  already  pointed 
out,  the  elaborate  vision  as  a  literary  form,  the  prominence  of 
angels  as  the  agents  of  God,  the  prediction  of  an  assault  by  the 
combined  world  powers  (Gog  and  Magog )  upon  God's  j)eople  in 
the  'latter  days,'  the  idea  of  a  world-judgment. ^  The  influence 
of  his  conceptions  and  his  literary  manner  appear  widely  in 
the  apocalypses  in  later  times,  especially  in  the  Revelation  of 
John.  '  If  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  [of  John]  be  a  purer 
poet  than  Ezekiel,  the  prophet  has  given  him  his  inspiration 

1  Cf.  Davidson  Ezek.  in  CB.  287  ff.,  Stade  293  f.  2  Cf.  Stade  295. 


178  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

and  furnished  him  with  materials  for  his  most  splendid  crea- 
tions.'^  Second  Isaiah  (Is.  40-6(3),  generally  placed  by  critics 
near  the  end  of  the  exilic  period,^  presents  an  interesting  com- 
parison and  contrast  with  the  apocalypses.  Like  these  it  is  a 
message  of  consolation  to  Israel  in  affliction,  promising  the  near 
coming  of  Jehovah  to  deliver  ;  but  while  the  promises  are  set  in 
the  national  and  local  framework,  the  vision  of  the  Prophet  is 
constantly  breaking  through  into  a  wider  and  more  spiritual 
outlook.  In  the  supernatural  blessings  to  be  poured  out  upon 
the  land,  in  the  glory  of  (lod's  presence  with  his  people,  in  the 
profoundly  religious  universalism,  in  the  creation  of  a  new 
heaven  and  a  new  earth,  briefly,  in  the  general  spirit  of  the 
prophecies,  the  predominating  tone  is  that  of  the  apocalyptic. 
Similar  in  tone  is  another  post-Isaian  passage,  Is.  13-14^^ 
(commonly  assigned  to  the  closing  years  of  the  exile),  with  its 
picture  of  convulsions  in  the  heavens,  of  woes  and  desolation  in 
the  earth,  its  exultation  over  the  fall  of  the  oppressing  city. 
Here  belongs  also  Is.  34-35,  a  paragraph  of  the  same  or  a  later 
date.  After  the  exile  the  tendency  toward  the  apocalyptic 
shows  itself  frequently  in  the  prophetic  writings  as  preserved. 
In  the  visions  of  Jehovah's  coming  and  the  great  consummation 
to  follow,  the  prophecies  frequently  take  on  the  general  features 
of  the  late  eschatological  representation.  Of  such  a  character 
is  Is.  24-27,  a  vividly  apocalyptic  passage  falling  after  the  exile. 
Apocalyptic  in  tone  and  coloring  is  the  book  of  Joel ;  such  are 
also  Obadiah  vv.  15  ff.,  Zephaniah  with  its  terrible  picture  of 
the  consuming  wrath  of  Jehovah  in  the  Great  Day,  Zechariah 
1-8  with  its  symbolical  visions  interpreted  by  angels.  Second 
Zechariah  (Zech.  9-14)  with  its  prophecy  of  the  final  gathering 
of  the  nations  against  Jerusalem,  Jehovah's  intervention,  the 
salvation  of  his  people,  and  his  universal  recognition. 

The  Book  of  Daniel.  This  book  is  generally  placed  by  scholars 
in  the  closing  years  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  that  is,  not  far 
from  164  B.C.  Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  of  whose  domain 
Judea  now  formed  a  province,  had  entered  on  the  policy  of 
unifying  his  kingdom  by  bringing  all  parts  of  it  to  adopt  the 
Hellenic  civilization  and  with  this  the  Hellenic  religion.     Such 

1  Davidson  op.  cit.  p.  xxvi.  2  Cf.  Driver  Introd.  230  ff.,  Cornill  284  ff. 


DANIEL  179 

a  policy,  though  received  with  sympathy  by  a  party  among  the 
Jews,  was  of  course  immeasurably  abhorrent  to  every  devout 
adherent  of  the  religioil  of  Jehovah ;  and  Antiochus  soon  saw 
that  he  had  raised  up  in  Judea  a  strong  body  of  irreconcilable 
opponents,  near  the  border  of  his  enemies,  the  Ptolemies  of 
Egypt,  and  that  he  could  remove  this  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
his  purposes,  both  internal  and  external,  only  by  extirpating  the 
Jewish  religion.  Accordingly  he  took  possession  of  Jerusalem, 
plundered  the  temple,  slew  many  of  the  people  and  sold  many 
as  slaves,  prohibited  under  penalty  of  death  all  Jewish  religious 
rites  and  introduced  those  of  heathenism ;  on  the  altar  of 
burnt-offering  in  the  temple  was  erected  an  altar  to  Zeus. 
'  The  temple  was  filled  with  riot  and  revelings  by  the  heathen, 
who  dallied  with  harlots,  .  .  .  and  moreover  brought  inside 
things  that  were  not  befitting  ;  and  the  place  of  sacrifice  was 
filled  with  those  abominable  things  which  had  been  prohibited 
by  the  laws.  And  a  man  could  neither  keep  the  Sabbath,  nor 
observe  the  feasts  of  the  fathers,  nor  so  much  as  confess  himself 
to  be  a  Jew,'  2  Mace.  6*  ^^  Both  in  Jerusalem  and  in  the  coun- 
try the  Jews  were  forced  to  join  in  the  heathen  sacrifices  and 
feasts,  to  eat  unclean  food ;  they  were  martyred  for  circumcis- 
ing their  children  and  for  even  possessing  a  copy  of  the  law ;  the 
books  of  the  law  were  rent  in  pieces  and  burnt.  ^  This  was  the 
first  distinctly  religious  persecution  which  the  Jews  had  suffered, 
the  first  era  of  martyrdom.  It  was  in  these  circumstances  that 
the  prophet  of  the  Book  of  Daniel  brought  forward  his  message 
to  strengthen  his  countrymen  in  a  firm  adherence  to  their  law 
and  to  console  them  with  the  certainty  of  an  early  deliverance. 
The  unknown  writer  assumes  as  his  standpoint,  not  his  own  age, 
but  that  of  the  Babylonian  and  Persian  domination  several 
centuries  earlier ;  and  he  puts  his  exhortations  and  revelations 
in  the  form  of  narratives  relating  to  Daniel  and  visions  purport- 
ing to  be  given  to  the  same  Daniel,  who  is  described  as  one  of 
the  Judean  nobles  carried  away  by  Nebuchadnezzar.  How 
much  of  the  story  of  Daniel  is  actual  history,  how  much  tradi- 
tion, and  how  much  is  derived  from  the  author  himself  it  is,  as 
in  the  case  of  Job  and  Jonah,  neither  possible  nor  necessary  to 
determine.  From  whatever  sources  the  author  derived  the 
1  1  Mace.  1-3,  2  Mace.  5-9. 


180  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

external  material  of  his  work,  its  inner  meaning  and  spirit  are 
his  own ;  they  belong  to  his  own  time,  they  are  the  word  of 
God  sent  through  him  to  his  present  suffering  coreligionists. 
The  narratives  form  the  first  part  of  the  book  (1-6)  and  on  the 
one  hand  tell  how  Daniel  and  his  companions,  who  were  sub- 
jected to  trials  similar  to  those  imposed  by  Antiochus,  such  as 
the  eating  of  unhallowed  food  (chapt.  1),  participation  in 
idolatrous  worship  (3),  renunciation  of  prayer  to  their  God 
(6),  adhered  staunchly  to  their  religion  and  were  wonderfully 
delivered  and  rewarded ;  on  the  other  hand  the  narratives  tell 
how  the  Babylonian  kings,  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Belshazzar, 
who  like  Antiochus  had  lifted  themselves  up  against  Jehovah, 
were  humbled  under  his  hand.  The  visions  form  the  distinc- 
tively apocalyptic  part  of  the  book  (7-12).  In  a  series  of 
visions  essentially  parallel,  represented  as  given  to  Daniel  and 
interpreted  by  an  angel,  the  course  of  world-history  is  unfolded 
from  the  Babylonian  domination  to  the  destruction  of  Antio- 
chus' power  and  the  final  consummation  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Under  the  symbol  of  beasts  is  represented  the  succession  of 
world-kingdoms,  four  in  number,^  culminating  in  the  rule  of 
the  '  little  horn,'  ^  Antiochus,  whose  impious  character  and 
deeds  are  described  with  the  definiteness  of  a  contemporary.  ^ 
But  the  end  of  this  distress  is  shown  to  be  near ;  after  three  and 
a  half  years,  '  a  time  and  times  and  half  a  time,'  ^  the  might  of 
Antiochus,  the  last  of  the  anti-theocratic  world-powers,  will  be 
annihilated.  Jehovah  himself  will  come  with  his  hosts, '  a  stone 
cut  out  of  the  mountain  without  hands  '  ^  will  break  in  pieces  the 
world  kingdom  ;  Michael,  the  great  prince,  will  stand  up  for  the 
people  ;  ^  the  judgment  will  be  set  and  the  books  opened ;  '^  those 
that  sleep  in  the  dust  will  awake,  some  to  everlasting  life  and 
some  to  shame  and  everlasting  contempt ;  ^  the  beast  will 
be  slain,  his  -dominion  will  be  taken  away  and  given  to  one 
like  unto  a  son  of  man,^  that  is,  to  the  people  of  the  saints 
of  the  Most  High  ;  ^^^  and  the  messianic  kingdom  in  its  glory 
and  universality  will  be  established  forever.  The  share  of  the 
saints  in   the   messianic   rule  becomes   a  common  doctrine  in 

1  Cf .  Driver  in  Dan.  in  CB.  94  ff.  2  ?»,  89. 

Spf.   724f.     8&-14,  23-25     026  f.     Ipi-lS,  4  725.  5  246.  6  121. 

7710.         '       8  122.  »7Uff..  10727. 


ETHIOPIC   ENOCH  181 

later  Jewish  eschatology  and  passes  over  into  New  Testament 
writers.^ 

The  three  and  a  half  years  spoken  of  in  the  prophecy  may  be  taken  as 
an  approximate  reckoning  of  a  particular  historic  period  ;  but  from  the 
analogy  of  apocalyptic  usage,  according  to  which  numbers  are  oftenest 
symbolical,  and  predictions  of  the  actual  future  are  vague,  it  is  more  likely 
that  the  expression  denotes  merely  a  short  period.  There  is  plausibility  in 
the  view  that  3 J  as  a  symbol  of  a  limited  period  of  calamity  is  primarily 
derived  from  an  Oriental  nature-myth,  representing  perhaps  the  period  of 
winter.  Cf.  Gunkel  Zum  i-eligionsf/esch.  Verstdndniss  79  ff.,  ScJiojifioH/  u. 
Chaos  266  f.,  Jeremias  Bnbi/lonisches  im  N.  T.  43.  But  at  all  events, 
whether  originating  with  our  author,  or  adopted  by  him  from  popular 
usage,  the  term  has  passed  from  the  Book  of  Daniel  to  the  Revelation  of 
John,  as  a  symbolical  designation  of  the  last  brief  but  direful  period  of  the 
sway  of  evil;  Rev.  U^,  126,  135. 

Non- Canonical    Apocalyptic    Writings.  In    the    following 

notice  of  the  other  principal  apocalypses  it  is  obviously  impos- 
sible in  the  space  at  command  to  give  a  full  survey  of  their 
contents,  or  to  take  up  the  critical  questions  connected  with 
them.  Only  such  a  brief  account  can  be  given  as  may  serve  to 
show  their  general  iv^ture,  and  render  more  intelligible  the 
frequent  reference  to  ./>em.2  Ethiopic  Enoch.  The  Book  of 
Enoch,  or  Ethiopic  Enoch,  as  it  is  called  in  distinction  from 
the  recently  discovered  Slavonic  Enoch,  is  a  collection  of  writ- 
ings, commonly  supposed  to  belong  to  the  last  two  centuries 
before  Christ,  and  ascribed  to  Enoch,  '  the  seventh  from 
Adam.' 3  The  record  of  Enoch's  favor  with  God  and  his 
translation  given  in  Genesis  *  caused  Hebrew  tradition  to  at- 
tribute to  him  marvelous  knowledge.  In  his  walk  with  God, 
he  was  made  the  recipient  of  revelations  which  opened  to  him 

1  Cf.  Wis.  38,  516,  Test.  Dan  5i3,  En.  IO812,  Mt.  1928,  1  Co.  62,  2  Tim.  212, 
Rev.  226,  321^  204. 

2  Kautzsch  contains  the  most  important  of  these  writings,  except  Slavonic 
Enoch,  in  a  German  trans,  with  valuable  introductions  and  notes.  They  are 
given  in  Eng.  with  introd.  and  notes  in  Vol.  II.  of  the  great  work  The  Apoc- 
rypha and  Pseudepigrapha  of  the  O.  T.,  edited  by  Charles  in  conjunction  with 
other  scholars  (1913)  ;  the  introductions  there  given  are  invaluable  in  the  study 
of  most  of  the  writings  mentioned  below.  The  S.  P.  C.  K.  has  more  recently 
issued  a  number  of  them  in  inexpensive  vols.,  the  work  of  Charles,  Oesterley, 
and  other  Eng.  authorities.  Invaluable  are  the  critical  and  exegetical  studies 
of  Enoch,  SI.  Enoch,  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  and  others  given 
by  Charles  in  separate  vols. 

3  It  also  contains  material  derived  from  a  lost  '  book  of  Noah, '  which  is  men- 
tioned in  Jub.  1013,  2110.  ^  b^*. 


182  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

the  secrets  of  almost  limitless  knowledge.  Tradition  ascribed 
to  him  the  writing  of  36G  books. ^  It  was  natural  then  that 
many  pseudonymous  writings  should  be  issued  in  his  name  ; 
those  that  have  survived  are  doubtless  but  a  fragment.  A 
number  of  such  writings  (probably  not  less  than  three  or  four, 
in  the  opinion  of  Charles,  five)  were^  united  in  one  book  by  a 
compiler  before  the  end  of  the  last  century  B.C.  Critical 
students  of  the  book  differ  regarding  the  documents  into 
which  it  is  to  be  resolved  and  the  respective  dates  of  these,  but 
most  agree  in  placing  the  oldest  portions  before  160  B.C.  and 
the  latest  before  64  B.C.  The  so-called  Similitudes  (37-70), 
the  most  valuable  portion  of  the  book,  because  containing  the 
fullest  messianic  doctrine,  are  commonly  placed  before  the 
middle  of  the  first  century  B.C.  The  book  was  the  most  influ- 
ential of  all  the  writings  now  held  uncanonical.  It  is  fre- 
quently referred  to  by  other  apocalyptic  writers  and  was  much 
used  by  the  early  Christians.  It  is  quoted  as  a  work  of  genuine 
prophecy  in  the  Epistle  of  Jude  (v.  14),  traces  of  familiarity 
with  it  seem  to  appear  in  other  books  of  the  New  Testament, 
especially  in  the  Revelation,  though  these  may  possibly  be  due 
to  ideas  and  imagery  in  common  currency  at  the  time  ;  it  is 
cited  as  Scripture  in  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,  Tertullian  de- 
fended its  canonicity,  Ireneeus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and 
others  refer  to  it  as  an  authority.  But  in  time  it  passed  into 
disuse  and  disappeared  from  the  literature  known  to  Europeans 
till  in  the  eighteenth  century  it  was  discovered  in  an  Ethiopic 
version  of  the  Old  Testament  Scriptures  of  the  Abyssinian 
Church.  This  Ethiopic  version  was  made  from  a  Greek  version 
(of  which  some  fragments  have  been  discovered  recently),  and 
this  in  turn  from  a  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  original.  The  book 
consists  chiefly  of  revelations  purporting  to  be  given  to  Enoch 
through  visions,  through  journeys  in  the  unknown  regions  of 
the  earth  and  the  heavenly  world,  and  through  the  instructions 
of  angels.  The  subject  matter  embraces  a  very  great  variety 
of  topics.  Some  of  the  most  important  are:  the  coming  of 
God  to  judge  the  world,  to  bless  the  saints  and  to  punish 
wicked  men  and  the  fallen  angels  ;  the  story  of  the  fall  of  the 
angels,  their  baleful  influence  in  the  world,  their  preliminary 

1  SI.  En.  23". 


SLAVONIC  ENOCH  183 

and  final  punishment  ;  the  divisions  of  Hades  for  the  righteous 
and  the  wicked  ;  the  names  and  offices  of  the  archangels  ;  the 
secrets  of  nature  with  the  operations  of  its  forces,  theories 
regarding  the  movements  of  the  sun  and  the  moon,  the  winds 
and  storms,  the  calendar  of  the  year,  and  similar  themes  of 
physical  science  ;  the  person  and  office  of  the  Messiah,  his 
preeminence  above  all  the  angels,  his  preexistence,  his  union 
with  God  in  the  judgment  and  in  the  rule  of  the  final  kingdom, 
his  endowment  with  the  fullness  of  wisdom  and  power,  his 
recognition  by  the  mighty  ones  of  earth  ;  the  final  assault  of 
antitheocratic  powers  upon  Jerusalem  and  their  annihilation  in 
the  depths  of  hell  ;  the  course  of  history  from  Adam  to  the 
establishment  of  the  messianic  kingdom  ;  the  resurrection  of 
the  dead  ;  the  renewal  of  the  heavens,  the  new  Jerusalem  ;  and 
the  final  abode  of  the  righteous  where  they  will  dwell  with 
(jod,  the  Messiah,  and  the  angels.  Nothing  short  of  a  full 
exposition  of  the  contents  of  this  extraordinary  book  can  give 
an  adequate  idea  of  its  value  for  the  history  of  thought  in  the 
New  Testament  era.  '  It  is  quite  plain  that  this  apocalypse 
either  exerted  a  considerable  influence  on  the  generations 
immediately  before  and  contemporary  with  Jesus,  or  at  least 
reflects  a  large  number  of  ideas  which  were  in  the  minds  of 
men  of  these  generations  and  are  not  accounted  for  by  the  Old 
Testament. '  ^ 

Slavonic  Enoch.  Another  fragment,  or  collection  of  frag- 
ments, of  the  Enoch  literature  survives  in  the  Secrets  of  Enoch, 
or  Slavonic  Enoch  as  it  is  called,  because  so  far  as  known  it 
exists  only  in  a  Slavonic  version.  The  original  was  in  Greek 
(perhaps  parts  of  it  in  Hebrew  or  Aramaic).  It  belongs  to 
the  latest  period  of  Judaism,  perhaps  the  first  century  of  our 
era,  but  to  a  time  prior  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  in 
70  A.D.  Although  it  was  well  known  to  Jewish  and  Chris- 
tian writers,  it  passed  from  notice  in  the  earlier  centuries  and 
was  lost  till  it  was  brought  to  light  again  near  the  close  of  the 
last  century. 2     The  contents  consist  mainly  of  Enoch's  jour- 

1  Scott  Rev.  in  The  New  Gent.  Bib.  16. 

2  The  Slavonic  versions  found  at  that  time  in  Russia  and  Serbia  were  first 
seen  by  Charles  to  be  distinct  from  Ethiopic  Enoch,  and  knowledge  of  them 
was  introduced  to  Western  Europe  in  his  Eng.  Ed.  The  Book  of  the  Secrets  of 


184  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

neys  through  the  seven  heavens,  and  what  he  saw  and  heard  in 
each  one  of  these,  and  the  hortatory  discourses  of  Enoch  ad- 
dressed to  his  sons.  The  book  is  especially  valuable  as  giving 
the  fullest  presentation  of  tlie  Jewish  doctrine  of  seven  heavens 
and  their  occupants.  The  abode  of  the  fallen  angels  and  their 
leaders  is  placed  in  the  heavens.  This  representation  throws 
light  on  the  reference  found  in  several  New  Testament  pas- 
sages to  the  ijresence  of  evil  powers  in  the  heavens.  ^  In  the 
third  heaven  is  Paradise  with  the  tree  of  life  and  all  that  is 
beautiful  and  glorious  prepared  to  be  the  abode  of  the  right- 
eous, while  in  the  far-off  northern  regions  of  the  same  heaven 
are  the  places  of  torture  prepared  for  the  wicked.  Tlie  seventh 
lieaven  is  the  abode  of  Clod,  the  jjicture  of  whose  glory  with 
the  orders  of  angels  ranged  about  him  singing  the  Thrice  Holy 
is  similar  to  that  in  the  Revelation.  The  doctrine  of  a  mil- 
lennium seems  to  be  taught,^  though  the  passage  contain- 
ing it  is  obscure.  The  days  of  the  creation  story  are  repre- 
sented as  prophetic  of  the  world's  duration,  a  day  being 
reckoned  as  a  thousand  years  ;  ^  after  the  six  days,  that  is,  after 
6000  years,  follows  the  seventh  day  of  rest,  the  1000  years 
of  the  millennium  ;  then  is  established  the  eighth  day  at 
whose  beginning  there  will  be  'a  time  when  there  is  no 
computation  and  no  end  ;  neither  years,  nor  months,  nor  weeks, 
nor  days,  nor  hours.'*  The  book  is  further  interesting  in  that 
it  contains  a  considerable  number  of  parallelisms  with  the  New 
Testament,^  which,  though  they  may  not  be  the  origin  of  the 
New  Testament  passages,  show  these  to  have  been  influenced 
by  ideas  and  forms  of  expression  current  at  the  time. 

The  Sibylline  Oracles.  These  are  a  collection  of  verses  pur- 

porting to  be  uttered  by  the  ancient  Sibyl.  In  heathen  antiquity 
the  Sibyl  (or  the  Sibyls,  various  opinions  were  held  regarding 

Enoch,  1896.  A  later  Germ.  ed.  of  value  is  Bonwetsch,  Das  slav.  Henoch.  See 
above,  p.  181 ;  further  Volz,  and  Schurer  III.  290  ff. 

1  E.g.  'the  spiritual  hosts  of  wickedness  in  the  heavenly  places,'  Eph.  612 ; 
'there  was  war  in  heaven,'  Rev.  12?  ;  cf.  Col.  I20,  Lk.  IQis. 

2  32  f .  3  Cf .  2  Pet.  38. 

4  332.  But  the  text  and  interpretation  here  are  uncertain.  Volz,  30,  denies 
the  reference  to  a  millennium,  and  takes  the  seventh  day  of  rest  to  be  .similar  to 
the  period  of  '  world-silence '  spoken  of  in  2  Es.  7^,  as  preceding  the  awakening 
to  the  life  of  the  new  seon.  &  Cf.  Charles,  Index  I. 


SIBYLLINE  ORACLES  185 

the  number)  was  a  siip})ose(l  pro})lietess  of  a  bygone  age, 
possessing  inspired  knowledge  of  the  future,  to  whom  were 
attributed  the  so-called  Sibylline  Oraeles.  The  oracles  purport- 
ing to  be  derived  from  this  source  were  sent  throughout  the 
(ireek  and  Roman  world  and  great  authority  was  attached  to 
them,  even  in  important  affairs  of  state.  In  Rome  special  func- 
.tionaries  were  appointed  to  keep  the  olftcial  collection  in  secrecy 
and  to  interpret  them  when  needed  for  state  purposes.  Private 
individuals  also  obtained  and  circulated  oracles  supposedly 
Sibylline.  Of  these  numerous  oracles  nothing  remains  except 
a  few  fragments  which  have  been  handed  down  through  quota- 
tion in  classical  writers.  ^  But  the  Sibylline  Oracles  known  to 
us  are  of  quite  different  origin.  As  early  as  the  second  century 
u.c.  the  Hellenistic  Jews  adopted  this  form  of  literature  as  a 
means  of  propagating  their  religion,  and  in  later  times  Christian 
writers  followed  their  example,  making  use  of  the  Jewish  Sibyl- 
lines,  modifying  them  and  adding  to  them.  Because  of  the 
weight  attaching  to  the  Sibylline  name  and  the  ease  with  which 
the  oracles  could  be  invented  and  circulated  the  form  was  espe- 
cially suited  to  this  purpose,  and  the  heathen  prophetess  was 
made  to  prophesy  of  the  truths  of  Judaism  and  Christianity. 
Such  was  the  origin  of  the  Sibylline  Oracles  that  have  come  down 
to  us.  They  were  held  in  repute  by  Christian  writers  of  the 
earlier  centuries  and  are  frequently  quoted  by  them.  The  gath- 
ering of  them  into  our  present  collection  was  the  work  of  an 
unknown  editor,  probably  of  the  sixth  century ;  and  of  this 
collection  there  exist  books  I-VIII  and  XI-XIV,^  in  all  some 
4000  verses  in  Greek  hexameter  (often  violating  however  the 
fundamental  rules  of  Creek  prosody).  They  not  improbably 
contain  some  paragraphs  worked  over  by  Jewish  writers  from  a 
heathen  source  but  in  the  main  are  of  Hebrew  and  Christian 
origin.  The  part  especially  useful  for  the  study  of  apocalyptic 
literature  is  contained  in  books  III-V,  which  are  generally  held 
to  be  the  earliest  and  of  Hebrew  authorship  (though  with  a 
heathen  groundwork  in  some  passages  and  C'hristian  interpola- 
tions), the  oldest  portions  of  these  being  not  later  than  the 
second  century  B.C.,  that  is,  not  far  from  the  time  of  the  Book 

1  See  Alexandre's  1st  Ed. 

2  Books  XI-XIV  are  sometimes  cited  as  IX-XII. 


186  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

of  DanieL  The  contents  of  this  part  are  a  strange  medley  of 
prophecies  relating  to  the  histories  of  the  various  nations  to 
their  fall ;  predictions  of  the  '  messianic  woes ' ;  portents  and 
the  coming  judgment ;  warnings  and  admonitions ;  promises  of 
the  triumph  of  the  messianic  kingdom,  its  glory  and  universal 
sway.  It  will  be  seen  that  these  books  contain  valuable  docu- 
ments for  the  illustration  of  pre-Christian  conceptions  of  the. 
messianic  age  and  of  the  eschatological  ideas  of  the  time.  The 
other  books  of  the  collection  are,  as  most  scholars  are  agreed, 
late ;  they  are  without  special  value  for  apocalyptic  study.  ^ 

The  Psalms  of  Soloinon.  Frequently  classified  with  the  apoca- 
lyptic writings,  though  diifering  from  them  in  form  and  to  a 
large  extent  in  thought,  is  a  collection  of  eighteen  psalms 
passing  under  the  name  of  Solomon  (this  authorship  is  nowhere 
intimated  in  the  psalms  themselves),  written  by  one  or  more 
authors  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century  B.C.  The  compo- 
sition of  most  of  them,  as  seen  by  internal  evidence,  falls  soon 
after  Pompey's  capture  of  Jerusalem  (63  B.C.).  They  are  pre- 
served in  Oreek,  but  the  original  was  undoubtedly  in  Hebrew. 
They  proceed  from  a  devout  but  strongly  Pharisaic  school,  and 
are  important  not  only  as  illustrating  the  religious  conceptions 
of  Pharisaism  just  before  the  time  of  our  Lord,  but  also  as 
showing  the  persistence  of  the  older  type  of  messianic  expecta- 
tion (quite  different  from  that  of  the  Similitudes  of  Enoch) 
which  appears  frequently  in  the  popular  mind  of  the  New 
Testament  era.  They  also  furnisli  evidence  that  the  expecta- 
tion of  the  messianic  kingdom  and  the  yearning  for  the  coming 
of  the  Messiah  had  at  least  in  some  quarters  again  become 
intense.  Psalms  XVII-XVIII  are  the  principal  messianic 
portion  and  give  the  most  splendid  picture  of  the  person  and 
rule  of  the  messianic  king  found  in  the  literature  of  this  age. 
The  writer  has  not  in  mind  the  restoration  of  a  dynasty  of 
Davidic  princes  but  the  coming  of  a  single  person,  the  son  of 

1  Modern  editions  of  the  text  are  those  of  Alexandre  1841-1856,  containing 
invaluable  excursuses  omitted  in  the  2d  Ed.  1869,  Friedlieb  1852,  Rzach  1891 
(the  most  valuable  for  the  text).  See  above,  p.  181  a.  A  Germ,  trans,  of 
VI-VIII  (with  parts  of  the  remaining  books)  is  contained  in  Hennecke,  N.  T. 
Apokryphen;  introduction  and  notes  to  the  latter  in  Hennecke,  Handbuchz.  d. 
N.   T.  Apncri/ph. 


ODES  OF  SOLOMON  187 

David,  the  Lord's  Anointed,  who  will  establish  the  kingdom  in 
Jernsalem,  driving  the  heathen  (the  Romans)  and  all  sinners 
from  the  holy  land  ;  he  will  restore  the  dispersed  and  will  reign 
in  righteousness,  in  the  fullness  of  wisdom  and  in  the  might  of 
the  Spirit  of  God  ;  the  peoples  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  will 
come  to  behold  his  glory  and  he  will  rule  over  them.  He  is 
not  explicitly  described  as  more  than  man,  nor  as  ruling  forever ; 
yet  there  is  nothing  in  the  hymns  expressly  at  variance  with 
these  ideas.  Traits  of  the  apocalyptic  eschatology  however 
appear  in  other  parts  of  the  collection,  where  the  universal 
takes  the  place  of  the  national ;  the  Day  of  the  Lord  is  a  world- 
judgment  ;  the  distinction  is  general  between  the  righteous  and 
the  wicked ;  the  recompense  of  the  one  is  everlasting  destruc- 
tion and  darkness,  of  the  other,  resurrection  to  eternal  life  — •  a 
life  in  the  light  of  the  Lord.^ 

The  Odes  of  Solomon.  Reference  should  also  be  made  here  to 
a  collection  of  hymns,  called  The  Odes  of  Solomon,  just  brought 
to  light,  which  though,  like  the  Psalms,  not  in  the  usual  form 
of  the  apocalyptic  writings,  are  as  regards  spirit,  and  in  some 
instances  also,  as  regards  doctrine,  in  affinity  with  apocalyptic 
modes  of  thought.  These  Odes  are  mentioned  in  early  lists  in 
connection  with  the  Psalms  of  Solomon,  and  five  of  them  had 
already  been  discovered  and  published  ^  in  the  last  century ; 
but  near  the  close  of  the  first  decade  of  the  present  century  a 
collection  of  42  was  found  by  J.  R.  Harris  in  a  Syriac  version  ^ 
and  published  in  English.*  They  are  placed  by  Harnack  be- 
tween 50  B.C  and  67  A.D.,  and  according  to  his  penetrating  and 
cautious  criticism,  are  Jewish  hymns  subsequently  added  to  and 
modified  by  Christian  hands  ;  but  the  Jewish  and  C-hristian 
elements  can  to  a  very  considerable  extent  be  separated*,  and  the 

1  3i6f._  This  combination  of  fwr;  aluivios  and  0ws  has  the  sound  of  the  Johannine 
writings.  For  the  text  of  the  Psalms  tlie  best  editions  are  Gebhardt  18U5,  and 
the  2d  ed.  of  Swete  1899.  For  critical  study,  Eng.  trans,  etc.,  Ryle  and  James, 
The  Psalms  of  the  Pharisees  1891  is  exhaustive.  See  Kautzsch  and  Charles  re- 
ferred to  above.     For  lit.  see  especially  Schiirer  III  205  ff. 

2  See  Ryle  and  James,  cited  above. 

3  The  original  v^as  apparently  Heb.  or  Aram. 

*  J.  R.  Harris,  The  Odes  and  Psabns  of  Solomon,  now  first  published  from  the 
Syriac  Version.  Cambridge  1909.  Harnack  has  given  a  Germ.  ed.  of  the  Odes 
only,  Ein  judisch-christlich.Psalmbuch  aus  dem  ersten  Jahrhundert  1910.  See 
also  Viteau,  Lespsaumes  de  Salomon  1911. 


188  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

former  constitute  the  principal  part.  The  Odes  are  especially 
valuable  as  reflecting  a  phase  of  Jewish  thought  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  era  ;  and  they  reveal  a  certain  religious  attitude 
not  clearly  seen  in  otlier  Jewish  writings  of  the  time.^  The 
tone  is  that  of  intense  individualism  and  thoroughgoing  uni- 
versalism  ;  the  Jewish  national  idea  nowhere  appears ;  holiness 
is  ethical,  not  ceremonial ;  the  Messiah  and  the  messianic  king- 
dom are  wanting.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  an  eschatology 
embracing  in  its  view  the  resurrection  of  the  saints,  the  renewal 
of  the  world,  Paradise,  eternal  life,  the  kingdom  of  God  l)uilt 
upon  an  immovable  foundation,  which  is  the  destined  abode  of 
the  holy. 

TJie  Testaments  of  the  XII  Patriarchs.  This  is  a  book  in 

twelve  parts  in  which  each  of  the  twelve  Patriarchs  is  repre- 
sented in  turn  as  gathering  his  sons  about  him  in  his  last  hours 
and  giving  them  his  final  message  of  exhortation  and  proph- 
ecy ;  he  tells  them  the  story  of  his  own  life  (sometimes  with 
details  added  to,  or  differing  from,  the  biblical  account),  coun- 
sels them  to  avoid  his  errors,  or  follow  his  virtues,  as  the  case 
may  be,  and  with  prophetic  vision  foretells  the  future  of  the 
tribe  and  the  people.  The  work  has  been  preserved  in  several 
versions,  the  oldest  of  which  is  the  Greek.  ^  The  careful  study 
given  to  the  book  in  recent  times  has  established  its  origin  ;  it 
is  not  as  was  long  supposed  the  work  of  a  Christian  writer,  but 
in  the  main  a  Jewish  work  of  two  or  more  authors,  with  later 
Christian  interpolations.  The  oldest  parts  are  placed  by  some 
in  the  second  century  B.C.,  the  youngest  Jewish  parts  in  the 
earlier  half  of  the  first  century  a.d.  The  Christian  additions 
begin  probably  not  earlier  than  the  second  century  of  our  era. 
Even  if  the  oldest  portions  should  not  be  assigned  to  so  early 
a  date  as  that  given  above,  yet  all  Jewish  portions  belong  to  a 
time   prior   to  the   destruction    of   Jerusalem,    70   a.d.      The 

1  Harnack  regards  their  discovery  as  epoch-making  in  the  higher  criticism  of 
the  Fourth  Gospel,  because  in  his  opinion  they  contain  the  essential  factors  of 
the  Johannine  theology.    Op.  cit.  p.  V.  and  118  ff. 

2  Especially  valual)le  also  is  the  Armenian  version.  All  previous  editions  of 
the  text  have  been  superseded  by  Charles,  The  Greek  Versions  of  the  Testa- 
ments of  the  XII  Patriarchs,  etc.,  1908.  For  Eng.  trans.,  notes,  etc.,  see  his 
Test,  of  the  XII  Pat.  translated  from  the  Editor's  text,  1908.  See  above, 
p.  181;  also  Schiirer  III  330  ff. 


BOOK  OF  JUBILEES  189 

apocalyptic  parts  belong  to  the  Jewish  source.  The  book  then 
is  an  important  witness  to  the  doctrines  of  late  Jewish  esclia- 
tology.  The  ccjuceptions  of  both  the  older,  national,  and  the 
later,  more  transcendental,  forms  of  eschatological  expectation 
are  represented  in  different  parts  of  the  book.  '  On  the  one 
hand  we  hear  of  the  destruction  f)f  Israel's  enemies,  the  king- 
Messiah,  the  final  assault  of  the  nations,  the  splendor  of  Jeru- 
salem, the  return  from  captivity  and  the  gathering  of  the 
dispersed  ;  on  the  other  hand  we  hear  of  the  new  Jerusalem  and 
Paradise,  of  the  resurrection,  the  vanquishment  of  Belial  and 
the  evil  spirits,  of  eternal  blessedness  and  eternal  perdition ' 
(  Volz  28).  The  book  is  rich  in  material  illustrative  of  apoca- 
lyptic ideas,  and  not  a  few  passages  in  the  Revelation  receive 
light  from  it.  Very  interesting  in  the  Testament  of  Levi  (18) 
is  the  representation  that  the  Messiah  is  to  spring  out  of  the 
tribe  of  Levi  and  abide  as  a  priest-king  forever.^ 

The  Book  of  Jubilees.  In  the  form  of  a  revelation  made 
by  '  the  angel  of  the  presence '  to  Moses  on  Mt.  Sinai  in  the 
first  year  after  the  departure  from  Egypt,  the  Book  of  Jubilees 
gives  a  freely  expanded  version  of  the  bil)lical  story  from  the 
creation  to  the  institution  of  the  passover.  The  author  is  a 
Jew  of  the  intense  legalistic  school  writing  near  the  beginning 
of  the  Christian  era,  whether  before  or  after  cannot  be  deter- 
mined certainly,  and  his  purpose  is  to  enforce  in  the  spirit 
of  Pharisaism  the  laws,  ordinances,  and  usages  of  Judaism  by 
showing  them  to  be  divinely  sanctioned  and  to  have  been 
observed  in  the  very  earliest  time.  The  history  contained  in 
the  book  is  arranged  in  chronological  divisions  based  upon  the 
recurrence  of  the  Hebrew  jubilee-year,  and  the  writer  desig- 
nates the  interval  between  two  such  years  as  a  jubilee-period. 
It  is  this  division  of  history  according  to  jubilee-periods  that 
gives  to  the  book  its  name.^  Written  originally  in  Hebrew,  it 
has  come  down  to  us  in  an  Ethiopic  version,^  which  was  discov- 
ered in  the  last  century.*     The  chief  value  of  the  work  con- 

1  Cf.  Ps.  110,  Heb.  7.     For  lit.,  see  above,  p.  181. 

2  It  is  also  called  '  Little  Genesis,'  becaase  it  gives  the  Genesis  history  in  r.-i 
inferior,  not  shorter,  form. 

3  This  was  made  from  a  Gk.  vers.  ;  fragments  of  other  versions  remain. 

^  See  Charles,  The  Book  of  Jubilees,  translated  from  the  Editor^s  Ethiopic 


190  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

sists  in  the  light  it  throws  on  Pharisaism  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment era  and  in  its  eschatology,  though  the  hitter  forms  an 
inconspicuous  factor.  The  author's  standpoint  is  in  the  main 
rigidly  national.  The  enemies  of  Israel  are  to  be  destroyed  ; 
Palestine  is  to  be  the  seat  of  the  divine  kingdom  which  shall 
rule  all  the  world  ;  the  temple  will  be  built  up  in  Jerusalem 
and  God  will  dwell  there  ;  the  Davidic  house  will  reign  for 
ever  ;  it  is  not  clear  whether  a  personal  Messiah  is  expected. 
There  is  no  distinct  mention  of  a  resurrection,  though  this  may 
be  implied  in  the  '  book  of  life '  and  in  the  judgment  of  the 
world. 1  A  peculiar  but  obscure  passage  (23^*^^)  seems  to 
represent  the  righteous  dead  as  raised  not  in  body  but  in  spirit, 
and  thus  beholding  and  rejoicing  in  the  great  consummation 
for  ever.  The  wider  outlook  of  late  eschatology  is  on  the  other 
hand  not  absent.  The  '  great  judgment '  to  be  executed  not 
upon  nations  but  upon  all  individuals  according  to  their  walk 
and  works,  and  the  destruction  of  the  earth,  the  renewal  of  all 
creation,  for  which  the  author  looks,  are  parts  of  a  world- 
eschatology.2 

Second  Esdras.  Besides  the  Book  of  Daniel  and  the  Rev- 
elation of  John,  we  have  in  our  Bible  a  third  apocalypse. 
Second  Esdras,  contained  in  the  Apocrypha.^  This  book  gen- 
erally supposed  to  have  been  written  in  Greek  *  is  preserved  to 
us  in  five  ancient  versions,  Latin,  Syriac,  Ethiopic,  Arabic,  and 
Armenian  ;  of  these  the  oldest  is  the  Latin,  which  is  included 
in  the  Vulgate,  though  not  placed  by  the  Council  of  Trent  in 
the  list  of  isanonical  books.  Chapts.  1-2  and  15-16,  which 
appear  in  the  Vulgate  and  in  our  version,  are  shown  by  other 
ancient  versions  as  well  as  by  internal  evidence  to  l)e  additions 
to  the  original  work  ;   the  real  apocalypse,  itself  held  by  many 

Text^  1902.  For  critical  study,  see  Konsch,  Bas  Buck  der  Jubelden  1874,  Charles 
The  Ethiopic  Version  of  the  Heb.  Book  of  Jub.  1895  ;  see  above,  p.  181. 

1  Cf.  Volz  25.  2  cf .  Volz  ibid. 

3  The  title  is  taken  from  li,  'the  second  book  of  the  prophet  Esdras'  ;  but 
the  more  common  designation  is  Fourth  Ezra,  after  the  Vulgate  ;  cf.  Art.  VI  in 
the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  the  canonical  books,  Ezra  and  Neh.  being  1st  and 
2d  Ez.  The  name  Apocalypse  of  Ezra,  sometimes  given  to  it,  is  unfortunate, 
because  a  late  Christian  apocalypse  bearing  that  title  exists  ;  see  Tischendorf, 
Apocalypses  Apocryphae. 

■*  A  few  quotations  from  the  Gk.  survive  ;  but  some  scholars  argue  for  a  Heb. 
original  ;  cf.  Charles,  Ap.  Bar.  Iiitrod.  LXXII,  Gunkel  in  Kautzsch  333. 


SECOND   ESDRAS  191 

to  be  a  composite  work,  consists  of  3-14.  An  important  para- 
graph is  omitted  in  chapt.  7  between  verses  35  and  36  of  the 
Latin  Mss.  known  to  the  transhitors  of  onr  A.V.,  bnt  this 
fragment,  discovered  in  the  hist  century  l)y  Jv.  L.  i)cnsly,i  and 
certified  by  Latin  Mss.  since  found,  and  by  otlier  ancient 
versions,  has  been  inserted  in  our  R.V.  of  the  Apocrypha 
(1894). 2  This  Jewish  apocalypse  was  written  in  the  Litter 
part  of  the  first  Christian  century  ;  it  belongs  then  to  a  date 
not  far  from  that  of  the  Revelation  of  John.  It  springs  from 
a  time  of  deepest  despondency  as  regards  both  the  national 
and  the  religious  outlook.  In  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by 
the  Romans  the  hope  of  Israel  as  a  nation  was  cut  off  ;  and  on 
the  other  hand  to  the  devout  Jew  sin  and  evil  seemed  every- 
where triumphant  throughout  the  world.  In  a  series  of  visions 
the  author  of  the  book,  impersonating  the  well-known  Ezra  of 
the  Babylonian  era,  overwhelmed  by  the  desolation  of  Zion 
and  the  prosperity  of  the  oppressors,  makes  his  complaint 
before  God  concerning  the  calamities  of  his  own  time  ;  Israel, 
formed  to  be  the  people  of  God  and  to  possess  the  earth,  is 
given  over  into  the  hands  of  a  people  (the  Romans)  more  sin- 
ful than  themselves  ;  and  as  regards  the  lot  of  the  individual, 
the  godly  suffer,  the  wicked  flourish,  punishment  falls  upon 
frail  man,  who  by  the  nature  given  him  is  powerless  to  avoid 
sin  ;  he  is  like  the  seed  that  perishes  because  it  has  not  re- 
ceived the  rain  in  due  season,  or  is  corrupted  through  too 
much  rain  ;  there  are  few  that  will  be  saved.  The  fortunes  of 
Israel  and  the  course  of  the  world  had  bred  in  the  author 
extreme  hopelessness  as  regards  his  nation  and  the  condition 
of  the  individual.  The  answers  therefore  which  in  the  visions 
of  the  book  meet  these  dark  perplexities  are  of  a  twofold  char- 
acter ;  they  tell  of  hope  for  the  nation  and  hope  for  mankind. 
For  the  nation,  the  forms  of  the  older  eschatology  are  brought 
in,  promising  the  overthrow  of  the  hostile  world-power 
(Rome),  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  the  restoration  of  Jerusa- 

1  The  Misslmi  Fragment  of  the  Fourth  Book  of  Ezra  1875. 

2  The  best  text  of  the  Latin  version  is  that  given  by  James,  Texts  and  Studies 
III.  2,  1895.  For  students  dependent  on  Eng.  sources  the  R.V.  is  indispensable. 
See  Box,  The  Ezra-Apocalypse  1912.  The  ed.  of  Gunkel  in  Kautzscli  is  of  great 
value.  For  comm.,  see  Lupton  in  the  'Speaker's  Com.,'  Bissell  in  Lange  ;  for 
further  works,  see  Schtirer  III  315  ff. 


192  APOCALYPTIC   LITERATURE 

lem,  the  earthly  messianic  kingdom  ;  for  tlie  individual  and 
mankind  at  hirge,  the  hiter  eschatological  forms  are  used,  and 
foretell  the  destruction  of  this  corrupt  age,  the  '  coming  reon,' 
the  resurrection,  the  judgment,  the  awards  of  eternal  life  and 
eternal  punishment  meted  out  to  every  man  according  to  his 
works.  Especially  interesting  is  the  author's  effort  to  combine 
the  older  and  the  newer  eschatologies  by  the  introduction  of  an 
intervening  messianic  era  of  limited  duration  between  the  two 
teons.i  The  book  is  an  important  example  of  apocalyptic  lit- 
erature near  the  time  of  our  New  Testament  Apocalypse  ;  and 
it  is  all  the  more  useful  because  the  two  are  almost  certainly 
independent  of  each  other.  Some  parallelisms  will  be  pointed 
out  in  the  Commentary  ;  here  attention  is  called  to  only  one, 
the  elaborate  picture  of  the  Roman  power  under  the  form  of  a 
many-headed  eagle  and  its  annihilation  upon  the  appearance  of 
the  lion  (the  Messiah)  —  a  vision  parallel  with  that  of  the 
beast  in  the  Revelation.  Both  are  in  substance  derived,  as  are 
similar  representations  elsewhere,  directly  from  the  Book  of 
Daniel.  2  '  The  entire  work  is  extremely  rich  in  various  mate- 
rial ;  it  can  almost  be  called  a  compendium  of  the  world  of 
eschatological  thought '  (Gunkel  in  Kautzsch  348).  In  depth 
of  religious  reflection  and  breadth  of  spiritual  outlook,  in 
imaginative  force  and  sobriety  of  execution  it  stands  far  above 
all  other  non-canonical  apocalypses. 

The  Apocalypse  of  Baruch.  As  in  the  case  of  Enoch,  so  a 
considerable  body  of  pseudepigraphic  literature  gathered  round 
the  name  of  Baruch,  the  friend  and  scribe  of  the  prophet 
Jeremiah.'^  Of  these  writings  the  most  important  are  the 
book  in  the  Apocrypha  bearing  his  name,  and  the  (Syriac) 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch.*  The  latter,  a  distinctly  JeAvish  work, 
and  apparently  of  composite  authorship,^  was  lost  until  late  in 
the  last  century  when  it  was  discovered  in  a  Syriac  version 
(made  from  a  lost  Greek  version  —  the  original  was  Hebrew) 
and  was  first  published  in  1866. "^     It  is  frequently  called  the 

1  See  p.  109  f .  2  cf.  pp.  71,  180.  ^  jer.  36. 

1  For  other  books  cf.  Charles,  Ap.  Bar.  p.  XVI  ff .,  Schiirer  III  313  f. 
s  Cf .  Charles  op.  cit.  p.  LIII  ff.,  Kautzsch  407  f . ;  but  against  this  see  Balclen- 
sperger  37,  Kautzsch  409. 

6  The  best  ed.  is  Charles,  The  An.  of  Bar.  1896,  containing  the  Syriac  text, 


APOCALYPSE   OF  BARUCH  193 

Syria*'  Apocalypse  of  Baruc.h  in  (listinctiou  from  ;i  (Ireek  work 
of  tlie  same  name.^  It  was  written  not  far  from  the  same  time 
as  2  Esdras,  that  is,  in  the  hitter  half  of  the  first  Christian 
century  ;  and  in  origin,  scope  and  purpose  is  strikingly  similar 
to  that  book,  notwithstanding  important  differences.  The 
author's  aim  is  to  comfort  and  encourage  his  despairing  coun- 
trymen amid  the  calamities  that  had  befallen  the  Jewish  nation 
through  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  in  their  perplexity 
caused  by  the  sight  of  the  godly  suffering  and  the  wicked  pros- 
pering. In  the  person  of  Baruch,  prophesying  the  Babylonian 
captivity  because  of  Israel's  sin,  and  the  subsequent  restoration 
and  glory  of  the  nation,  our  author  seeks  to  meet  the  perplexing 
problems  which  presented  themselves  to  the  devout  Jew  of  the 
time  then  present.  As  in  2  Esdras,  the  earlier,  national,  and  the 
later,  universal,  eschatology  appear  side  by  side.  On  the  one 
hand  there  are  prophecies  of  the  '  messianic  woes,'  the  divine  de- 
liverance near  at  hand,  the  messianic  kingdom  established  forever 
with  supernatural,  earthly  glories  in  Palestine,  the  Messiah's 
sway  over  all  the  earth  ;  on  the  other  hand  the  approaching 
world-judgment  ('  the  youth  of  the  world  is  past,'  85i*^),  the 
resurrection,  the  renewal  of  creation,  the  heavenlj^  Jerusalem, 
the  everlasting  felicity  of  the  righteous  and  the  unending  tor- 
ment of  the  wicked.  Here  also  as  in  2  Esdras  there  is  an 
earthly  rule  of  the  Messiah  of  limited  duration,  after  which  he 
(does  not  die,  as  in  2  Esdras,  but)  returns  to  his  heavenly  abode 
to  reign  for  ever.  Both  these  books  contain  a  vision  of  the 
proud,  corrupt,  world-sway  of  Rome  and  its  destruction  by 
the  Messiah.  As  regards  formal  structure  the  two  books  are 
alike  in  that  they  are  divided  into  seven  parts,  generally  with 
intervals  of  a  fast  of  seven  days.^  Both  are  of  value  not  only 
in  interpreting  the  Revelation,  but  also  in  illustrating  other 
doctrines  and  questions  of  Judaism  in  the  New  Testament 
era. 

Eng.  trans,  and  notes.  A  Germ.  ed.  by  Ryssel  is  given  in  Kautzsch.  For  a 
valuable  study  of  the  eschatology  see  Volz  35  ff. 

1  This  Greek  Aj)oc.  is  a  quite  diffei'ent  book  of  the  2d  century  a.d.  and  of 
small  value  for  eschatological  study.  The  Gk.  text  is  given  by  James,  and  an 
Eng.  trans,  of  the  Slavonic  vers,  by  Morfill  in  Texts  and  Studies  V.  Kautzsch 
contains  a  Germ,  trans,  by  Ryssel. 

2  Cf.  the  use  of  the  no.  .<=;o.ven  in  tho  .structiu-e  of  the  Revelation. 


194  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

Tlie  Assumption  of  Moses  A  This  is  a  Jewish  writing  placed 
by  the  hirger  number  of  scholars  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  first 
century  a.d.  It  is  frequently  mentioned  by  Christian  writers 
from  the  time  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  but  finally  disappeared 
till  the  last  century,  when  a  Latin  version  (made  from  a  (Ik. 
vers.  —  the  original  was  probably  Semitic)  of  the  first  part  was 
rediscovered  and  published  in  1861.  The  concluding  part, 
still  unrecovered,  contained  according  to  Origen  ^  the  story  of 
Michael's  dispute  with  the  devil  about  the  body  of  Moses,  which 
is  referred  to  in  the  Epistle  of  Jude,  v.  9.^  The  portion  of  the 
book  preserved  is  really  a  '  Testament '  of  Moses,  and  nothing 
is  said  in  it  about  his  assumption  ;  that  narrative  was  probably 
contained  in  the  other  part  which,  whether  originally  a  second 
part  of  this  book  or  a  separate  work  afterwards  combined  with 
this,  gave  its  name  to  the  whole.*  The  subject  of  the  surviving 
part  is  the  final  charge  given  by  Moses  to  Joshua,  in  which  he 
foretells  the  history  of  Israel  down  to  the  reign  of  the  sons  of 
Herod  the  Great,  that  is,  to  a  date  some  time  after  4  B.C. 
Then  the  prophecy  passes  over  to  the  end  of  the  times.  After 
the  '  messianic  woes,'  described  in  terms  taken  from  the  age  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  kingdom  of  God  will  be  revealed  to 
all  creation ;  God  will  rise  up  from  his  throne  in  wrath  because 
of  the  persecution  of  his  children,  and  with  the  agency  of  the 
archangel  Michael,  amid  portents  in  heaven  and  earth,  will  pun- 
ish the  heathen  and  destroy  their  idols ;  the  devil  will  be  no 
more,  and  sorrow  will  cease ;  Israel  will  mount  up  in  triumph 
over  the  world-power,  Rome,  and  will  be  exalted  to  an  abode  of 
glory  in  the  heavens  whence  it  will  look  down  with  exultation 
upon  its  enemies.  No  mention  is  made  of  a  Messiah,  the  resur- 
rection, or  an  earthly  kingdom  in  Palestine.  But  the  value  of 
the  book  does  not  consist  in  its  eschatology  only ;  it  gives  us 
from  the  lips  of  a  Jew,  one  of  a  rigorous  nationalistic  type,  an 
indignant  denunciation,  hardly  less  severe  than  that  of  our 
Lord  or  St.  John  the  Baptist,  of  Pharisaic  self-righteousness, 
greed,  deceit,  and  hypocrisy.     The  Sadducees  and  scribes  also 

1  Not  to  be  confounded  with  the  Apocalypse  of  Moses ;  see  p.  195. 

-  Be  princip.  Ill  2,  1. 

3  The  best  ed.  containins:  Eng.  trans,  and  notes  is  Charles,  The  Ass.  of  Mos. 
1897.  Kautzsch  contains  ithe  valuable  Germ.  Ed.  of  Clemen.  See  also  above, 
p.  181.  4  cf.  Schtirer  III.  298,  Charles  in  Enc.  Bib.  I.  234. 


LIFE  OF  ADAM  AND  EVE  195 

are  denounced  as  the  receivers  of  bribes,  tlirougli  which  they 
are  led  to  profane  their  office  and  pervert  truth. 

The  Apocalypse  of  Abraham.  Tliis  apocalypse,  apparently 

referred  to  in  several  early  writers, ^  is  preserved  in  a  Slavonic 
version,  and  was  first  made  known  to  the  modern  world  by  a 
German  translation  at  the  end  of  the  last  century. ^  It  is  of 
Jewish  origin  with  Christian  additions,  and  appears  to  belong 
to  the  first  century  A.u.  It  consists  of  two  parts,  I-VIII, 
legendary,  IX-XXXII,  apocalyptic.  The  eschatology,  while 
mainly  national,  contains  elements  of  the  more  general  form. 
Abraham  is  carried  into  heaven  and  shown  the  future  history 
of  Israel,  its  sufferings  under  heathen  oppressors,  and  its  final 
deliverance  in  the  messianic  era.  The  heathen  tyranny  of 
'  this  age  '  will  continue  twelve  '  years,'  then  the  '  coming  age  ' 
will  appear.  '  Messianic  woes '  will  precede  the  judgment, 
God  will  send  forth  the  Messiah  to  gather  the  dispersed  Israel- 
ites in  Jerusalem,  and  will  give  over  their -enemies  to  the 
worm  and  the  tire  prepared  for  them,  while  his  people  will  joy 
in  his  presence  forever.      Nothing  is  said  of  a  resurrection. 

The  Life  of  Adam  and  Eoe.  A  considerable  group  of  writings  con- 
cerned with  the  story  of  Adam  has  been  preserved.  Most  of  these  are  of 
Christian  origin,  though  with  some  Jewish  groundwork  (cf .  Schurer  III. 
396  f.).  Among  these  is  a  Life  of  Adam  and  Eve,  so  called  in  the  Latin 
title,  in  Lat.,  Gk.,  and  Slavonic  recensions.  There  is  reason  for  referring 
the  groundwork  of  this  to  a  Jewish  source  (cf.  Kautzsch  510  f.)  ;  it  is 
therefore  of  value  in  apocalyptic  study  ;  cf.  Volz  43.  The  (Ik.  version  was 
published  by  Tischendorf  in  1866  under  the  title  '  Apocalypsis  Mosis,' 
which  is  frequently  used  in  reference  to  it.  The  Lat.  version  used  the  Gk.. 
or  the  original  of  the  Gk.,  working  it  over  and  adding  other  Adam  matter. 
Some  translators,  e.f/.  Wells  in  Charles,  Fuchs  in  Kautzsch,  have  combined 
the  Lat.  and  Gk.  recensions,  designating  some  parts  The  Life  of  Adam, 
etc.,  others  The  Apocalypse  of  Moses.  See  further  on  the  book,  Jew.  Enc. 
The  standpoint  is  that  of  the  late  eschatology.  The  present  world  will 
continue  a  fixed  period,  5500  years ;  then  will  come  the  universal  resurrec- 
tion, the  judgment,  the  damnation  of  Satan  and  his  hosts,  and  for  the 
righteous  an  eternal  life  of  blessedness  in  Paradise  in  the  presence  of  God. 
A  part  of  Satan's  torment  will  be  caused  by  the  sight  of  Adam  seated  on 
the  throne  from  which  he  himself  has  been  cast  down. 

1  Cf.  Lticke  I.  2.32,  Schurer  III.  337. 

2  Bonwetsch,  Die  Apoc.  Abrahams  1897.     See  also  above,  p.  181,  on  publica- 
tions of  S.  P.  C.  K. 


196  APOCALYPTIC  LITERATURE 

\_The  Ascension  of  Isaiah.  Mention  should  be  made  of  this  writing  be- 
cause it  is  sometimes  referred  to  in  the  study  of  Jewish  apocalyptic,  though 
in  fact  the  apocalyptic  portions  are  Christian.  The  work,  preserved  entire 
only  in  an  Ethiopic  version  brought  to  light  in  the  early  part  of  the  last 
century,  is  a  combination  of  two  or  three  separate  documents  :  (1)  a  Mar- 
tyrdom of  Is.,  I-V,  closing  with  the  story  of  the  saicinf/  asunder  of  Is. 
often  mentioned  in  early  writers  and  perhaps  referred  to  in  Heb.  11^'' ; 
(2)  an  Ascension  of  Is.  to  the  seven  heavens,  VI-XI,  after  the  manner  of 
Slav.  Enoch.  The  first  part,  a  Jewish  composition  with  interpolated  Chris- 
tian sections,  is  generally  placed  in  the  first  cent.  a.d.  or  a  century  earlier; 
the  second  part  is  a  Christian  work  not  earlier  than  the  second  cent.  a.d. 
The  best  ed.  with  text,  Eng.  trans.,  and  notes,  is  Charles,  The  Ascension  of 
Is.  1900.  A  Germ.  vers,  by  Flemming  is  contained  in  Hennecke's  A^.  7'. 
Aputri/phen.  Kautzsch  contains  trans,  of  the  first  part.  See  further 
Schurer  III.  386  ff.] 

Other  Apocalypses.  Besides  the  writings  spoken  of  above 
a  few  others  of  less  importance  are  extant.  The  names  also  of 
certain  others  have  been  preserved,  and  in  some  instances  cita- 
tions from  these  ;  and  from  their  inclusion  in  ancient  lists  of 
Old  Testament  Apocrypha,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  are 
mentioned  in  early  Christian  writers,  it  seems  probable  that 
they  were  of  Jewish  origin,  or  at  least  contained  a  Jewish 
groundwork  ;  ^  such  are  the  Apocalypse  of  Elijah,  the  Apoca- 
lypse of  Zephaniah,  and  probably  in  this  category,  as  contain- 
ing apocalyptic  material,  should  be  reckoned  the  pseudepi- 
graphic  l)ooks  bearing  the  name  of  Ezekiel,  Jeremiah,  and 
other  Old  Testament  personages.  It  is  evident  that  this  form 
of  literature  was  widely  current  among  the  Jews  as  late  as  the 
end  of  the  first  Christian  century  ;  but  with  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  in  70  A.D.  and  the  despair  that  followed  regarding 
the  future,  it  declined  rapidly  and  finally  ceased  altogether. 
On  the  other  hand  the  messianic  hope  of  the  Christian  Church, 
the  intense  expectation  of  the  Lord's  return,  and  the  inatigura- 
tion  of  '  the  coming  age '  formed  a  fertile  soil  for  just  this  kind 
of  writing.  In  the  evils  of  '  this  present  world,'  in  the  suffer- 
ings which  everywhere  met  or  threatened  the  new  community, 
the  Christians  turned  with  eager  look  to  the  future.  They 
adopted  the  familiar  Jewish  apocalypses  as  expressions  of  their 
hope,  they  found  comfort  and  encouragement  in  them  ;  they 
Christianized  them  by  working  them  over  and  adding  to 
1  Of.  Schurer  III.  357  ff. 


TIMES  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  197 

them  ;  they  wrote  apocalypses  of  their  own.  The  preservation 
of  the  Jewish  apocaly})ses  which  we  now  possess  is  entirely  due 
to  this  use  made  of  them  by  the  Christians.  Doubtless  the 
great  apocalypse,  the  Revelation  of  John,  gave  special  stimulus 
to  such  literary  productions  among  the  Christians,  as  the  Book 
of  Daniel  had  done  among  the  Jcavs.  It  does  not  fall  witliin 
the  scope  of  this  Introduction  to  take  up  these  Christian  apoca- 
lypses, all  of  which  are  later  than  the  Revelation,  though  they 
may  in  some  cases  contain  matter  derived  from  non-canonical 
sources.  1  Among  those  of  wholly  Christian  origin  oftenest 
mentioned  are  The  Shepherd  of  Hernias,  the  Apocalypse  of 
Peter,  the  Apocalypse  of  Paul,  the  spurious  Apocalypse  of  John, 
a  late  work  quite  different  from  the  New  Testament  book.^ 


III.     The  Times  of  the  Apocalypse  of  John 

We  have  seen  above  ^  that  it  was  the  circumstances  of  their 
times  which  caused  the  apocalypses  to  be  written  and  which 
determined  important  factors  in  their  contents ;  they  stand  in 
close  relation  to  their  age.  This  is  equally  true  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse of  John.  Plrst  of  all  then  in  an  effort  to  apprehend  its 
meaning  the  question  arises,  what  were  the  conditions  in  the 
Roman  Empire  and  especially  in  the  Roman  province  of  Asia, 
where  the  Apocalypse  originated,  which  can  be  seen  to  have 
been  chiefly  influential  in  its  production  and  contents.  Accord- 
ing to  the  earliest  external  testimony  the  Apocalypse  of  John 
was  written  in  the  last  part  of  the  first  century ;  and  the 
correctness  of  this  tradition  will  be  shown  to  be  reasonably  cer- 
tain in  the  following  pages.  Partly  from  the  book  itself  and 
partly  from  external  history  it  is  seen  that  there  were  in  this 
period  two  great  movements  which  touched  most  closely  the 
future  destiny  of  Christianity,  and  which  as  the  writer  of  the 
Apocalypse  shows,  called  forth  our  book  and  largely  shaped  its 
contents.     These  were  (1)  the  erection  of  the  emperor- worship 

1  Cf.  Bousset,  The  Antichrist  Legend,  passim. 

"  On  pseuclepigraphic  Christian  apocalypses,  see  Liicke  I.  213  ff.,  Hennecke 
N.  T.  Apokryphen,  Holtzmann  Ein.  An  Eng.  trans,  of  some  of  these  is  given 
in  Ante-Nicene  Fathers.  '  p.  175. 


198  TIMES  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

into  the  state  religion  of  the  Roman  Empire  ;  and  (2)  the  per- 
secution of  the  Cliristians. 

Roma7i  Emperor-worship.^  Strange  as  the  ascription  of  divin- 
ity to  an  emperor  may  seem  to  our  thought,  yet  the  religious 
conceptions  of  the  ancient  Gentile  Avorld  presented  no  obstacle  to 
such  apotheosis.  Polytheism  with  its  gradation  of  rank  among 
the  divinities  made  easy  the  deification  of  men,  whose  office, 
power,  or  achievements  so  far  surpassed  the  ordinary  as  to 
appear  superhuman  ;  and  ancestor-worship,  common  in  both  the 
east  and  the  west,  directly  opened  the  way  to  an  apotheosis  of 
such  men  after  death.  An  attribute  of  divinity  attached  more 
or  less  distinctly  to  kings,  for  example,  the  Egyptian  Pharaohs 
claimed  descent  from  a  god  and  received  worship  in  hymns 
sung  to  them  in  their  lifetime,  and  Cleopatra  assumed  the 
title  dea  vecorepa.  Among  the  Greeks  legendary  heroes,  e.g. 
Achilles  and  Heracles,  were  held  to  be  mortals  deified  after 
death,  as  was  Romulus  among  the  Romans.  A  temple  was 
erected  to  Lycurgus,  the  lawgiver,  after  his  death ;  to  Ly- 
sander,  the  hero  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  altars  were  raised  in 
his  lifetime.  Alexander  the  Great  and  his  successors  received 
divine  honors,  coins  of  Antiochus  bear  the  inscription  King 
Antiochus,  god  manifest.  But  it  was  among  the  Romans  that 

emperor-worship  became  an  organized  part  of  the  political  and 
religious  system  of  the  empire.  More  than  a  century  before 
the  establishment  of  the  empire  a  certain  deification  of  the 
)State  is  found  in  the  provinces  in  the  pay^nent  of  divine  honors 
to  the  goddess  Roma  and  the  Roman  governors ;  and  such 
worship  received  a  powerful  impulse  when  the  majesty  of  the 
state  became  personified  in  the  emperors,  who  were  quick  to 
seize  upon  this  means  of  strengthening  their  authority.  Prov- 
inces and  cities  came  to  vie  with  one  another  in  offering  this 
servile  adulation.  Julius  Csesar  boldly  claimed  divine  honor 
and  placed  his  statue  among  those  of  the  gods  in  the  temples. 
After  his  death  the  Senate  and  People  decreed  his  consecratio^ 
apotheosis,  and  the  appearance  of  a  comet  was  regarded  a  sign 
of  his  reception   into  the  company  of  the  superior  divinities. 

1  See  Boissier,  La  religion  romaine  etc.,  Kornemann,  Zur  Geschichte  d.  antik 
Hermcher-Kulte,  Wissowa,  Religion  u.  Kultus  d.  Edmer,  Roscher,  Lexicon  II. 
901  ff.,  Westcott,  Epistles  of  St.  Jno.  267  ff. 


EMPEROR-WORSHIP  199 

An  altar  to  him  was  erected  in  the  forum,  and  in  Ephesiis  a 
temple  bearing  the  inscription,  To  the  goddess  Roma  and  the 
divine  Julius.  A  slight  reaction  appears  in  the  course  of  his 
successor  Augustus,  who  forbade  the  offering  of  divine  honor 
to  himself  in  Rome  ;  yet  in  the  provinces  he  sanctioned  temples 
to  himself  in  conjunction  with  the  goddess  Roma,  and  he 
accepted  from  the  Senate  the  title  Augustus,  o-e.iSao-To'?,  hitherto 
the  epithet  of  the  gods.  Upon  his  death  he  obtained  by  vote 
of  the  Senate  the  honor  of  consecratio,  and  a  temple  to  him  was 
erected  on  the  Palatine.  His  worship  spread  rapidly  in  both 
the  Asian  and  the  western  provinces,  so  that  Philo  could  say, 
that  everywhere  honors  were  decreed  to  him  equal  to  those  of 
the  Olympian  gods.  The  cult  thus  established  continued 
through  the  following  reigns,  varying  somewhat  in  the  emphasis 
laid  upon  it  according  to  the  disposition  of  the  respective 
emperors,  but  gradually  becoming  an  essential  factor  in  the 
imperial  religious  system. 

While  the  earlier  emperors  were  content  with  the  voluntary 
worship  which  a  servile  people  was  zealous  to  offer,  the  half- 
insane  Caligula  (a.D.  37-41)  went  to  the  extreme  of  demanding 
universal  homage  to  his  statue  ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that 
an  attempt  was  made  rigorously  to  carry  out  this  decree  every- 
where. In  Alexandria  the  populace  took  advantage  of  it  to 
wreak  their  rage  on  the  hated  Jews  and  a  terrible  persecution 
broke  out.  The  same  motive  stirred  the  heathen  inhabitants 
of  Jamnia,  a  coast  town  of  Palestine,  to  attempt  forcing  the 
worship  on  the  Jewish  population.  The  non-compliance  of  the 
latter  being  reported  to  Caligula,  he  determined  to  take  ven- 
geance by  setting  up  his  statue  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  A 
large  Roman  army  was  put  in  readiness  to  meet  the  anticipated 
opposition ;  but  the  horror  and  spirit  of  resistance  aroused 
throughout  the  Jewish  world  caused  the  emperor's  friends  to 
persuade  him  to  recall  the  edict.  Later  he  returned  to  his  pur- 
pose, but  died  before  it  could  be  executed.  The  religious 
freedom  granted  to  the  Jews  by  former  emperors  was  now 
restored  to  them  and  they  were  not  afterwards  disturbed  for 
failure  to  join  in  the  emperor-worship ;  they  proved  their 
loyalty  in  other  ways.^  No  mention  is  made  of  Christians  as 
1  See  Sclmrer  I.  483. 


200  TIMES  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

suffering  with  the  Jews  in  these  persecvitions ;  in  the  cities 
spoken  of  they  were  too  few  to  attract  attention,  and  as  yet 
were  not  distinguislied  by  Roman  authorities  from  the  Jews. 
Certainly  the  worship  of  the  beast,  that  is,  the  emperor-worship,^ 
described  in  tlie  Revehition  as  to  be  enforced  upon  all  the  world 
under  penalty  of  ostracism  and  death  (chapt.  13),  cannot  be  con- 
nected with  the  age  of  Caligula  —  at  that  time  there  is  nothing 
in  accord  with  the  picture.  In  other  words  our  book  cannot 
belong  to  that  age.  Under  Nero  and  his  successors  down  to 
Domitian,  the  emperor-cult  continued  as  one  of  the  established 
religious  institutions,  but  its  progress  is  not  signalized  by  edicts 
enforcing  it,  or  by  notorious  persecutions  arising  from  it.  It  is 
in  the  reign  of  Domitian  (81-96)  that  we  reach  an  insistence 
upon  the  cultus  more  vehement  and  more  threatening  for  the 
future.  This  emperor,  who  because  of  his  infamous  career  failed 
to  receive  the  honor  of  apotheosis  from  the  Senate  at  his 
death,  was  strenuous  in  claiming  divinity  in  his  life ;  to  his 
subordinates  he  became  deu.^  et  dominiis,ovr  lord  and  god,  though 
it  is  not  clear  just  how  far  actual  enforcement  of  his  worship 
was  carried.  In  the  time  of  Trajan  (98-117)  there  seems  to 
have  been  no  miiversal  latv  enjoining  the  cult,  for  Pliny's  letter 
asking  for  the  emperor's  instructions  as  to  the  treatment  of  the 
Christians  2  shows  that  their  refusal  to  offer  incense  to  the 
emperor's  statue  was  not  charged  as  an  infraction  of  law ;  it 
was  only  made  a  test  of  Christian  discipleship.  However,  at 
a  time  considerably  before  that  date  the  rapid  spread  of  the 
cult  throughout  the  empire  caused  rejection  of  it  to  become  in 
general  disloyalty  to  the  person  of  the  emperor.  Therein  lay 
its  force.  In  the  development  of  the  imperial  policy,  the  value 
of  the  cultus  as  a  governmental  institution  was  quickly  per- 
ceived. Rome  allowed  its  conquered  peoples  to  retain  their 
own  religions  without  adding  the  Roman.  Rut  a  universal 
empire  needed  also  a  universal  religion,  and  only  in  the  worship 
of  the  state,  personified  in  the  emperor,  could  all  subjects  except 
Jews  and  Christians  eagerly  join.  While  it  was  the  province 
of  Asia  that  took  up  the  new  worship  with  the  most  fervent 
zeal,  it  flourished  also  in  all  the  provinces  of  Kurope  and  Africa. 

1  On  the  impersonation  of  the  beast  in  the  emperors  see  pp.  394  ff. 

2  See  p.  205. 


ROMAN  PERSECUTIONS  201 

Its  priesthood  was  everywhere  established,  and  not  only  the 
divi,  those  deified  by  vote  of  the  Senate  after  death,  had  every- 
where their  temples,  priests,  and  festivals,  but  the  reigning 
emperors  also  had  their  part  in  these  institutions.  In  Asia 
Minor  a  considerable  number  of  cities  gained  the  special  title 
vecoK6po<{,  temple-keeper,  in  reference  to  the  cult  —  a  title  derived 
from  the  special  maintenance  of  some  heathen  cult,  as  e.g. 
Ephesus  was  called  the  temple-keeper  of  Artemis  (Ac.  19^^). 
In  this  worship  then  political  and  religious  devoteeism,  state  and 
church  so  to  speak,  became  identical.  The  Christian  Church 
could  not  fail  to  see  the  significance  of  the  movement.  As 
long  as  the  Roman  state  did  not  arrogate  to  itself  an  inherent 
religious  character  Paul  could  speak  of  it  as  a  '  minister  of 
God,' ^  and  Peter  could  give  the  injunction  'Honor  the  King.'^ 
But  when  the  homage  belonging  to  God  alone  was  demanded  as 
due  to  the  person  of  the  emperor  the  Christian  must  see  con- 
centrated and  culminating  therein  the  whole  conflict  between 
the  Church  and  the  world.  It  is  true  that  the  picture  of  the  uni- 
versal enforcement  of  the  worship,  aided  by  its  special  priesthood 
miraculously  endowed  (the  second  beast ),^  which  is  given  in 
Rev.  13,  belongs  to  a  time  still  in  the  future  of  the  Apocalyptist. 
that  is,  the  time  of  antichrist,  when  the  culmination  of  enforce- 
ment would  be  reached.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  clear  that  the 
Apocalyptist's  forecast  of  the  future  grows  out  of  his  present; 
already  the  cult  is  a  settled  factor  in  the  imperial  system,  with 
its  highly  organized  institutions,  and  the  Apocalyptist  foresees 
the  ultimate  consequences,  the  awful  peril  which  must  certainly 
arise  when  the  movement  then  present  shall  have  reached  its 
final  development.  But  such  a  well-organized  expansion  of  the 
cult  as  was  already  present  was  not  reached  before  the  last  years 
of  the  century,  that  is,  before  the  time  of  Uomitian.  The 
Apocalypse  then  could  not  have  been  written  before  that  date. 

Early  Roman  Persecutions.^  While  Jewish  hostility  to  the 
Christians    proceeded    from    religious    grounds,    that    of    the 

1  Ro.  134.  2  1  Pet.  217. 

3  On  the  significance  of  the  second  beast  see  pp.  408  ff. 

4  See  Hardy,  Christianity  and  the  Roman  Government,  Lightfoot,  The  Apos- 
tolic Fathers,  parts  I.  and  II.,  Linsenmeyer,  Die  Bekdmpfang  d.  Christenthums, 
etc.,  Ramsay,  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire. 


202  TIMES  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

Romans  was  due  to  political,  social,  and  other  non-religious 
causes.  The  Lord's  words,  '  Ye  shall  be  hated  of  all  men,' 
were  soon  fulfilled.  The  recognition  of  the  Christ  in  Jesus, 
with  his  teaching  of  a  religion  which  must  supersede  the 
Mosaic  system,  and  which  also  made  the  Gentiles  'fellow-heirs 
and  fellow-members  of  the  body,  and  fellow-partakers  of  the 
promise,'  ^  aroused  at  once  the  rancorous  hatred  of  the  Jews. 
On  the  other  hand  the  attitude  of  the  Christians  toward  the 
life  of  a  heathen  community  made  them  detested  and  suspected. 
They  avoided  and  condemned  the  idolatry  and  prevalent  im- 
morality of  their  fellows,^  kept  aloof  from  the  popular  festivals 
as  un-Christian  in  character,  and  in  some  instances  they  inter- 
fered with  lucrative  trades  ;  ^  they  recognized  an  authority 
higher  than  that  of  the  emperor  and  refused  worship  to  the 
latter  ;  the  Master  whose  name  they  bore  and  to  whom  they 
offered  homage  had  been  put  to  death  as  a  malefactor  ;  their 
numbers  were  drawn  chiefly  from  the  lower  ranks  of  society  ;  * 
their  frequent  meetings  in  private  were  believed  to  be  occasions 
of  even  such  crimes  as  incest  and  the  drinking  of  the  blood  of 
their  own  children.  Inevitably  then  the  Christian  as  such 
must  become  the  object  of  persecution  ;  sometimes  through 
mob  violence,  as  in  the  case  of  Stephen,^  of  Paul  at  Lystra,^ 
sometimes  under  the  cover  of  the  forms  of  law,  as  Jesus  had 
been  condemned  on  the  charge  of  treason  against  Caesar.'^ 
The  Acts  show  that  the  offense  against  Roman  law  was  fre- 
quently charged  as  a  pretext  to  gratify  hatred  ;  e.g.  by  the 
masters  of  the  divining  girl  at  Philippi,^  by  the  populace  in 
the  seizure  of  Jason  and  others  at  Thessalonica,^  in  the  ar- 
raignment of  Paul  before  Gallio.^^ 

The  first  persecution  undertaken  by  the  Roman  government 
directl}^  and  of  its  own  motion  was  that  of  Nero  in  the  year  64, 
the  most  fiendish  in  its  atrocities  of  all  the  Roman  persecu- 
tions. According  to  Tacitus  ^^  Nero's  motive  was  to  divert  the 
popular  suspicion  that  he  was  himself  the  author  of  the  great 
fire  which  had  just  destroyed  a  large  part  of  the  city  ;  as  the 
culprits,  he  brought  forward  the  Christians,  who  were  hated  by 

1  Epb.  ,36.  2  1  Pet.  43  f-.  3  cf.  Ac.  16i9,  192^  ff-,  p.  205. 

4  1  Co.  126.  B  Ac.  7.  6  Ac.  1419.  7  Jno.  1912. 

8  1G19  «-.  9  176  f..  10  1812  f..  11  Ann.  XV.  44. 


ROMAN  PERSECUTIONS  203 

the  populace,  and  inflicted  upon  them  most  exquisite  tortures. 
They  were  ferreted  out  and  a  great  multitude,  Tacitus  says, 
was  convicted,  not  so  much  for  the  crime  of  incendiarism,  as 
for  hatred  of  the  human  race.  It  was  natural  when  once  pop- 
ular rage  had  flamed  up  against  them,  because  of  alleged 
responsibility  for  the  fire,  that  the  general  hatred  of  them 
should  vent  itself  without  restraint.  The  connection  of  Nero's 
persecution  with  the  fire,  as  stated  by  Tacitus,  is  questioned 
by  some  on  the  ground  of  the  silence  of  other  writers,  but  the 
argument  from  silence  is  so  far  from  conclusive  here  that  most 
scholars  accept  the  testimony  of  Tacitus  as  accurate.  Under 

what  law  procedure  was  instituted  against  the  Christians  is 
not  stated.  It  is  not  certain  that  the  mere  status  of  being  a 
Christian  was  declared  unlawful  till  the  very  end  of  the  cen- 
tury. An  edict,  noti  licet  esse  Christianos,  is  attributed  to  Nero, 
but  this  is  doubtless  an  anachronism.  When  Christianity 
came  to  be  recognized  as  distinct  from  Judaism  it  was  of 
course  seen  to  be  a  religio  illicita,  since  the  introduction  of  a 
new  religion  was  forbidden.  Yet  Rome,  because  of  the  great 
number  of  strange  religions  allowed  in  its  conquered  subjects, 
was  tolerant  or  indifferent  in  such  matters.  A  Roman  citizen 
might  not  adopt  a  foreign  religion,  but  the  existence  of  a  new 
cult  among  the  populace  was  not  likely  to  be  scrutinized 
closely,  unless  its  devotees  were  obnoxious  in  other  ways. 
Even  down  to  the  time  of  Trajan  the  charge  against  Christians 
does  not  appear  that  of  an  unlawful  religion,  but  rather  danger 
to  society  and  disloyalty  —  accusations  made  specific  in  all  the 
monstrous  forms  which  popular  hatred  could  conceive.  The 
charge  under  which  the  Philippians  covered  their  attack  on 
Paul  and  Silas  ^  was  not  that  of  introducing  a  new  religion, 
but  of  urging  as  Jews  ('  these  men  being  Jews ')  upon  Roman 
citizens  a  non-Roman  religion.  The  doctrine  preached  might 
be  lawful  for  Jews,  but  not  so,  the  accusers  claimed,  for  the 
Philippians,  'being  Romans.'  The  harsh  treatment  of  Chris- 
tians throughout  this  period  was  legalized  by  the  general  police 
power  of  the  magistrate  to  punish,  with  whatever  customary 
penalties  seemed  good,  any  person  supposed  to  be  a  menace  to 
the  order  of  the  community  ;  and  in  view  of  the  general  atti- 

1'  Ac.  16"  «■ . 


204  TIMES  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

tude  of  the  people  toward  the  Christians  the  mere  profession 
of  the  name  was  enough  to  raise  suspicion  against  them  as 
evildoers.^  The  nature  and  extent  of  their  molestation  would 
therefore  vary  with  the  governors  at  different  places  and 
times.  The  great  persecution  of  Nero  was  apparently  con- 
fined to  the  city  of  Rome,  and  it  is  certain  that  his  violent 
policy  was  not  carried  out  by  his  immediate  successors  and  in 
the  provinces.  Yet  it  could  not  be  without  its  influence  ; 
though  no  general  persecution  in  the  earlier  following  reigns 
is  reported  there  must  have  been  with  the  spread  of  Christian- 
ity individual  cases  of  oppression  and  even  death  in  different 
parts  of  the  empire.  The  readers  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  had  suffered  severely,  and  had  been  despoiled  of  their 
possessions,^  but  the  death  penalty  had  not  been  visited  upon 
their  numbers.^ 

It  was  in  the  reign  of  the  infamous  Domitian  (81-96)  that 
a  more  active  persecution  was  again  instituted.  His  insistence 
on  the  offering  of  divine  homage  to  himself  has  been  men- 
tioned above.  In  Christian  tradition  he  was  styled  the  second 
great  persecutor  of  the  Church,  the  second  Nero,  though  the 
])erseeution  of  his  time  was  different  from  that  of  Nero  and 
lacked  its  atrocities.  The  general  testimony  of  early  Chris- 
tian writers  leaves  no  reasonable  question  that  his  reign 
became  a  time  of  special  suffering  for  the  Christians,  though 
details  of  his  measures  are  for  the  most  part  wanting  ;  *  and 
this  testimony  is  confirmed  by  at  least  one  non-Christian 
writer.  Dio  Cassius  ^  states  that  he  put  to  death  Flavins 
Clemens,  and  banished  Clemens'  wife,  Flavia  Domitilla,  both 
relatives  of  his,  on  the  charge  of  aOeori]';,  sact^ilege^  which  in  the 
case  of  Domitilla  at  least  is  shown  by  inscriptions  and  Chris- 
tian tradition  to  have  denoted  profession  of  Christianity. 
Clement  of  Rome,  contemporary  with  Domitian,  refers  to  his 
course  in  the  quite  general  words  '  the  sudden  and  repeated 
calamities  and  adversities  which  have  befallen  us.'  ^  Christian 
writers  report  that  he  banished  the  Apostle  John  to  Patmos, 
and  while  the  statement  may  as  some  suppose  owe  its  origin  to 

1  1  Pet.  212.  2  1032  ft..  3  124. 

4  For  a  conspectus  of  passages  relating  to  Domitian's  persecution,  see  Light- 
foot  -St.  Clement  104  f£.  *  Hist.  Bom.  LXVII.  14.  «  I.  1. 


ROMAN  PERSECUTIONS  205 

Rev.  l^  yet  there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  that  this  was  not  an 
actual  fact  of  history.^  In  whatever  reign  the  Apocalypse 
may  have  been  written,  its  author  had  almost  certainly  been 
an  exile  in  Patmos.^  Domitian's  persecution  did  not  con- 
sist in  the  wholesale  slaughter  and  the  atrocities  instituted  by 
Nero  ;  deaths  were  evidently  inflicted  in  different  parts  of  the 
empire,  but  apparently  other  penalties,  banishment,  imprison- 
ment, confiscation  of  property,  etc.,  were  more  usual.  Domi- 
tian's motive  was  fear  of  political  enemies  ;  and  behind  the 
religious  charges  against  those  who  were  executed  there  was 
unquestionably  as  the  real  cause  of  action  a  determination  to 
get  rid  of  persons  thought  to  be  politically  dangerous. 

This  rigorous  activity  of  Domitian  against  the  Christians 
which  made  him  in  tradition  a  second  Nero  was  not  continued 
by  his  immediate  successors,  Nerva  and  Trajan.  The  present 
position  and  the  outlook  of  the  Christians  now  became  less 
distressful.  The  former  of  these  emperors  is  said  by  Dio 
Cassius  to  have  restored  the  exiles,  to  have  released  those 
accused  of  lese-majesty  and  to  have  checked  other  persecutions 
for  this  cause  and  for  adopting  '  Jewish  customs,'  a  term  which 
may  perhaps  include  a  profession  of  Christianity.  The  atti- 
tude of  Trajan  (98-117)  is  seen  from  his  correspondence  with 
Pliny  to  have  been  that  of  leaving  the  Christians  unmolested, 
so  far  as  this  could  be  done  consistently  with  what  appears  to 
have  now  become  the  ordinary  policy  of  the  empire.  In  the 
province  of  Bithynia-Pontus,  of  which  Pliny  was  governor,  the 
Christians  had  become  so  numerous  that  the  heathen  temples 
began  to  be  deserted,  and  the  falling  off  in  the  profitable  trade 
of  providing  fodder  for  the  sacrificial  animals  aroused  strong 
hostility  against  the  new  cult.  In  the  numerous  cases  brought 
before  him  for  trial  Pliny  followed  the  course  of  punishing 
with  death  those  who  obstinately  adhered  to  their  profession  of 
being  Christians,  or  if  Roman  citizens,  they  were  sent  to  Rome. 
This  was  probably  now  the  common  policy  pursued  in  the 
provinces.  But  doubt  arose  in  Pliny's  mind  whether  punish- 
ment should  be  administered  for  the  mere  fact  of  the  Christian 
profession,  even  though  no  crimes  were  charged,  or  only  for 
actual  crimes  associated  with  the  Christian  name.  He  had,  as 
See  pp.  379  ff.  2  See  Com.  on  19. 


206  •       TIMES   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

he  informed  the  emperor,  instituted  an  examination  and  found 
no  criminal  purpose  in  the  Christian  brotherhood,  but  only 
superstition.  In  answer  to  his  inquiry  Trajan  instructed  him 
not  to  search  out  the  Christians,  nor  to  proceed  against  them 
upon  the  motion  of  anonymous  accusers,  but  to  punish  those 
brought  before  him  and  proven  to  be  Christians.  It  is  clear 
from  Pliny's  doul)t  that  tliere  was  at  the  time  no  law  specifi- 
cally prosecuting  Christians  as  such,  but  that  the  magistrate's 
general  autliority  in  police  administration  to  suppress  all  dan- 
gerous elements  was  turned  against  the  Christians,  who  were 
everywhere  regarded  as  offenders  against  society  and  the 
national  religion.  Trajan's  instructions  doubtless  came  to  be 
known  in  other  provinces  and  must  have  influenced  the  pro- 
cedure of  the  governors.  Though  many  martyrdoms  must 
have  occurred,  yet  the  emperor  could  not  be  ranked  with  Nero 
and  Domitian  in  fierce  hostility  toward  the  Christians,  and  in 
his  insistence  on  his  prerogative  of  divine  homage. 

Now  the  situation  of  the  C-hristians  revealed  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse is  such  that  it  can  hardly  l)e  doubtful  to  which  period 
the  book  belongs.  The  limits  of  the  Neronic  persecution, 
which  was  confined  to  Rome,  have  at  this  time  been  altogether 
exceeded  ;  the  hour  of  trial,  including  banishment,  imprison- 
ment, and  even  death,  has  already  fallen  upon  the  churches  of 
Asia  Minor  addressed  in  the  seven  epistles. ^  Martyrdoms  have 
already  taken  place  in  many  parts  of  the  earth, ^  the  souls  of 
the  martyrs  are  crying  for  vengeance  long  delayed.^  But  this 
situation  can  hardly  be  supposed  before  the  time  of  Domitian. 
On  the  other  hand  the  present  calamities  of  the  Christians  are 
everywhere  in  the  book  viewed  as  but  the  forerunner  of  a  j^et 
severer  time  of  trial  for  the  whole  world  in  the  near  future. 
Suffering,  persecution,  martyrdom,  advancing  to  the  extreme, 
give  tone  to  every  picture  of  the  coming  days.  But  the  com- 
parative relaxation  of  distress  in  both  the  present  conditions 
and  the  outlook  which  we  have  seen  to  characterize  the  reigns  of 
the  emperors  immediately  succeeding  Domitian  make  highly 
improbable  an  assignment  of  the  book  to  that  later  period. 
The  place  then  which  the  persecutions  occupy  in  the  motives 
and  prophecies  of  tlie  apocalyptist  seems  clearly  to  point  to  the 

1  19^  23.  13^  38.  10.  2  182*.  8  Q9  f.. 


OTHER  INDICATIONS  OF   DATE  207 

time  of  Domitian.  It  has  been  seen  above  that  the  book  con- 
temphites  a  stage  in  the  growth  of  emperor-worship  not  reached 
at  an  earlier  date. 

Other  Historic  Circumstances  Indicative  of  Date.  With  the 
above  indications  pointing  to  the  time  of  Domitian  concur  at 
least  two  others,  also  furnished  by  the  circumstances  revealed 
in  the  book.  (1)  The  particular  form  of  the  Nero  myth  which 
has  come  to  be  pretty  generally  accepted  as  underlying  the  rep- 
resentation in  chaj)ts.  13  and  17  of  the  head  wounded  and  healed, 
the  beast  that  was  and  is  not  and  is  about  to  come,  could  not 
have  been  reached  till  near  the  end  of  the  century.  ^  (2)  The 
condition  of  the  Asian  churches  addressed  in  the  seven  epistles 
requires  a  considerably  long  interval  after  the  labors  of  St.  Paul 
among  them,  and  after  the  epistles  to  the  Colossians  and  the 
Ephesians,  the  Pastoral  epistles  and  1  Peter.  So  large  a  decline 
in  religious  life  at  Ephesus,  Sardis,  and  Laodicea  ^  is  not  prob- 
able in  the  years  following  soon  after  the  apostle's  foundation 
work  there,  and  is  at  variance  with  the  state  implied  in  the 
apostolic  epistles  named.  False  teachers  to  be  sure  had  appeared 
here  at  the  time  of  those  epistles,  but  the  formation  of  such  into 
a  distinct  school  designated  by  a  well-understood  name,  the 
Nicolaitans,  and  teaching  widely  a  doctrine  so  well  known  as 
to  need  no  special  definition  by  the  Apocalyptist,  presents  a  situ- 
ation of  which  there  is  no  trace  in  the  apostolic  epistles,  and 
which  could  arise  only  after  a  considerable  lapse  of  time.  Also 
the  absence  of  any  intimation  pointing  to  the  great  work  of  Paul 
in  Asia  Minor  is  less  explicable  if  that  had  been  of  recent  date. 
Scholars  who  have  assigned  the  book  to  the  time  of  Nero  or  a 
date  shortly  after  — -  a  view  held  by  many  down  to  recent  times 
—  have  found  the  principal  evidence  for  this  theory  in  chapts. 
11  and  17.  The  former  chapter  is  understood  to  show  that 
Jerusalem  is  still  standing  and  persecuting  the  prophets  of  God, 
but  is  about  to  be  besieged  by  the  Romans  (70  a.d.)  and  with 
the  exception  of  the  temple  to  be  wholly  overrun  by  the  Gen- 
tiles. And  this  early  date  is  thought  to  be  established  by  the 
writer's  statement  in  17^^  that  the  sixth  emperor  is  reigning  at 
the  time,  which  might  be  as  early  as  Nero,  but  by  no  method  of 
1  See  pp.  400  ff.  2  Cf .  2^  3^,  S^s  ff.. 


208  PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

reckoning  the  numbers  later  than  Vespasian  (69-79).  Yet 
with  the  general  acceptance  of  the  conclusion,  that  the  Apoca- 
lyptist  in  places  has  in  some  form  or  other  made  use  of  earlier 
sources,  it  follows  that  chapt.  11  ceases  to  fix  an  early  date. 
And  as  regards  17^*^  the  writer's  habit  of  using  numbers  symboli- 
cally invalidates  the  argument.  The  author's  use  of  sources 
and  derived  material  in  a  new  sense  given  to  it  to  suit  his 
purpose,  and  the  significance  of  the  enumeration  of  the  Roman 
emperors  are  discussed  elsewhere.^  Most  scholars  at  the 
present  time  are  agreed  that  the  situation  contemplated  in  tlie 
book  is  that  of  a  period  near  the  close  of  the  first  century,  or  as 
most  would  say,  the  last  years  of  Domitian's  reign.  With  this 
conclusion  based  on  internal  evidence  agrees  also  the  earliest 
external  testimony,  that  of  Ireneeus,^  who  in  speaking  of  the 
Apocalypse  says,  '  For  it  was  seen,  not  long  ago,  but  almost  in 
our  generation,  near  the  end  of  Domitian's  reign.'  This  date  is 
given  frequently  in  later  Christian  writers,  who  may  perhaps 
in  some  instances  be  independent  of  Ireneeus. 


IV.     The  Purpose  of  the  Apocalypse 

Like  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament  the  Apocalypse 
was  written  with  the  practical  purpose  of  meeting  a  need  of  the 
particular  readers  addressed,  in  their  existing  condition  and  in 
the  circumstances  of  their  own  time  or  of  the  time  supposedly 
about  to  come.  What  is  said  of  the  other  books  is  especially 
applicable  to  the  Apocalypse;  it  is  a  'Tract  for  the  Times.' 
And  if  what  is  of  permanent  meaning  and  value  in  it  is  to  be 
distinguished  with  certaintj^  from  the  temporary  and  formal, 
this  can  be  done  only  by  studying  the  book  first  of  all  from  the 
standpoint  of  the  first  readers  and  of  the  author's  immediate 
purpose.  As  the  first  century,  to  whovse  closing  years  the 
Apocalypse  belongs,  advanced  through  the  later  decades  the 
antagonism  of  the  world  to  the  Church  assumed,  as  we  have 
seen,-^  a  more  and  more  distinct  form.    Christianity,  now  spread- 

1  8ee  pp.  174,  586,  704  ff.  2  y.  30,  Eusebius  H.  E.  III.  18,  V.  8. 

3  pp.  201  ff. 


PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE         209 

ing  widely  and  growing  in  power,  was  by  its  very  nature  hostile 
to  the  social,  moral  and  religious  life  of  the  time ;  it  was 
making  to  itself  bitter  enemies  in  every  rank  of  society,  Jew  and 
(lentile  were  uniting  against  it ;  and  finally  it  ranged  among 
the  forces  opposing  it  the  power  of  the  imperial  government. 
The  general  establishment  of  emperor-worship  as  a  political  and 
religious  institution  of  the  empire  brought  the  Christian  face  to 
face  with  the  question  of  his  loyalty  to  his  lord  Caesar  and  his 
Lord  Christ.  The  powers  of  evil  were  everywhere  gathering 
mightily  against  the  Church.  The  Roman  government,  which 
held  sway  virtually  over  all  the  world,  was  adopting  a  policy, 
more  or  less  settled  and  regular,  of  suppressing  Christianity  ; 
persecution,  begun  under  Nero,  was  revived  and  society  at  large 
was  quick  to  avail  itself  of  this  aid  in  its  warfare.  The  leaders 
among  the  Christians  could  see  clearly  that  the  Church  was 
entering  upon  a  life-and-death  struggle,  a  time  of  storm  and 
stress,  of  great  suffering.  To  meet  this  crisis  CUiristians  would 
be  called  to  the  supreme  test  of  their  faith,  steadfastness  and 
self -surrender.  Of  this  they  must  be  forewarned.  But  the 
Church  at  the  time  did  not  as  a  whole  show  preparedness  to 
rise  to  the  great  demand  in  full.  While  in  some  parts  it  was 
worthy  of  praise  for  its  patience  and  fidelity,  its  spiritual  vigor 
and  its  readiness  for  martyrdom,  in  other  parts  there  was 
lukewarmness,  tolerance  of  corrupt  teaching,  and  yielding  to 
the  seductiveness  of  surrounding  immorality.  ^  The  Church 
needed  a  ringing  call  to  awaken  it  to  its  highest  activity.  It 
needed  also  in  the  hour  of  awful  trial  coming  upon  it  an  assur- 
ance of  its  final  deliverance  and  of  the  glorious  reward  which 
should  be  meted  out  to  the  faithful  in  the  end.  This  state  of 
things,  these  urgent  needs  of  the  Church,  were  clearly  perceived 
by  a  great  Christian  prophet,  and  he  saw  liimself  commissioned 
by  God  to  bring  to  the  Church  his  wonderful  message  —  a 
message  designed  on  the  one  hand  to  forewarn  the  Church  of 
its  peril  and  arouse  it  to  a  purified,  vigorous  life  ;  on  the  other, 
to  fortify  its  courage  and  hope  by  revealing  the  ultimate 
destruction  of  the  powers  of  evil,  and  the  perfect  consummation 
of  the  Christian  hope  in  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of 
God.  Such  were  the  circumstances  calling  for  the  voice  of  the 
1  See  the  seven  epistles,  chapts.  2-3. 


210         PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

prophet,   and   such   the   purpose   of  his   book.  Putting   his 

divine  message  in  the  form  of  an  epistle  he  addressed  it  directly 
to  a  group  of  churches  in  Asia  Minor.  He  was  guided  to  adopt 
this  specific  address,  probably  in  part  because  that  was  the  field 
of  his  own  labors,  the  one  with  which  he  was  most  familiar,  the 
one  where  his  authority  was  most  fully  recognized ;  probably 
in  part  also  because  this  was  the  sphere  where  the  various 
exigencies  of  the  Church  were  conspicuously  pressing  ;  here  the 
emperor-worship  took  its  most  aggressive  form,  here  the  ener- 
getic and  corrupt  life  of  the  busy  Asiatic  cities  produced  the 
most  manifold  influences  subversive  of  Christian  faith  and 
character  ;  here  the  seven  communities  were,  if  not  comprehen- 
sive examples  of  the  life  and  surroundings  of  the  whole  Church, 
at  least  types  of  good  and  evil  so  varied  as  to  make  them  in  a 
sense  representative  of  the  world  at  large.  At  all  events  it  is 
clear,  that  while  the  message  is  sent  specifically  to  a  group  of 
seven  churches,  it  is  intended  for  the  whole  Church.  Every 
one  that  hath  an  ear  is  bidden  to  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to 
the  churches ;  the  warnings  and  promises  of  the  book  are  not 
merely  local,  but  applicable  to  all  Christians  scattered  through- 
out the  world ;  its  visions  and  revelations  are  concerned  with 
things  universal.  1 

The  direct  relation  of  the  book  to  the  circumstances,  and  to 
the  Christian  beliefs  and  expectations  of  the  time  demands  a 
somewhat  fuller  exposition.  This  relation  becomes  apparent 
in  those  matters  upon  which  emphasis  is  especially  laid,  as  may 
be  seen  by  a  brief  survey  of  the  principal  topics.  (1)  As  a 
prophet,  commissioned  with  a  special  message  of  reproof  and 
exhortation  addressed  to  the  people  of  God  regarding  their 
present  spiritual  state  and  their  future  steadfastness,  the 
author  devotes  the  foremost  paragraph  of  his  book  to  the 
searching  words  of  the  Lord  of  the  C-hurch  given  in  the  seven 
epistles  (2-3)  ;  and  the  lessons  of  that  portion  are  summarily 
reiterated  in  later  paragraphs  in  view  of  the  crises  spoken  of.^ 
(2)  The  evil  days  upon  which  the  Church  had  already  entered 
and  those  still  more  evil  now  imminent  were  thought  to  form 
'  The  Last  Time,'  with  its  trials  and  hopes  ;  the  movements  of 
the  forces  of  evil  now  at  work  in  the  world  were  viewed  as  the 
1  See  ou  1^.  2  cf.  71^  13io,  14^-5.  9-12,  iS^-s,  20^,  218.  27,  2212-15. 


PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        211 

last  forerunners  of  those  final  events.  Hence  the  revelations 
of  the  book  relate  chiefly  to  things  which  must  come  to  pass 
shortly.  (3)  The  common  belief  in  an  intensification  of  'woes' 
before  the  dawn  of  the  Great  Day  made  inevitable  in  any 
prophecy  of  the  destinies  awaiting  the  world  terrible  visita- 
tions, such  as  those  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets  and  the  bowls, 
whether  as  plagues  sent  upon  the  enemies  of  God  or  as  trials 
to  test  the  saints.  (4)  The  hostility  of  the  Roman  govern- 
ment, now  manifesting  itself  in  measures  taken  to  suppress 
Christianity,  was  seen  by  the  prophet  as  a  great  weapon  of 
Satan  in  his  warfare  against  the  Christ,  and  its  advance  to  the 
bitterest  conflict  was  clearly  discerned.  The  Church  needed 
to  be  advised  of  the  Satanic  nature  of  this  hostility  and  fore- 
warned of  its  increasing  activity  ;  at  the  same  time  it  needed 
also  a  vision  of  the  final  overthrow  of  this  great  adversary.  Of 
old  the  world-monarchies,  Assyria,  Babylonia,  Greco-Syria, 
had  persecuted  the  people  of  God,  and  the  prophets  had  fore- 
told in  vivid  pictures  their  final  doom  ;  so  now  the  Apocalyp- 
tist  foresees  the  Roman  world-power  and  the  imperial  city,  at 
present  serving  to  the  utmost  Satan's  designs  against  the 
Church,  ultimately  swept  away  in  utter  ruin.  Naturally  this 
theme  is  frequently  in  the  background  of  the  author's  thought. 
The  activity  of  Satan  in  Rome's  persecution  of  the  CJhurch 
forms  the  underlying  motive  in  the  great  scene  of  chapt.  13 
and  the  explanation  of  it  given  in  11  ^~^^  ;  it  appears  also  in 
other  passages,  e.g.  2^0'  i^,  129-  12,  17^  20^.  And  the  punishment 
of  Rome  in  its  utter  destruction  forms  the  subject  of  the  long 
paragraph  17-19^  describing  in  full  what  is  announced  briefly 
elsewhere,  e.g.  14^  16^^,  ll^*^.  (5)  The  prevalent  expectation 
regarding  Antichrist  was  at  this  time  quickened  by  the  intima- 
tions of  current  events.  As  seen  elsewhere  ^  the  belief  was 
common  that  before  the  end  Antichrist  would  come  as  universal 
world-tyrant,  exalting  himself  above  God  and  demanding  wor- 
ship from  all,  that  he  would  work  in  the  power  of  Satan,  and 
even  Rome  must  be  removed  to  make  way  for  him.  His  actual 
appearing  was  still  held  in  check,  but  his  influence  was  already 
at  work  in  the  world.  ^  Especially  in  one  respect  was  seen  the 
beginning  of  his  advent,  that  is,  in  the  demand  of  the  Roman 
1  See  pp.  398  f.  2  Cf.  2  Thess.  2^,  1  Jno.  2i8. 


212        PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

emperors  that  divine  worship  should  be  offered  to  them.  The 
emperors  were  viewed  as  the  representatives,  in  a  certain  sense 
the  impersonation,  of  the  coming  Antichrist.  And  by  a 
strange  coincidence  a  fancy  prevailed  in  the  closing  years  of 
the  century  that  one  of  the  emperors  (Nero),  the  one  most 
monstrous  in  his  wickedness  and  his  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tians, would  return  from  the  dead,  overthrow  Rome,  and  estab- 
lish himself  as  universal  tyrant,  making  himself  equal  to  God.^ 
Such  a  fancy  could  easily  be  seized  by  a  prophet  and  poet  as 
falling  in  with  the  current  expectation  of  the  Antichrist. 
Antichrist  was  already  present  in  his  representatives,  the  em- 
perors, demanding  worship  from  Christians  and  non-Christians 
alike.  He  would  soon  come  in  his  own  person  in  the  fullness 
of  his  power,  and  with  extreme  measures  against  the  Church. 
The  emperors  as  they  follow  one  after  another  are  the  respec- 
tive heads  of  the  beast  which  cometh  up  out  of  the  abyss  of 
the  dead  ;  one  of  them  now  dead  will  return,  as  a  wounded 
head  restored,  to  carry  to  its  consummation  the  work  com- 
mitted by  Satan  to  the  beast.^  The  place  occupied  by  ruler-, 
worship  in  the  national  religion  at  the  time  and  in  the  antici- 
pations of  Antichrist  naturally  gives  to  the  subject  great 
prominence  in  the  Apocalyptist's  admonitions  and  promises. 
The  office  of  the  beast,  his  destiny,  the  bitterness  of  the  con- 
flict with  him,  the  reward  of  those  who  in  steadfast  loyalty  to 
Christ  resist  his  demand,  are  dominant  thoughts  throughout 
the  book.  2  (6)  As  the  crisis  upon  which  the  Church  was 
entering  must  inevitably  bring  with  it  the  peril  of  martyrdom, 
and  as  the  Apocalyptist's  exhortations  frequently  contemplate 
the  call  to  this  extreme  trial,  so  in  one  of  the  most  striking 
passages  of  his  book  he  reveals  to  his  readers  the  martyr's 
peculiar  reward.^  To  this  special  class  is  reserved  the  blessed- 
ness of  the  first  resurrection  and  the  millennial  reign  with 
Christ.^  In  other  passages  also  the  martyrs  are  assured  of 
their  special  remembrance  before  God.*^  (7)  But  while  the 
times  make  appropriate  a  separate  message  to  the  martyrs,  the 
whole  body  of  Christians  stand  in  need  of  the  comforting  and 

1  See  pp.  400  ff.  2  gee  pp.  407  f . 

3  Cf.  IF,  chapt.  13,  149-11,  152^  162.  10,  13^  178-17,  1911-21,  20^.  10.  ^  20^. 

5  See  p.  736.  e  Cf.  69-ii,  12",  165-^  192,  the  seven  epistles  pa.s.stHi. 


PURPOSE   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  213 

strengthening  assurance  that  (lod  will  carry  througli  unfail- 
ingly his  purpose  to  deliver  his  people  and  establish  his  king- 
dom ;  that  Christ  is  ever  present  with  his  Church,  controlling 
in  its  behalf  the  destinies  of  the  world,  overcoming  in  the  end 
every  enemy  ;  and  that  through  the  gate  of  fierce  struggle 
with  the  powers  of  evil  the  saints  will  pass  to  a  blessed  eternity 
of  union  with  God  and  their  Lord  Christ.  This  is  the  supreme 
message  to  the  Church  in  the  stress  of  the  awful  days  now 
coming  to  it.  And  this  hope  is  revealed  in  nearly  every  chap- 
ter. It  is  expressed  directly  in  the  opening  vision  of  Christ  in 
his  ascended  glory,  chapt.  1  ;  in  the  epistles,  2-3  ;  in  the 
great  scenes  of  the  court  of  heaven,  4-5  ;  in  the  visions  of  tlie 
resurrection,  the  judgment  and  the  new  Jerusalem,  20-22.  It 
is  imi[)lied  in  the  manifestations  of  (lod's  wrath  against  the 
wicked,  and  the  judgments  sent  upon  them,  e.g.  chapts.  6, 
8-9,  16-18.  It  is  vividly  pictured  in  the  anticipatory  visions 
and  hymns  which  are  ever  and  anon  introduced  like  beams  of 
light  from  heaven  piercing  the  dark  scenes  of  divine  wrath  and 
Satanic  warfare.^ 

This  rapid  survey  will  show  the  immediate  relation  of  the 
contents  of  the  Apocalypse  to  the  state  and  circumstances  of 
the  Church  at  the  time  when  it  was  written  ;  that  it  is  a  book 
for  the  years  forming  the  close  of  the  first  century  and  the 
beginning  of  the  second,  and  is  addressed  to  the  precise 
needs  and  the  hopes  and  fears  of  that  age.  And  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  as  it  was  read  in  the  congregations  of  those 
Asiatic  churches,  and  from  them  spread  to  other  parts  of  the 
Church,  it  added  mightily  to  the  forces  which  nerved  Chris- 
tians to  stand  firm  in  their  great  trial. 

In  what  has  been  said  regarding  the  author's  purpose  in  the 
Apocalypse,  his  own  j^ersonal  deliberation  and  choice  are  as- 
sumed to  share  in  his  work.  It  is  therefore  appropriate  in 
this  place  to  speak  specifically  of  this  factor,  the  Apoealyptisf s 
part  in  his  ivriting.,  the  right  apprehension  of  which  must 
underlie  all  discussion  of  the  contents  and  structure  of  the 
book,  and  its  interpretation.  There  are  two  facts  which  are 
established  by  the  study  of  the  book  itself,  and  which  are 
fundamental  here  :   (1)  deliberate  study  in  the  composition  of 

1  Cf.   ciiaptS.   7,    lll!'-13,   1210-12,   141-5.  13,  152-4^   196-9. 


214        PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

the  work  ;  (2)  the  influence  of  the  Old  Testament  prophets  and 
the  apocalyptists  in   the  book.  (1)  Deliberate  study  in  the 

composition  of  the  book.  The  author  represents  himself  as 
receiving  his  message  through  visions.  Now  the  vision  had 
become  the  standing  form  in  which  all  apocalyptic  writers  cast 
their  works,  even  those  who  could  lay  no  justifiable  claim  to  a 
divine  revelation. ^  Hence  it  is  assumed  by  some  that  in  our 
book  also  the  visions  are  merely  a  literary  device  of  the  writer  ; 
and  this  view  is  thought  to  be  confirmed  by  the  evident  traces 
of  deliberate  care  and  study  in  the  composition.  If  however 
we  accept  the  reality  of  the  vision  in  the  case  of  the  Old 
Testament  prophets  and  others,  there  appears  no  reason  why 
we  should  not  do  so  here.  The  wonderfid  character  of  many 
of  the  scenes  of  our  book  is  less  easily  accounted  for  as  a 
product  of  poetic  fancy,  than  as  revealed  in  that  strange  spirit- 
ual experience  which  we  call  ecstasy,  and  whose  actuality  is 
recognized  by  most  biblical  scholars.  The  writer's  uniform 
representation,  that  revelations  of  this  character  were  given 
to  him  as  the  source  of  his  message,  rests  upon  a  basis  as  sure 
as  his  claim  to  the  office  of  a  prophet,^  and  we  are  warranted 
in  accepting  the  occurrence  of  visions  in  his  case,  as  we  do  in 
that  of  Isaiah,  of  Peter,  or  Paul. 

But  a  prophet  does  not  write  while  in  a  vision  or  state  of 
ecstasy,  and  when  he  commits  to  writing  a  record  of  these 
extraordinary  experiences  he  becomes  a  deliberate  composer. 
And  so  we  see  our  author  laboring  with  all  the  skill  and 
resources  at  his  command  to  convey  to  his  readers  some  appre- 
hension of  the  marvelous  revelations  which  had  been  made  to 
him.  Stupendous  scenes  passing  all  human  power  to  picture 
had  been  opened  to  his  sight  ;  these  had  been  shown  to  him 
not  all  at  once  but,  as  he  himself  has  given  us  to  understand, 
at  different  times  and  from  different  standpoints,  and  he  is 
bidden  to  make  a  record  of  all  that  he  had  seen.  Things  be- 
yond man's  comprehension,  things  which  were  doubtless  only 
dimly  seized  by  himself,  he  struggles  to  make  visible,  and  to 
combine  into  a  picture  of  the  one  great  theme  to  which  they 
all  relate.  He  uses  in  his  task  the  imagery  of  familiar  writings, 
he  invents,  he  adopts  and  adapts  from  earlier  sources,  as  an 
1  Cf.  p.  169.  2  See  pp.  292  ff. 


PURPOSE  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        215 

artist  with  a  great  ideal  before  his  vision  makes  use  of  every 
resource  whether  original  or  conventional,  at  times  betraying 
his  conscioijsness  that  he  is  trying  to  express  the  inexjiressible. 
How  far  he  is  merely  reproducing  forms  actually  seen  in  his 
ecstasy,  and  how  much  of  his  work  is  due  to  the  conscious 
effort  to  produce  in  his  readers  some  visualization  of  what  had 
been  perhaps  vaguely  presented  to  his  spiritual  eye,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say.  This  carefully  studied  character  of  the  compo- 
sition is  seen  unmistakably  in  the  long  and  very  complicated 
plan  of  the  book,  in  the  relation  of  part  to  part  and  to  the 
whole,  in  the  elaborate  scheme  of  sevens,^  in  details  looking 
forward  and  backward,  in  structural  repetitions.  These  and 
other  similar  features  are  pointed  out  in  the  Commentary.  A 
striking  parallel  to  this  studied  elaboration  in  the  description 
of  a  vision  is  found  in  Ezekiel's  account  of  his  visions  of  the 
temple  and  the  land  of  restored  Israel  (chapts.  40-48).  But 
for  all  this  studied  effort  in  literary  labor  our  book  is  none  the 
less  a  series  of  visions.  And  doubtless  in  the  course  of  literary 
composition  the  author's  conscious  work  would  not  always  be 
sharply  distinguished  from  his  ecstatic  state.  A  poet  is  often 
transported  with  his  inspiration,  even  though  he  labors  with 
the  quantities  of  syllables  or  accents  in  trying  to  give  to  his 
conceptions  metrical  form. 

(2)  The  influence  of  the  Old  Testament  jjrophets  and  the 
Apocalyptists  in  the  hook.  The  writer's  mind  is  stored  to  a 
remarkable  degree  Avith  Old  Testament  prophecies,  especially 
those  concerning  the  End,  with  Jewish  eschatological  tradition, 
and  with  its  language  and  imagery.  It  was  natural  then  that 
his  visions  themselves  should  be  moulded  by  the  conceptions 
thus  inherent  in  all  his  thoughts  of  the  Last  Things.  Visions 
take  fashion  from  that  of  which  the  mind  is  full.  There  is 
scarcely  a  paragraph  in  the  book  which  does  not  contain  remi- 
niscences of  the  prophets,  or  apocalyptic  writings,  as  is  pointed 
out  in  the  Commentary.  But  it  is  a  mistake  to  find  herein 
evidence  that  the  visions  are  altogether  a  literary  form  built 
up  on  traditional  lines  and  not  a  real  experience  of  the  author. 
On  the  other  hand  in  the  writer's  effort  to  give  form  to  the 

1  See  p.  253  f . 


216  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

mysteries  revealed  to  him,  as  said  above,  the  familiar  represen- 
tations given  in  the  prophets  and  elsewhere  must  often  have 
suggested  themselves  to  him  as  the  most  fitting  epibodiment. 
It  is  of  course  impossible  to  say  how  much  in  these  parallelisms 
is  due  to  this  effort,  and  how  much  belonged  to  the  visions 
themselves  ;  the  distinction  is  unimportant.  The  essential 
fact  to  be  recognized  in  this  characteristic  of  the  book  is  the 
influence  which  this  inheritance  of  the  author's  from  earlier 
prophets  .  and  apocalyptists  exerted  on  the  contents  of  his 
visions  and  his  manner  of  picturing  them.  The  author's  pro- 
cedure in  carrying  out  his  great  pur})0se  will  be  seen  in  a 
survey  of  the  contents  of  the  book  and  its  structure  to  be 
given  below. ^  It  is  desirable  to  consider  first  two  topics, 
(1)  the  question  of  unity,  (2)  certain  cliaracteristics  in  the 
author's  literary  manner,  topics  which  pertain  to  the  plan  of 
the  book  and  its  interpretation.  These  are  taken  up  in  the 
following  paragraphs. 


V.    The  Question  op  the  Unity  of  the  Apocalypse 

Taking  the  Apocalypse  in  its  general  outline  the  reader 
traces  a  sequence  in  the  acts  which  fill  up  the  great  drama  of 
the  Last  Things.  The  several  series  of  precursory  judgments 
follow  one  after  another  and  are  succeeded  by  the  cycle  of 
events  which  belong  to  the  End  itself.  We  perceive  readily 
the  relation  of  at  least  the  larger  parts  to  an  ordered  plan. 
The  thread  sometimes  seems  to  be  broken,  but  it  reappears. 
Passing  over  certain  portions  to  be  noted  later  we  see  that  the 
events  move  toward  one  great  consummation  as  follows:  the 
unfolding  of  the  future,  declared  in  the  first  verse,  is  directly 
entered  upon  in  the  breaking  of  the  seven  seals  one  after 
another,  which  closed  the  book  of  the  world's  destiny  (5-6,  8^), 
and  it  continues  with  certain  interruptions  through  the  visions 
of  the  seven  trumpets  (8,  9,  11 1^^)  and  of  the  seven  bowls  of 
God's  wrath  (15,  16)  ;  then  follow  in  quick  succession  the 
events  of  the  End,  that  is,  the  vanquishment  of  the  enemies  of 

1  pp.  255  ff. 


UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  217 

God,  both  earthly  and  spiritual,  the  resurrection,  the  judgment 
and  the  doom  of  the  wicked  (18-20),  and  tinally  the  perfected 
kingdom  of  (lod  in  the  new  world  (21-22^"^).  But  on  the 
other  hand  into  this  general  outline  there  are  thrown  many 
passages,  of  greater  or  less  length,  whose  direct  relation  to  the 
main  plan  of  the  book  is  not  apparent  on  the  surface  ;  they 
seem  to  interrupt  an  orderly  sequence  ;  an  advancing  series  of 
events  is  broken  in  upon  by  matter  which  apparently  belongs 
to  a  different  context  or  a  different  chronological  position. 
Chief  among  such  seemingly  disturbing  passages  are  the  seven 
epistles,  concerned,  not  with  things  of  the  Last  Days,  but  with 
the  then  existing  condition  of  certain  churches  of  Asia  Minor 
(2-3)  ;  the  vision  of  the  court  of  heaven,  pictured  not  with 
reference  to  a  final  abode  of  the  redeemed,  but  as  the  eternal 
throne-room  of  (lod  surrounded  by  the  adoring  company  of 
angels  (chapt.  4)  ;  certain  anticipations  such  as  the  announce- 
ment of  the  End,  as  already  come  (6^^^,  14^^'^*^),  triumphant 
hymns  celebrating  the  consummation  as  reached  (ll^^'^^  12^^, 
196-9),  visions  of  the  saints  in  final  blessedness  {1^^\  li^-^  15^) 
—  all  tliese  introduced  in  the  midst  of  events  which  belong 
earlier  in  time.  Similar  inappropriateness  to  the  connection 
appears  in  the  paragraphs  inserted  between  the  sixth  and 
seventh  seals  (chapt.  7),  and  between  the  sixth  and  seventh 
trumpets  (lO-lli*)  ;  the  visions  of  the  woman  and  the  dragon 
(chapt.  12),  and  of  the  beasts  rising  out  of  the  sea  and  the 
earth  (chapt.  13)  ;  the  premature  announcement  of  the  fall  of 
the  great  city  (14^).  Besides  this  evident  interruption  of 
order  and  the  consequent  difficulty  in  certain  jjassages  in  deter- 
mining a  meaning  related  to  the  context,  differences  in  the  his- 
torical situation  implied  and  in  religious  ideas  are  also  thought 
by  some  scholars  to  exist  in  various  places.  It  is  inevitable 
then  that  the  unity  of  the  book  should  be  called  in  question. 
Theories  of  (1)  revision  and  rearrangement  by  later  hands,  (2)  a 
compilation  of  different  documents,  (3)  interpolation,  are 
offered  as  furnishing  the  readiest  solution  of  many  problems, 
and  seem  to  be  sustained  by  reasons  more  or  less  weighty.^ 

1  For  a  survey  of  critical  views,  see  pp.  22i  ff.,  237  f.  The  passages  above  enu- 
merated do  not  include  all  those  against  which  critical  objections  are  raised 
from  one  quarter  or  another,  but  they  are  those  which  form  the  principal  inter- 
ruptions in  a  regular  sequence. 


218  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

The  test  of  unity  must  be  sought  in  the  results  of  a 
thoroughgoing  exegetical  and  critical  study  of  the  book  itself. 
There  are  however  some  general  and  historical  considerations 
which  dispose  us  to  ask  in  anticipation  whether,  in  spite  of 
disturbances  of  order  and  other  difficulties,  there  may  not  be  a 
consistent  plan  wrought  out  by  a  single  mind  —  a  plan  which 
takes  up  into  itself  all  parts  of  the  book,  as  serving  the  author's 
complex  purpose,  though  in  some  cases  these  be  suggested  by, 
or  adapted  from,  other  sources.  As  regards  liistorical  evidence 
it  does  not  need  much  argument  to  show  that  in  all  probability 
our  present  form  of  the  l)Ook  is  that  which  was  current  in  the 
earlier  part  of  the  second  century.  The  knowledge  of  it  is  too 
widely  and  continuously  attested  to  leave  room  for  serious 
doubt.  Irenseus,  whose  personal  knowledge  reaches  Ijack  into 
the  first  half  of  the  century,  attests  its  existence  in  many,  some 
of  them  ancient,  copies  ;  ^  and  if  the  form  known  to  the  still 
earlier  witness,  Justin  Martyr,  as  a  book  circulating  among 
Christians  and  attributed  to  an  apostle,^  had  differed  from 
these  copies,  it  could  hardly  have  been  so  completely  displaced 
by  these  later  compositions  that  no  trace  of  it  was  left.  This 
is  tantamount  to  saying  that  the  present  form  of  the  book  is 
identical  with  that  existing  (possibly  we  may  say  in  at  least 
seven  copies,  —  one  for  each  of  the  seven  churches)  at  the  end 
of  the  first  century,  the  age  to  which  the  book  belongs.^  In 
view  then  of  the  different  opinions  concerning  its  structure  we 
may  say  that  the  writer  who  claimed  to  be,  and  was  accepted 
as,  the  author,  sent  it  out  in  its  present  form,  as  either  (1)  a 
collection  of  independent   and   loosely  related   documents,  or 

(2)  a  revision  or  enlargement  of  an  older  book  or  books,  or 

(3)  an  ordered  unit  in  which  every  part,  however  suggested 
to  him,  had  in  his  mind  a  significant  place  in  his  plan.  Since 
however  the  paragraphs  which  seem  opposed  to  a  unity  are  of 
such  a  kind  that  they  could  not  in  general  be'  conceived  to  be 
originally  documents  standing  alone,  apart  from  a  larger  con- 
text, and  since  a  clear  dramatic  sequence  is,  as  seen  above, 
found  in  the  book  taken  as  a  whole,  the  theory  of  a  mere  col- 
lection of  independent  documents  is  inconceivable.  Even  if 
the  passages  in  question  be,  as  some  suppose,  not  isolated  frag- 

1  See  p.  339.  2  See  p.  338.  »  See  p.  200  ff. 


UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  219 

ments  but  parts  of  complete  documents  from  which  they  have 
been  excerpted,  the  objection  is  not  removed  ;  a  writer,  who 
has  made  the  other  parts  of  his  assumed  collection  into  so 
systematic  a  whole,  could  not  have  destroyed  this  order  by 
introducing  paragraphs  unrelated  to  the  rest.  In  other  words 
the  theory  demands  a  more  general  disorder  in  the  book  than 
we  find.  Few,  to  be  sure,  would  maintain  a  wholly  planless 
collection  of  documents,  but  the  objection  is  equally  cogent 
against  the  theory  that  the  Apocalypse  was  produced  by  a 
loose  combination  or  commingling  of  different  sources  around 
a  common  center,  without  effort  to  harmonize  one  source  with 
another  so  far  as  to  make  a  united  whole. 

On  the  other  hand  there  is  strong  objection  to  theories 
which  would  remove  the  difficulties  in  question  by  the  suppo- 
sition of  an  earlier  apocalypse,  whether  Jewish  or  Christian, 
revised  and  enlarged  by  a  late  editor  seeking  to  adapt  it  to 
readers  of  his  own  faith  and  time  —  an  editor  who  is  assumed 
to  have  done  his  work  so  imperfectly  as  to  combine  much  dis- 
turbing and  conflicting  material.  This  earlier  apocalypse  is 
very  commonly  conceived  to  consist,  broadly  speaking,  of 
those  parts  of  the  present  book  which  taken  together  form  a 
close,  uninterrupted  unit  as  shown  above.  With  a  little  skill 
there  may  be  formed  from  these  portions  a  harmonious  and 
powerful  apocalypse  —  one  which,  if  the  Christian  features 
characterizing  it  be  not  arbitrarily  expunged,^  embodies  in 
splendid  form  the  same  prophecies  which  in  the  Gospels  are 
attributed  to  our  Lord,  and  which  appear  in  the  Pauline  and 
Petrine  epistles.  In  the  first  place  then  it  seems  impossible 
that  a  book  of  this  nature,  so  expressive  of  the  hope  of  the 
Church  at  the  time  and  appearing  in  the  last  half  of  the  first 
century  with  a  large  number  of  other  Christian  writings, 
should  not,  like  these,  have  survived  or  been  known  to  the 
Church  in  the  second  century,  especially  since,  according  to 
the  supposition,  it  survived  till  late  in  the  first  century.  And, 
secondly,  it  is  incredible  that  a  Christian  writer  at  the  end  of 
the  century  in  sending  out  the  present  form  of  the  book  as  a 
description  of  visions  specially  given  to  himself  should  really 
have  used  the  book  of  another,  a  book  doubtless  as  well  known 
1  Cf.  Visclier's  hypothesis,  p.  229. 


220  UNITY   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

to  many  of  his  contemporaries  as  to  liimself,  and  should  have 
enlarged  it  by  insertions  which  must  have  been  felt  to  disturb 
the  liarmony  and  obscure  the  meaning  of  the  original  writing. 
In  some  instances,  places  more  inappropriate  and  less  likely 
to  be  chosen  for  the  insertion  of  foreign  matter  could  not  be 
found.  Or  if  this  earlier  book  be  supposed  to  be  the  work  of 
the  same  author,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  a  writer,  who 
frequently  shows  so  keen  a  sense  of  artistic  grouping  and  such 
adherence  to  schematic  form,  should  in  the  revision  of  his  book 
have  done  such  violence  to  his  habits  of  thought  and  composi- 
tion. If  the  added  portions  contain,  as  some  suppose,  separate 
oracles  which  he  wished  to  preserve  by  making  them  a  part  of 
his  book,  one  able  to  command  his  material,  as  he  shows  liim- 
self elsewhere,  could  hardly  have  failed  to  give  the  enlarged 
composition  a  form  as  clearly  a  unit  as  was  the  earlier  book. 

What  is  here  said  would  be  true  in  part  if,  as  has  been 
more  frequently  maintained,  this  earlier  writing  were  a  Jewish 
apocalypse,  worked  over  into  our  form  of  the  book  for  Chris- 
tian use.  Other  objections  also  would  then  arise  ;  the  Jewish 
writing  formed  by  the  combination  of  these  portions,  pruned 
of  all  their  Christian  features  (and  this  is  done  only  by  a  most 
arbitrary  process  of  erasure),  would  form  an  apocalypse  more 
splendid  tluin  any  of  those  preserved  to  us  in  Jewish  literature, 
and  it  is  hard  to  ])elieve  that  it  could  have  perished  so  com- 
pletely that  not  even  its  name  should  anywhere  be  mentioned. 
Further,  we  see  from  the  treatment  of  the  Jewish  apocalypses 
of  Enoch,  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs,  2  Esdras 
and  others,  that  when  the  Christians  souglit  to  adapt  such 
writings  to  their  own  use,  they  limited  themselves  to  the  inter- 
polation of  a  sentence  or  paragraph  here  and  there  ;  ^  they  did 
not  transform  them  and  represent  them  as  visions  given  to  a 
Christian  seer  of  their  own  day. 

These  general  considerations  touching  the  composition  of 
the  Apocalypse  are  but  preliminary  to  others  more  specific,  to 
come  up  later  in  their  appropriate  connections.  ^  Certainly  the 
ultimate  test  of  unity  can  he  reached  only  hy  the  exegesis  of  the 
ivhole  hook.,  hy  a  study  of  the  author''s  language.,  literary  manner, 
and  teaching,  and  hy  a  survey  of  the  contents  of  the  hook  in  its 

1  Cf.  Liicke  I.  229.  2  See  Critical  Analyses,  pp.  224  ff.,  and  Com. 


UNITY   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  221 

plan  and  several  parts.  The  indications  furnished  in  these 
various  coinicctions  will  he  spoken  of  in  later  })aragraphs  and 
in  the  Commentary. 

The  nature  of  the  unity,  however,  as  it  is  understood  in  the 
present  C!ommentary  on  the  Apocalypse,  should  be  distinctly 
stated.  It  is  a  unity  consistent  with  a  free  use  of  material 
derived  more  or  less  directly  from  other  sources,  and  even  with 
the  construction  of  whole  paragraphs  on  the  basis  of  such 
material.  Reminiscences  of  the  Old  Testament  appear  here 
oftener  than  in  any  other  book  of  the  New  Testament.  More 
than  half  the  number  of  verses  contain  allusions  to  the  Old 
Testament,  or  imagery,  figures  or  language  therefrom  ;  ^  espe- 
cially frequent  is  the  use  of  Daniel  and  the  apocalyptic  parts 
of  Isaiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Zechariah  ;  also  non-canonical  apoca- 
lyptic literature  has  left  its  impress  upon  thought  as  well  as 
upon  form.  There  is  however  nothing  approaching  a  literal 
transference  of  whole  paragraphs  from  any  known  writer.  A 
few  examples  will  illustrate  the  author's  use  of  passages 
occurring  in  other  sources  known  to  us.  The  description  of 
the  plague  of  the  locusts  (Q^'^^)  is  taken  from  Joel  1-2  ;  the 
plagues  of  the  seven  trumpets  and  the  seven  bowls  (8-9,  16) 
chiefly  from  Exodus  7-10;  the  episode  of  the  'little  book' 
(chapt.  10)  from  Ezk.  2— S  ;  the  representations  of  the  beast 
(chapt.  13)  from  Dan.  7  ;  the  summons  to  tlie  birds  of  prey 
(19^'^  *•)  from  Ezk.  39^^  ^-  ;  much  of  the  lament  over  the  fall  of 
the  great  city  (chapt.  18)  from  Ezk.  2(3-27.  But  a  comparison 
of  these  passages  in  our  book  with  the  parallel  portions  of  the 
Old  Testament  will  show  how  remote  tlie  author  is  from 
inserting  mere  excerpts  from  other  writings.  He  is  indebted 
to  these  l)()th  in  idea  and  language,  yet  he  uses  the  material 
with  great  independence,  changing,  omitting,  adding,  in  every 
way  adai)ting  to  his  own  purpose.  He  is  as  far  as  possible 
from  a  copyist  ;  he  writes  rather  as  one  whose  memory  is  filled 
with  vivid  thoughts  and  expressions  which  he  uses  to  unfold 
his  great  theme.  Now  his  treatment  of  sources  in  these  cases 
gives  us  information  of  the  utmost  value  for  the  interpretation 
of  other  passages  which  may  possibly  be  formed  after  apoca- 
lypses not  knotvn  to  us.  Examples  of  portions  quite  generally 
1  Cf.  iu  WH  the  Table  of  Quotations  from  (),T.  ;  Hiihn,  II.  234  ff. 


222  UNITY   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

held  by  recent  critics  to  be  taken  from  non-extant  apocalypses 
are  the  episode  of  the  staying  of  the  winds  and  the  sealing  of 
Israel  (7^"^)  ;  the  measuring  of  the  temple  and  the  history  of 
the  two  witnesses  (ll^^i^)  ;  the  dragon's  persecution  of  the 
woman  and  her  seed  (chapt.  12).  If  now  in  the  paragraphs 
mentioned  above  as  moulded  after  the.  Old  Testament  we  may 
certainly  believe  we  have  a  criterion  of  the  author's  method  of 
handling  matter  not  original  with  himself,  then  it  is  clear  that 
the  supposed  fragments  of  non-extant  apocalypses,  if  such  they 
are,  were  treated  with  similar  freedom.  These  suggested  forms, 
symbols,  and  imagery,  but  were  not  literally  followed  ;  they 
were  worked  over  with  a  mastery  that  adapted  them  to  the  pur- 
pose which  the  author  had  in  mind.  The  original  connection, 
if  known,  might  to  be  sure  make  clear  some  details  retained 
and  obscure  to  us,  as  the  figures  of  the  olive  tree  and  the 
candlestick  in  11*  are  explained  by  the  source  from  which  they 
are  taken,  Zech.  4.  But  whether,  for  example,  the  prophecy 
of  the  occupation  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Gentiles  in  11^"^  is  a 
Jewish  fragment  of  the  year  70  a.d.,  whether  the  picture  of 
the  Beast  in  13^"^^  is  a  fragment  from  the  time  of  Caligula, 
Nero,  or  Vespasian,  are  questions  which,  though  interesting 
from  the  standpoint  of  literary  criticism,  are  secondary  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  book.  The  ultimate  inquiry  must  be, 
whether  such  paragraphs  have  a  place  in  the  author's  plan  and 
what  is  their  significance  in  Ms  intention.  This  inquiry  will  be 
considered  in  the  respective  places  in  the  Commentary. 

The  use  of  language  as  bearing  on  unity.  The  presumption 
of  the  foregoing  pages  in  favor  of  the  unity  of  the  Apocalypse 
is  confirmed  by  the  use  of  language  found  throughout  the  book. 
That  in  its  existing  form  it  is  the  product  of  a  single  mind, 
whether  originating  or  working  over  derived  material,  seems  to 
he  put  beyond  reasonable  doubt  by  the  uniform  presence  of  a 
characteristic  style. ^  As  regards  (a)  vocabulary,  (6)  favorite 
expressions,  (f)  arrangement  of  words  in  a  sentence,  (c?)  gram- 
matical peculiarities  and  even  grammatical  errors,  the  book  has 
among  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament  characteristics  of  its 

1  WeylancVs  effort  to  fl.i)d  a  peculiarity  of  language  in  certain  parts  is  not 
successful.     Cf.  p,  231, 


UNITY   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  223 

own,  which  appear  with  as  great  a  uniformity  as  can  be  affirmed 
of  any  work  of  complex  structure.  It  is  not  possible  to  excerpt 
any  considerable  portion  which  departs  from  this  style  so  far  as 
to  justify  its  attribution  to  a  different  writer. ^ 

(a)  Exclusive  of  proper  names  and  a  few  variations  in  the  Mss.,  there 
are  in  the  book  nearly  875  different  words.  Something  over  a  hundred  of 
these  (about  one  in  eight)  are  not  found  in  any  other  New  Testament  book, 
though  most  of  them  occur  in  the  Septuagint  or  non-biblical  writers.  These 
words,  not  found  in  other  New  Testament  writings,  are  largely  due  to 
peculiarity  in  subject  matter ;  fully  a  fifth  of  them  belong  to  the  paragraph 
describing  the  downfall  of  the  great  city  (chapt.  18),  an  equal  number  to 
the  description  of  the  New  Jerusalem  (21-22'^),  nearly  20  to  the  vision 
of  the  first  six  trumpets  (8-9),  nearly  10  to  the  vision  of  the  seven  bowls 
(chapt.  16),  paragraphs  which  all  fall  naturally  into  the  plan  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse and  cannot  reasonably  be  separated  as  inappropriate  insertions.  The 
long  paragraph  of  the  seven  epistles  (2-3),  dealing  with  common  topics  of 
everyday  Christian  life,  contains  not  more  than  10  such  words.  Most  of 
these  peculiar  words  are  the  only  words  used  in  our  book  for  their  respective 
ideas ;  that  is,  there  are  not  in  other  parts  of  the  book  terms  parallel  with 
these,  which  might  be  taken  to  indicate  different  authors.  In  the  few  cases 
of  parallel  words,^  these  are  found  either  in  the  same  paragraph  or  distributed 
through  paragraphs  which  cannot  be  omitted  without  destroying  the 
structure  of  the  book.  In  some  cases  ^  an  unusual  word  is  chosen  because 
of  its  special  appropriateness  (Cf.  Com.  in  Inc.).  There  is  nothing  in  these 
various  usages  to  indicate  difference  of  authorship.  As  regards  the  rest  of 
the  vocabulary,  that  which  is  common  to  our  book  and  the  other  New 
Testament  writings,  no  portion  shows  a  use  of  terms  sufficiently  diverse  to 
set  it  apart  from  others.  (h)  Some  examples  of  the  use  of  favorite  words 
and  expressions  will  likewise  indicate  the  work  of  one  writer  throughout. 
The  number  of  occurrences  in  each  case  is  given  after  the  example :  cufia. 
(19),  ava/SaLvw  (13),  dvotyo)  (26),  d.TroKT€Lvu>  (15),  dpvt'ov  (28),  (3dX\(o  (28), 
iSt^At'ov  (23),  yTj  (82),  ypa<^w  (29),  BlBwixl  (57),  e^vos  (23),  eVwTrtov  (35), 
6d\aa-(Ta  (26),  Op6vo<;  (16),  KdOrjfJuiL  (33),  ^eyas  (80),  vtKao)  (17),  6Vo/u,a  (37), 
ovpavo's  (52),  TrtVTco  (23),  irpoaKweoi  (21),  -rrvp  (25),  crro/xa  (22),  vBcop  (18). 
It  will  be  seen  that  these  words,  to  which  many  additions  might  be  made, 
occur  very  often,  and  a  comparison  with  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment will  show  that  with  perhaps  the  sole  exception  of  al/xa  they  occur 
much  oftener  here  than  elsewhere ;  they  may  then  be  regarded  as  specially 
characteristic  of  the  vocabulary  of  the  book.  And  their  distribution  is 
significant;  of  these  24   examples  every  chapter  contains  from  12  to  19, 

1  Upon  languas;e,  grammar,  etc.,  cf.  Liickell.  448  ff.,  Bousset  1.59  ff.,  Swete 
CXV.  ff.  andSllff. 

-  E.g.  SiddrjfjLa  cnidffT4<pavos;  Kv/cX6<?ec  and  ki/kX<jj;  /x,dxa'pa  and  po^K^iato;  TrXijcrirw 
and  ■n-aTdcreroj. 

^  E.g.  ^i^Xapidiov  chapt.  10,  elsewhere  /StjSX^ov  ;  KaTa(T<ppayi^u>  5i  ;  elsewhere 
fftppayl^w. 


224  UNITY  OF  THE   APOCALYPSE 

except  chapt.  22  which  has  8.  Still  more  striking  is  the  recurrence  of  set 
phrases.  Examples  of  these,  recurring  sometimes  with  slight  variation, 
are:  Aoyos  tov  dtov  kol  tj  fxaprvpia  ^Itjctov  1-'^  6^,  1211- 1',  20'';  KiJpios  6  ^eds, 
6  ■KavTOKpa.Twp  P,  J:^  11^',  15^  16'''  ",  19'''  i',  21^2  ;  otvos  rov  6vp.ov  rrjq  Tropvetas, 
or  TOV  Oeov,  or  T»ys  opyrj^  14»' '",  16'^  172,  IS^,  19^^;  <pv\rj  kol  yAwcro-a  koI 
Xaos  Kol  edvo<;  5^,  7^,  10",  IP,  13^  U^;  oi  fXLKpol  kol  ol  /xeyaAoi  IP^,  I316, 
19^  IS,  201- .  aXr/^tvds  with  Trto-rds,  aytos,  or  StKatos  o^' ",  610,  IS'*,  16^  19-'- ",  21^ 
22e;  oi  /^aatAeZs  r^?  y^s  P,  Q'',  15^  IG^S  172.  is,  IS^.^,  IQi^,  21^4;  <j,u,vi]  ti^ydXr, 
HO,  52.12,  Qio^  72,10^  yis,  103,  1112,15^  1-210^  147,9,15,18,  61- 1^  191' 1^  op.  It  will  be 
noticed  that  these  are  distributed  promiscuously  through  the  book  and  that 
the  paragraphs  felt  to  disturb  the  unity  share  this  trait  of  the  writer  in 
common  with  others.  (c)  As  regards  the  arrangement  of  the  principal 
parts  of  a  sentence  the  book  shows  extraordinary  monotony.  As  a  rule  the 
governing  word  precedes  the  governed.  The  subject  usually  follows  the 
verb,  though  there  are  many  exceptions  and  these  are  found  in  every  part. 
With  far  fewer  variations  the  object  follows  the  verb,  though  here  too  most 
chapters  furnish  one  or  more  exceptions;  attributives,  that  is,  adjectives, 
adjective  phrases  and  dependent  genitives,  follow  the  noun  almost  without 
variation,  excepting  aAXos  and  adjectives  of  number  and  quantity  ;  but 
/xeyas  which  occurs  80  times  is  found,  when  attributive,  only  once  (I821)  or 
perhaps  twice  (I6I)  before  the  noun.  Variations  from  these  principles  of 
order,  so  far  as  they  occur,  are  not  grouped  in  any  part  of  the  book  in  such 
a  way  as  to  indicate  different  writers.  (<l)  In  certain  grammatical  pecul- 
iarities and  irregularities,  the  Apocalypse  stands  alone  among  writings  known 
to  us.  It  is  not  possible  to  take  up  these  with  any  fullness  here ;  many  will 
be  noticed  in  the  Commentary.  (For  a  good  summary  see  Bousset  1.59  ff.) 
Most  of  these  grammatical  peculiarities  occur  many  times  and  are  charac- 
teristic, not  of  any  one  section  of  the  book,  but  of  the  whole.  Some 
examples  will  suffice  for  the  present  purpose  :  (1)  Departure  from  the  laws 
of  agreement  in  number,  case,  or  gender :  a  verb  singular  with  several 
connected  subjects,  or  with  a  plu.  subj.  (8^,  912) ;  a  plu.  vb.  with  neuter  plu, 
siibj.  (1^^)  ;  the  nominative  in  apposition  with  some  other  case  (P^)  ;  change 
of  case  or  gender  in  an  adjective  or  participle  (11*,  12^  14'^),  especially  in 
Xe'ywv  and  cx^v  (13",  91^),  change  to  nominative  in  a  dependent  noun  (7^). 

(2)  Indifferent  interchange  of  tense  in  the   same  paragraph  (3^,  lF~i^) 

(3)  Omission  of  the  copula,  which  is  as  often  absent  as  expressed.  (4)  The 
article  repeated  with  each  noun  in  a  series,  and  with  adjectives  and  adjec- 
tive phrases  after  a  noun  which  has  the  article  (2i^,  4",  312),  an  idiom 
occvxrring  with  great  frequency.  (5)  The  repetition  of  the  antecedent  of 
a  pronoun  or  adverb  in  the  relative  clause  (3*,  12^). 

Critical  Analyses  of  the  Apocalypse.  The  unity  of  the  Apocalypse  was 
first  made  the  subject  of  extended  critical  investigation  in  the  work  of 
Volter,  The  Origin  of  the  Apocalypse,  which  appeared  in  1882.  As  early  as 
the  seventeenth  century  Grotius  (Adnotationes  ad  N.  T.  1644),  while  hold- 
ing to  the  apostolic  authorship  of  the  whole,  assigned  different  parts  to 
different  places  and  dates,  and  his  view,  though  generally  rejected,  was 


CRITICAL  ANALYSES  225 

followed  by  riammond  (.1  l^arnphrnse  and  Annotntinn  npnn  all  tln>  finals 
(if  till'  .V.  T.  165:^)  and  a  few  others,  c.//.  Lackemacher  and  Clericns.  This 
primitive  movement  toward  criticism  remained  almost  forgotten,  certainly 
without  any  influential  adherent,  for  more  than  a  century ;  even  Semler, 
the  forefather  of  modern  biblical  critics,  while  strongly  opposing  the 
canonical  value  of  the  Apocalypse,  did  not  attack  its  unity.  In  the  early 
part  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  question  was  taken  up  anew  and  with  a 
nearer  approach  to  scientific  method  by  Vogel  (Commentntiones  VII.  de 
Apoc.  Jnann.  1811-1816),  who  attributed  certain  parts  to  the  apostle  John 
and  others  to  John  the  Presbyter.  Vogel's  hypothesis  was  not  definitively 
accepted  by  any  large  number  of  scholars.  Berthold  (Historisch-h-Uische 
Einleitnnf/  1812-1819)  adopted  it  with  reserve ;  Bleek  at  first  followed  it  so 
far  as  to  assign  different  parts  to  different  dates,  though  maintaining  unity 
of  authorship  (John  the  Presbyter),  but  subsequently  he  changed  his  view 
and  maintained  unity  of  date  also  (Beitrdr/e  zur  Erangclanikritik  1846, 
Varies im gen  iiher  d.  A/>.,  posthumously  edited  by  Hossbach  1862,  116  ff.)  ; 
De  Wette  in  the  first  edition  of  his  Introduction  (1826)  followed  the  earlier 
opinion  of  Bleek,  but  in  the  second  edition  (1830),  under  the  influence  of 
Ewald  (Cammentarhts  in  Ap.  Johan.  1828,  Studien  u.  Kritiken  1829)  returned 
to  an  energetic  maintenance  of  the  unity  of  the  work.  The  unity  became 
so  far  an  axiom  with  scholars  that  Liicke  (II.  870)  could  say,  '  At  the  pres- 
ent time  [1852]  all  the  hypotheses  of  the  origination  of  the  Apocalypse 
from  parts  composed  at  different  times  by  one  and  the  same  author  or  by 
several  authors  seem  to  be  given  up  and  set  down  as  ad  acta.'  But  Schleier- 
macher's  Introduction,  published  a  few  years  before  {Ein.  in  d.  N.  T.,  edited 
posthumously  by  Wold  1845),  and  regarded  by  Liicke  as  the  last  in  the 
critical  movement  against  the  unity  (II.  869),  was  destined  to  give  at  a 
later  date  a  new  impulse  to  hypotheses  of  division.  Schleiermacher,  though 
not  giving  any  detailed  examination  of  the  book,  set  forth  the  theory  that 
it  is  composed  of  a  large  number  of  visions  seen  by  a  single  seer  at  different 
dates  and  having  no  relation  to  one  another.  He  called  attention,  not  to 
differences  in  historical  situation  and  interruptions  in  logical  order,  but 
rather  to  what  he  considers  incongruities  in  thought,  especially  as  regards 
representations  of  Christ.  In  this  he  exerted  an  influence  in  much  of  the 
later  criticism.  Volter  in  1893  says,  '  The  critical  flame  of  recent  times 
was  as  it  were  kindled  by  his  judgment  concerning  the  Apocalypse  '  (Prob- 
lem, p.  2).  Both  Weizsacker  and  Volter,  who  revived  the  problem  of  unity 
in  1882,  show  at  least  in  their  later  writings  traces  of  Schleiermacher's 
leading  in  criticism,  though  not  adopting  his  results  as  regards  the  compo- 
sition of  the  book.  Weizsacker  in  the  cou.rse  of  an  article  in  the  Theolo- 
(jische  Zeitung  (1882,  p.  78  f.)  incidentally  expressed  his  opinion  in  quite 
general  terms  and  without  reasons:  'As  regards  the  Apocalypse  it  is  a 
question  whether  we  are  to  look  at  it  as  a  single  document.  I  confess  to 
the  opinion  that  we  have  in  this  writing  ...  a  composition  which  in  its 
origin  is  a  compilation.'  In  this  article  he  does  not  really  go  much  beyond 
his  predecessors,  but  at  a  later  d;i.te  he  gives  a  fuller,  though  still  very 
brief,  statement  of  his  view,  together  with  reasons,  as  will  be  seen  below. 
Q 


226  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

Volter  a  little  later  in  the  same  year  published  his  work  referred  to  above, 
The  Orujin  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  for  the  first  time  gave  a  discussion  of  the 
problem,  which  took  up  the  various  parts  of  the  book  in  detail.  The 
two  scholars  offered  different  solutions  of  the  problem  and  along  lines 
which  appear  on  one  side  or  the  other  through  all  subsequent  criticism. 
Weizsacker  leads  the  movement  in  the  du-ection  of  a  combination  theory, 
which  in  the  form  given  by  him  conceives  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse 
himself  to  have  incorporated  certain  fragments  into  the  organism  of  his 
work,  though  many  later  critics  adopted  a  hypothesis  of  compilation 
which  supposes  a  more  or  less  mechanical  collection  of  unorganized  sources. 
Volter  on  the  other  hand  maintained  a  theory  of  revision,  according  to 
which  the  present  form  of  the  book  was  reached  throvigh  a  series  of  versions 
enlarged  and  modified  from  time  to  time  by  later  editors  to  conform  it  to 
new  circumstances.  Through  these  two  scholars  an  overwhelming  flood  of 
critical  discussion  was  set  in  motion,  which  has  continued  through  these 
subsequent  years.  Their  theories  in  the  precise  form  advocated  by  them 
and  in  details  are  not  followed ;  but  the  influence  of  their  methods  and  of 
their  critical  observations  appears  throughout.  It  will  be  seen  that  in 
later  criticism  the  two  processes  of  compilation  and  revision  are  often  com- 
bined. It  is  obviously  impossible  in  this  place  to  attempt  any  large  survey 
of  these  numerous  writings ;  the  utmost  that  can  be  done  is  to  state  briefly 
the  hypotheses  advanced  by  the  leaders  in  the  various  phases  of  the  move- 
ment, and  to  make  some  general  observations  on  the  validity  of  these. 

Volter.  Volter's  first  edition  was  soon  followed  by  a  second,  enlarged 
and  modified,  and  this  in  turn  by  various  others  works,  the  last  appearing 
in  1911.  (Enfstehung  d.  Ap.'^  1885;  Die  OJfenbarung  Johan.  keine  urspriing- 
lich  jud.  Ap.  1886 ;  various  articles  in  theolog.  journals  1886-1891 ;  Das 
Problem  d.  Ap.  1893;  Die  Ojfenbarung  Johan.  neu  untersucht.  1904^,  191P.). 
In  this  long  period  of  activity  he  frequently  changes  his  views,  though 
these  changes  relate  for  the  most  part  to  details  and  not  to  his  character- 
istic propositions,  revision  and  a  Christian  origin  of  the  whole  as  opposed  to 
the  use  of  Jewish  apocalypses  as  sources.  According  to  his  latest  publica- 
tion he  finds  in  the  Apocalypse  the  work  of  Jive  different  periods  (p.  51). 
(1)  the  primitive  Apocalypse  of  John  (probably  John  Mark,  certainly  not 
the  apostle  or  the  presbyter)  written  in  a.d.  65.  This  consists  of  l**-*^,  4-9, 
11"-",  141-3.  6-8.  14-20,  191-10,  In  order  to  reconstruct  thus  the  primitive 
Apocalypse  it  is  necessary  to  omit  or  revise  the  following  verses,  which  are 
included  in  these  paragraphs,  but  are  ascribed,  altogether  or  in  part,  to 
later  hands  :  4i,  oo.  9.  10,^1-14,  eie,  7^-",  lli^-  ",  14i,  19^  »>,  sb.  10.  (2)  (56  ff.) 
An  appendix  added  a.d.  68  by  the  author  himself  and  consisting  of  10,  17, 
18,  11 1-1^,  chapters  17  and  18  being  originally  inserted  between  10  and  11. 
Here  again  certain  verses  containing  the  work  of  a  reviser  are  to  be  omitted 
at  least  in  part;  these  are  11*,  171- «■  ",  IS'^o.  (3)  (13,5)  A  revision, 
consisting  chiefly  of  an  insertion  made  by  Cerinthus  in  Vespasian's  time 
(69-79  A.D.).  This  is  composed  of  12-13,  M^-i^,  15-16,  19ii-218;  here  must 
be  omitted  or  modified  12",  13^,  14io,  15*,  16i5,  w  ^,  19i3  ^ ;  and  to  prepare 
for  this  insertion,  51°  ^,  lli^.  i^  were  added.         (4)  (141  ff.)  A  revision  made 


CRITICAL  ANALYSES  227 

early  in  Domitian's  reign  (a.d.  81-90).  This  transferred  17-18  from  the 
original  place  between  10  and  11  to  its  present  place  after  16.  To  facilitate 
this  change  the  redactor  added  16^^  ^,  17^  and  to  make  the  connection  of 
the  transposed  passage  with  the  following  clearer  he  inserted  19^  ''•  ^  *".  To 
him  are  also  due  1""^,  21-^-22"-i,  except  22'',  i^,  i3,  i6-2o^  ^j^f{  ]^g  made  insertions 
or  changes  in  S^-  »•  "-",  Q^^,  79-",  11^  12ii,  IS^,  14i.  lo,  171*.  (5)  (148  ff.) 
The  final  revision  made  late  in  Domitian's  time  consisted  of  the  addition  of 
the  introductory  jjarts,  l^"^  and  P-3^^,  also  the  insertion  or  change  of  14^*, 
]^gi5  I'je  j^gio  22'^'  1'^'  1^'  1*^"'^''. 

As  the  principal  guiding  lines  in  his  analysis  of  the  Apocalypse,  Volter 
finds  in  different  parts  of  it  want  of  consecutiveness,  combination  of  dis- 
cordant elements,  disturbance  of  historical  order,  juxtaposition  of  a  human 
and  a  divine  Messiah  and  of  Judaistic  and  universal  conceptions  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  a  Cerinthian  distinction  between  a  heavenly  Christ  and  Jesus. 
And  his  reconstruction  through  a  series  of  revisions  is  determined  by  the 
effort  to  reconcile  differences,  to  separate  and  recombine  according  as  har- 
mony and  historical  and  logical  sequence  are  supposed  to  require.  He  has 
worked  out  his  theory  with  wonderful  ingenuity,  though  probably  no  one 
now  will  entirely  accept  it.  But  the  influence  of  his  criticism  has  been 
widely  felt  in  later  study.  Some  of  the  more  important  points  in  his  argu- 
ment will  be  noticed  in  the  Commentary  on  passages  with  which  they  are 
concerned.  Objections  of  a  general  character  are :  that  he  not  only  over- 
looks the  strong  evidence  of  the  work  of  one  mind  in  the  book,  but  he 
finds  disagTeements  and  difficulties  where  none  really  exist,  and  employs  an 
unwarranted  exegesis,  especially  in  passages  touching  the  person  and  func- 
tion of  Christ.  Further,  it  is  very  improbable  that  all  these  different 
recensions,  superior  as  they  were  in  homogeneity  according  to  the  hyjjothe- 
sis,  should  have  been  so  completely  displaced  by  this  last  one  as  to  leave  no 
independent  trace  of  their  existence.  But  apart  from  all  other  difficulties 
the  arbitrariness  of  procedure  in  omitting  and  rearranging  paragraphs,  in 
erasing  and  modifying  isolated  verses  and  phrases  in  order  to  secure  con- 
formity to  a  theory,  is  opposed  to  all  sound  criticism.  With  a  similar 
boldness  in  rearranging  and  revising  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  show,  for 
example,  that  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  in  a  primitive  form  taught  the 
limitation  of  justification  by  faith  to  the  Jews,  and  that  a  reviser  added 
the  parts  in  which  the  logical  result  of  the  doctrine  is  extended  to  the 
Gentiles. 

Weizsdckei:  Weizsacker's  very  general  utterance  in  favor  of  a  composite 
orig-in  of  the  Apocalypse,  referred  to  above,  was  made  more  precise  four 
years  later  in  his  Apostolic  A(/e  (Das  Apostol.  Zeitalter  dcr  cJu-ist.  Kirche 
1886^,  1892^),  in  which  he  presents  his  view  briefly  with  grounds  for  the 
same  (486  ff.,  358  ff.).  The  statement  of  his  argument  here  given  is  based 
on  the  second  edition  of  his  work.  He  regards  the  Apocalypse  as  the  work 
of  an  author,  the  unity  of  whose  plan  is  maintained  by  the  sequence  of  the 
three  connected  series  of  scenes  determined  by  the  seven  seals,  the  seven 
trumpets  and  the  seven  bowls  (489).  Into  the  framework  thus  formed  the 
writer  has   incorporated  various   single  visions  not  his  own  and   having 


228  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

various  origins.  The  book  tlieu  is  not  one  grand  scene  moving  on  as  a 
unit  in  itself,  nor  is  it  a  series  of  such  scenes  joined  to  one  another  natu- 
rally; it  is  an  intricate  composition  which  holds  fast  an  artificial  thread 
through  many  digressions,  and  maintains  the  connection  by  allusions  which 
refer  sometimes  to  what  has  preceded,  sometimes  to  what  is  yet  to  follow 
(488).  The  principal  portions  thus  taken  up  from  foreign  sources  are  the 
introduction,  including  the  seven  epistles,  chapts.  1-3,  the  conclusion  in 
21-22,  and  chapters  7,  10-11,  12,  13,  17-18.  This  analysis  is  based  on  the 
following  grounds :  the  introduction  and  conclusion  have  no  close  connec- 
tion with  the  gxeat  prophecies  of  the  book  and  contain  no  reference  to  the 
condition  and  circumstances  of  the  times  reflected  in  these.  The  great 
prophetic  portions,  mentioned  above  as  incorporations,  have  no  relation  to 
the  three  series  of  signs  which  form  the  framework ;  while  the  latter  relate 
to  destructive  wars  vaguely  pictured  and  great  movements  in  nature,  the 
former  draw  their  material  from  present  realities,  or  at  least  touch  present 
historical  circumstances  (489).  As  regards  ybrm  also,  these  parts  do  not 
fit  into  the  structure  of  the  plan.  Chapter  7  is  inserted  between  the  sixth 
and  seventh  seals;  IP-^^  with  its  own  introduction,  chapt.  10,  between 
the  sixth  and  seventh  trumpets,  transfers  the  scene  to  another  place.  After, 
or  within,  the  last  trumpet  scene,  two  great  scenes  independent  of  each 
other  are  introduced  in  12  and  13,  but  in  14  the  former  thread  is  resumed. 
Chapters  17-18  come  in  after  the  seven  bowls,  but  have  no  connection  with 
these.  Weizsacker  argues  further  that  the  portions  which  he  attributes  to 
other  sources  are  not,  as  are  the  other  portions,  shown  by  an  angel  but  are 
direct  visions ;  these  portions  do  not  have  a  common  origin,  for  example, 
chapter  11  sets  us  in  Jerusalem,  while  13  and  17  show  no  relation  to  a 
Jewish  provenience  (490)  ;  visions  are  repeated  with  a  different  meaning, 
for  example  the  144,000  are  in  chapt.  7  the  Christian  remnant  of  the  Jews, 
but  in  chapt.  14  they  are  those  believers  who  have  preserved  themselves 
especially  holy  through  chastity ;  some  things  in  the  author's  plan  are  not 
carried  out,  for  example,  the  last  three  trumpets  are  to  bring  three  woes, 
bnt  only  two,  9^%  11",  are  given  ;  there  are  anticipations  revealing  different 
writers,  for  example,  IV  anticipates  chapt.  13  (491)  ;  there  are  differences 
in  dates  —  while  the  book  was  written  at  the  end  of  the  first  century,  some 
portions,  as  chapts.  7,  ll^-is,  fall  before  a.d.  70  (492  ff.,  358  ff.).  Further 
details  will  be  noticed  in  the  Commentary. 

Weizsacker's  treatment  of  the  problem  is  brief,  being  given  in  subordi- 
nate parts  of  his  history,  and  leaves  much  that  is  requisite  for  completeness 
(Weyland  says  of  Vdlter  and  Weizsacker  that  '  they  both  contributed  much 
to  the  solution  of  the  problem  of  the  Apocalypse.  Each  of  them  did  it  in 
his  own  way.  The  one  gave  too  much,  the  other  too  little.'  Omtcerkings. 
etc.  53),  but  his  criticism  is  masterful  and  has  led  the  way  for  all  later 
efforts  which  seek  to  do  justice  to  the  evidence  for  unity  on  the  one  hand, 
and  for  diversity  on  the  other,  that  is,  the  theory  that  a  single  author  has 
conceived  the  plan  as  a  whole  and  has  incorporated  into  this  fragments, 
isolated  visions,  derived  from  earlier  sovirces.  Apart  from  objections  to 
details,  the  great  defect  in   the  hypothesis,  as  Weizsacker  presented  it,  is 


CRITICAL  ANALYSES  229 

tiiat  it  fails  to  account  for  the  incorporation  of  these  large  portioi  s  of  the 
book  into  a  plan  in  which  they  have  no  organic  place.  A  writer  who  could 
conceive  and  carry  through  a  plan  which,  these  insertions  being  omitted, 
moves  on  so  clearly  and  harmoniously  to  a  great  consummation,  a  plan  so 
powerfully  dramatic,  cannot  be  imagined  to  have  broken  it  up  and  over- 
loaded it  with  irrelevant  matter  of  foreign  origin,  to  such  an  extent  that  it 
is  lost  in  the  accretions.  Had  he  wished  merely  to  give  an  appropriate 
setting  for  these  collected  prophecies,  he  could  not  be  supposed  to  have 
adopted  this  form,  which  in  reality  fails  of  that  purpose.  This  defect  of 
Weizsacker's  is  one  that  appears  in  much  of  the  criticism  following  his 
lines.  No  hypothesis  which  accepts  the  general  unity  of  the  Apocalypse  and  also 
the  presence  of  incorporated  material  in  it  can  he  satisfactory,  unless  it  furnishes 
reasonnhle  grounds  for  assigning  to  all  the  material  used  a  signijicaiit  place  in 
an  organized  whole. 

Visclier.  In  the  same  year  with  Weizsacker's  work  referred  to  above 
(1886)  criticism  of  the  Apocalypse  entered  on  a  new  stage  in  the  appearance 
of  Vischer's  treatment  of  the  question  {Die  Offenbarung  Johan,  eine  judische 
AjMkalypse  in  christlicher  Bearbeituiig,  1886).  As  the  Jewish  apocalypses, 
Enoch,  2  Esd.,  the  Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs  and  others  were 
taken  up  in  the  first  and  second  centuries  by  the  Christians  and  received 
additif)ns  at  their  hands,  so  Vischer  argnied  that  the  Apocalypse  of  John 
was  originally  a  Jewish  apocalypse,  which  was  worked  over  by  a  Christian 
writer  to  adaj^t  and  recommend  it  to  the  use  of  his  coreligionists.  In  this 
recension  chapters  1-3  were  prefixed  in  place  of  the  original  introduction, 
226-21  -^as  added  as  a  conclusion  and  numerous  passages  and  phrases  were 
inserted.       (These   occur   in   56.8.9-",    qi,16^    79-17^  gu    ii8,i5^    12".  i^  188.9-io, 

3^41-5,  10, 12-13      153      16'^. '6    176,14      18^       197,9-10,11,13     20'*.  6      21^-8,9,14,22,23,27      22^'^ 

p.  116  ff.)  Harnack  wrote  a  commendatory  appendix  to  Vischer's  brochure, 
and  the  theory  was  hailed  widely  as  solving  the  chief  difliculties  of  the 
Apocalypse.  Many  of  Vischer's  critical  observations  are  of  real  value, 
though  his  theory  as  a  whole  is  now  no  longer  in  favor.  He  founded  his 
hypothesis  on  the  supposition  that  there  are  running  throughout  the  book 
two  distinct  and  irreconcilable  lines  of  thought,  the  one  Jewish,  the  other 
Christian.  He  finds  on  the  one  hand  a  Jewish  IMessiah  whose  birth  is  still 
in  the  future  and  who  is  to  appear  merely  as  God's  instrument  of  wrath  for 
the  destruction  of  the  world ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  Christian  Messiah 
who  has  already  appeared  in  Jesus,  the  Lamb  who  has  redeemed  men  by 
his  blood,  and  who  now  sits  enthroned  with  God  in  heaven.  In  the  funda- 
mental Jewish  document  the  messianic  kingdom  was  confined  to  Jews  who 
keep  the  commandments  of  God,  while  in  the  added  parts  it  consists  of  an 
innumerable  multitude  out  of  every  nation  who  are  redeemed  by  the  blood 
of  Jesus  through  faith  in  him.  In  the  one  part  God  is  judge,  in  the  other 
Christ  (71  ff.).  And  similarly  the  distinction  is  traced  out  through  mani- 
fold details  in  representation  and  expectation.  In  the  recovery  of  this 
primitive  Jewish  apocalypse,  Vischer  begins  his  study  with  chapters  11-12, 
which  after  the  erasure  of  a  few  (Christian)  sentences  he  finds  to  be  purely 
Jewish  and  to  contain  the  key  to  the  whole   book   (-'If).     Then   by  a 


230  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

process  of  free  excision  in  the  preceding  and  following  chapters  he  succeeds 
in  constriicting  an  apocalypse  conformed  entirely  to  Hebrew  eschatology. 
He  endeavors  to  show  that  the  excluded  passages  and  phrases  can  all  be 
omitted  without  injury  to  the  connection  and  in  most  cases  to  its  improve- 
ment even  (34  ff.) .  In  this  process  the  28  instances  of  the  mention  of  the 
Lamb  are  all  excluded  from  the  text  (38  ff.),  so  are  also  the  six  instances  of 
the  name  of  Jesus  (60  ff.  The  name  of  Jesus  occurs  14  times,  but  8  of  these 
are  in  the  introduction  and  conclusion,  parts  by  the  hypothesis  due  to  the 
reviser),  and  in  short  everything  which  has  a  distinctively  Christian  char- 
acter. The  indication  of  unity  furnished  by  language  and  style  Vischer 
meets  with  the  contention  that  the  primitive  Jewish  document  was  written 
in  Hebrew  or  Aramaic  and  translated  into  Greek  by  the  Christian  reviser, 
who  wrote  the  added  parts  (37  f .).  Vischer  is  much  influenced  by  Volter ; 
and  his  theory  and  method,  widely  as  they  differ,  are  open  to  a  similar 
charge  of  arbitrariness,  and  disregard  of  the  evidence  for  unity.  Some 
details  will  be  noticed  in  the  Commentary.  The  difficulties  arising  from 
the  assumption  that  such  a  Jewish  apocalypse  was  entirely  lost,  and  from 
a  comparison  of  the  treatment  of  other  apocalypses  by  the  Christians,  have 
been  spoken  of  above  (pp.  218  ff.).  Two  general  considerations  are  added  here. 
(1)  The  foundation  on  which  the  hypothesis  rests,  the  assumed  coexistence 
of  irreconcilable  Jewish  and  Christian  elements,  is  false.  The  same  two 
elements,  so  far  as  they  actually/  exist  in  the  Apocalypse  (not  as  they  are 
by  misinterpretation  assumed  to  exist  there)  are  found  combined  in  the 
Gospels  and  the  Pauline  epistles.  This  we  should  expect  in  a  Jewish- 
Christian  writer,  above  all  in  a  Christian  apocalyptist,  since  apocalyptic 
ideas  and  forms  are  to  so  large  an  extent  derived  immediately  from  Jewish 
sources.  But  even  if  it  were  otherwise,  the  existence  of  incongruous  ideas 
in  the  same  writing  without  an  attempt  at  mediation  is  too  frequent  in 
literature  to  establish  in  itself  diversity  of  authorship.  (2)  It  is  pertinent 
to  ask  whether  instead  of  beginning  with  chapts.  11-12  revised  and  made 
into  a  Jewish  fragment  it  would  not  serve  a  saner  critical  process  to  begin 
with  the  Introduction  (1-3)  and  follow  the  Christian  keynote  found  there 
through  the  remaining  chapters,  where  it  so  often  reappears,  and  thus  to 
deduce  a  Christian  character  for  the  whole ;  this  procedure  has  the  advan- 
tage that  it  does  not  make  it  necessary  to  expunge  or  revise  large  parts  of 
the  book  as  impossible  with  an  original  Christian  apocalyptist. 

Wcyland.  Independently  of  Vischer  and  at  the  same  time,  the  Dutch 
scholar,  Weyland,  published  in  the  Theolor/ische  Studien  of  Utrecht  (1886) 
a  dissertation  presenting  a  similar  hypothesis,  but  assuming  two  Jewish 
sources,  from  which  the  Christian  compiler  drew,  instead  of  one.  This 
view  Weyland  set  forth  more  fully  two  years  afterwards  in  a  work  (Om- 
vx'rkings-en  Compilatie-Hypothesen  toegepast  op  de  Apolalypse  van  Johannes 
1888)  in  which  he  also  took  cognizance  of  the  hypotheses  of  Vischer  and 
other  later  critics.  He  agrees  essentially  with  Vischer  as  to  the  parts  of 
the  Apocalypse  to  be  assigned  to  Jewish  and  Christian  sources  respectively, 
differing  only  in  some  details.  But  the  Jewish  portions  he  assigns  to  two 
different  documents,  the  first  of  which  he  places  about  69  a.d.,  the  other 


CRITICAL  ANALYSES  231 

81  A.n.  (p.  111).  The  work  of  the  Christian  compiler,  who  combined 
rather  mechanically  (p.  68),  he  puts  in  a.d.  130-140  (p.  129).  It  is  not 
necessary  to  give  here  Weyland's  analysis  in  full.  The  following  passages 
with  a  few  modifications  he  assigns  to  his  earliest  Jewish  source :  10,  11^-^^, 
12-13,  146-11,  152-4^  1911-21,  20,  21i-«  (p.  176).  The  other  portions  are  assigned 
to  his  later  Jewish  source  and  his  Christian  source  in  essential  agTeement 
with  Vischer's  table.  His  distinction  between  Jewish  and  Christian  parts 
is  made  on  grounds  similar  to  those  urged  by  Vischer ;  he  adds  the  absence 
of  a  fundamental  thought  running  throughout  (176  ff.)  and  also  a  peculi- 
arity of  language  which  he  finds  characteristic  of  the  Christian  redactor. 
As  regards  the  use  of  langtiage,  he  says,  '  We  shall  not  try  to  offer  a  proof 
of  the  difference  in  style  between  the  different  parts.  This  difference  can 
be  felt,  at  least  by  him  who  has  feeling,  but  with  great  difficulty  described  ' 
(138).  The  critics  are  evidently  without  the  '  feeling '  requisite,  as  they  are 
for  the  most  part  agreed  that  no  such  diversity  of  style  exists.  Weyland's 
argument  is  occupied  with  the  effort  to  prove  a  lack  of  unity  and  the  pres- 
ence of  both  Jewish  and  Christian  elements.  He  does  not  take  up  in  a 
systematic  form  the  evidence  for  his  theory  of  tiro  separate  Jewish  docu- 
ments, though  in  the  course  of  his  discussion  he  incidentally  urges  certain 
general  differences,  especially  in  dates  and  historical  circumstances  (101  ff.), 
and  in  the  localities  to  which  the  visions  relate  (111  f.).  Much  of  what  is 
said  above  of  objections  to  the  theories  and  methods  of  Volter  and  Vischer 
is  equally  true  of  the  work  of  Weyland.  It  is  too  arbitrary  and  introduces 
too  many  difficulties  to  be  accepted  as  a  solution  of  its  problem.  The  sig- 
nificance of  Weyland's  hypothesis  in  the  course  of  criticism  lies  in  the  fact 
that  it  is  the  beginning  of  recent  compilation  theories,  that  is,  those  which 
view  the  Apocalypse  as  a  complex,  formed  more  or  less  mechanicalli/  from 
a  number  of  independent  documents. 

Sdhatier.  The  fresh  impulse  given  to  criticism  of  the  Apocalypse  by 
Vischer's  publication  produced  in  France  the  two  closely  related  studies  of 
Sabatier  and  Schoen,  which  however  reached  a  result  directly  the  reverse 
of  Vischer's  hypothesis.  With  these  critics  the  nucleus  of  the  book  is  a 
Chrixtian  apocalypse  whose  author  has  taken  up  into  it  a  series  of  earlier 
Jewish  oracles.  The  main  point  in  their  position  is  similar  to  that  of 
Weizsacker,  and  they  may  be  regarded  as  a  link  between  him  and  the 
critics  who  have  taken  the  field  since  the  waning  of  the  theories  of  Vischer 
and  Weyland,  and  who  maintain  a  form  of  unity  with  incorporated  frag- 
ments. Sabatier's  booklet  (^Les  Origines  Litteraires  et  la  Composition  de 
I' Apocalypse  de  Sai?it  Jean,  1888)  though  published  a  year  later  than 
Schoen's,  properly  precedes  the  latter  in  our  survey,  because  Schoen's  study 
is  in  part  based  on  that  of  Sabatier,  as  presented  in  his  lectures  at  the 
Ecole  des  Hautes-Etudes  and  in  an  article  published  in  the  Revue  Critique, 
1887.  As  regards  the  Christian  origin  of  the  book  Sabatier  urges  that  the 
name  John,  as  that  of  the  author,  is  decisive ;  for  it  is  incredible  that  the 
author,  if  the  Apostle,  should  have  sent  out  in  his  name  a  Jewish  apoca- 
lypee,  touched  up  with  Christian  passages;  or  if  some  other  Christian  bear- 
ing the  name  had  wished  to  adapt  a  Jewish  apocalypse  to  his  readers,  he 


232  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

would  merely  have  made  brief  Christian  insertions  and  have  kept  for  the 
book  the  great  authority  of  the  reputed  Jewish  writer,  as  was  done  in  the 
case  of  the  other  apocalypses  (p.  8).  Considering  the  book  as  a  whole, 
Sabatier  finds  clear  marks  of  unity  and  Christian  origin;  the  epistolary 
form  appears  as  a  framework  in  the  introduction  and  the  close,  and  is  also 
suggested  by  the  frequent  use  of  the  proQoun  I  in  the  body  of  the  work; 
the  introductory  chapters  1-3,  Christian  in  character  and  inseparably  con- 
nected with  what  follows,  present  in  accumulated  form  the  symbolism  and 
apocalyptic  rhetoric  of  all  the  rest  (p.  10  ft".)  ;  the  body  of  the  work  is  con- 
ceived upon  the  basis  of  what  is  seen  from  the  Gospels  to  be  a  traditional 
Christian  scheme  of  the  Last  Days,  the  ap^f]  wStVwv,  the  6XLij/L<i  fieydXr],  the 
TcAos,  the  hefi'mnincf  of  fiorrows,  the  (/rent  fri/m/atlon,  the  End  —  a  scheme  of 
the  final  destinies  of  the  world  here  carried  out  in  the  form  of  an  imposing 
drama  in  the  three  acts  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets,  and  the  bowls  (p.  17  f.). 
But  within  this  framework  Sabatier  finds  portions  having  no  relation  to 
the  context  or  dramatic  movement,  and  entirely  Jewish  in  conception  and 
expectation ;  their  prophecies  are  connected  with  great  historic  situations, 
their  scene  is  placed  on  earth,  while  that  of  the  drama  itself  is  in  heaven, 
and  they  contain  duplicates  of  scenes  given  in  other  parts  of  the  drama  as 
primarily  conceived  (19  ft.,  26  ft.,  35  f.).  Tlie  portions  thus  characterized 
and  distinguished  from  the  rest  of  the  book  are  earlier  Jewish  oracles 
which  the  author  of  the  Apiocalypse  has  inserted  in  his  book,  as  prophecies 
concerning  the  destinies  of  humanity.  These  inserted  oracles  are  (p.  27)  : 
111-13,  12-13,  U^'^,  161-1",  17-19\  1911-21,  201-1",  219-22^;  they  were  composed 
about  70  A.U.,  while  the  book  itself  belongs  to  the  end  of  the  century 
(p.  36).  Sabatier's  work  is  of  permanent  valvie  in  the  study  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse, but  it  exaggerates  the  Jewish  character  of  the  assumed  insertions, 
overlooking  the  extent  to  which  Christian  apocalyptic  adopts  Jewish  forms 
and  conceptions ;  like  similar  theories  it  raises  difficulty  in  projecting  for- 
eign material  into  the  winter's  plan  in  a  haphazard  way ;  and  it  fails  to 
recognize  the  full  scope  and  literary  manner  of  the  Apocalypse.  See  below, 
pp.  239  ft'. 

Schoen.  Schoen's  treatment  of  the  Apocalypse  {UOrigine  <le  V Apoca- 
lypse lie  St.  Jean,  1887)  is,  as  already  said,  based  on  that  of  Sabatier  and  is 
largely  in  agreement  with  it.  It  emphasizes  in  like  manner  the  general 
unity  and  Christian  origin  of  the  book,  but  confines  the  inserted  Jewish 
oracles  to  somewhat  narrower  limits.  These  are  lli-'",  12,  13,  18,  in  which 
however  there  are  additions  or  revisions  made  by  the  Christian  author, 
for  example  in  1 210-12.  i-5-i7^  13^1",  18^;  on  the  other  hand  the  introduction 
of  the  Jewish  oracles  has  in  some  places  influenced  the  Christian  parts,  for 
example,  chapt.  10,  composed  by  the  author  to  introduce  the  adopted  oracles 
in  general,  so  171-*^  to  introduce  chapt.  18,  and  17''-i*  to  explain  the  vision  of 
chapt.  13  (132  ft.).  The  grounds  taken  both  in  defense  of  unity  and 
Christian  origin,  and  in  the  supposition  of  inserted  Jewish  oracles,  are  in 
general  the  same  as  those  of  Sabatier.  The  special  significance  of  Schoen 
in  reference  to  that  form  of  criticism  which  recognizes  in  the  Apocalypse 
both  unity  and  diversity  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  not  only  minimizes  the  incor- 


CRITICAL  ANALYSES  233 

porated  material,  but  he  also  directly  expresses  the  principle  —  though  he 
does  not  carry  this  out  practically  into  the  exegesis  of  the  difficult  passages 
—  that  the  Christian  author  gives  to  the  borrowed  oracles  a  new  sense,  that 
he  sees  in  them  a  spiritual  and  symbolical  force  which  suits  them  to  the 
purpose  of  his  great  Christian  apocalypse  (144  f.). 

S/)ittn.  The  compilation  theory  received  a  striking  form  at  the  hands 
of  Spitta  in  a  work  of  great  fullness  and  subtle  criticism  (Die  OJfenbaruiK/ 
(les  Johannes,  1889).  According  to  his  analysis  the  foundation  of  the 
Apocalypse  is  a  primitive  Christian  writing  with  which  a  later  Christian 
redactor  combined  two  separate  Jewish  documents  (227),  each  of  these  three 
writings  being  a  complete  apocalypse  culminating  with  the  triumph  of  the 
people  of  (xod  and  the  punishment  of  their  enemies.  The  earliest  of  these, 
the  first  Jewish  apocalypse,  designated  J^,  was  written  in  the  time  of  Pom- 
pey  63  b.c.  ;  the  second,  the  later  Jewish  Apocalypse,  J^,  in  the  time  of 
Caligula ;  the  third,  the  primitive  Christian  Apocalypse,  U  (by  John  Mark, 
502  f.),  a  decade  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  These  documents 
were  combined  by  a  Christian  redactor  at  the  beginning  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, or  possibly  a  little  earlier,  in  Domitian's  time  (464,  529).  The 
nucleus  of  each  of  these  three  separate  sources,  taken  in  chronological 
order,  the  reverse  of  the  order  in  our  Apocalypse,  is  formed  respectively  by 
the  visions  of  the  7  bowls,  the  7  trumpets,  and  the  7  seals  (466,  549  ff.).  A 
detailed  exhibition  of  Spitta's  distribution  of  the  parts  of  the  book  among 
his  several  sources  is  not  necessary  here ;  it  will  be  sufficient  to  indicate 
the  passages  which  he  places  at  the  beginning  and  the  close  of  the  respec- 
tive documents :  U  begins  with  address  and  introductory  visions  1-5,  and 
closes  with  22^-^ ;  J^  begins  with  the  sealing  of  Israel  7^"*  and  closes  with 
the  millennium,  the  judgment  and  the  End  20^-21^;  J^  begins  with  10  and 
closes  with  the  new  Jerusalem  21''' *^-.  It  is  noticeable  that  Spitta,  in  con- 
trast with  Volter,  Vischer,  Weyland  and  others,  joins  1-8  (with  the  excep- 
tion of  a  few  verses)  closely  with  4-5.  Spitta's  views  will  be  noticed  in 
the  course  of  the  Commentary.  One  who  goes  through  the  painful  labor  of 
reading  his  nearly  600  pages  will  find  many  valuable  suggestions,  but  his 
hypothesis  and  the  arguments  advanced  for  it  are  too  artificial  to  furnish 
a  solution  of  the  problems  undertaken.  His  own  anticipation  (544)  that 
he  would  be  regarded  '  hypercritical '  is  abundantly  verified  in  the  general 
opinion  of  later  critics.  It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  he  perceives  the 
difficulty  in  supposing  three  documents  complete  in  themselves  to  have 
been  thus  broken  up  and  interwoven  with  one  another.  He  offers  a  solu 
tion  which  he  thinks  extremely  simple  ('  die  denkhar  einfacJutte ')  ;  the  re- 
dactor viewed  the  recoi-d  of  the  plagues  and  other  events  before  the  End 
as  a  narrative,  not  of  parallel,  but  of  different,  events ;  if  then  he  wished 
to  combine  them  it  was  necessary  to  insert  one  into  the  other,  to  make  one 
flow  out  of  the  other,  as  a  part  of  it  (2o0  ff.).  But  Spitta's  attempt  to 
carry  through  this  metliod  of  combination  involves  dissections  and  trans- 
ferences as  remote  as  possible  from  the  dmjde.  If  the  redactor  had  wished 
to  present  a  unit  in  his  book,  he  could  not,  according  to  Spitta's  analysis, 
have  made  a  worse  failure ;  if  on  the  other  hand  he  had  wished  simply  to 


234  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

preserve  three  separate  documents,  no  plausible  explanation  can  be  offered 
of  his  process  of  rearrangement. 

Erhex.  Somewhat  on  the  same  lines  with  Volter,  Erbes  {Die  Off'en- 
harung  Johannis  kritisch  untersucht,  1891)  sees  in  the  present  form  of  the 
Apocalypse  a  tcorJcinf/  over  of  earlier  Christian  documents.  The  first  of 
these,  121-131^,  143b-i2^  j^g  assigns  (184)  to  the  year  40  a.d.  ;  the  second,  the 
Apocalypse  of  St.  John  the  Apostle  (146  ff.),  containing  most  of  the  remain- 
ing parts  of  the  book,  to  62  a.d.  ;  from  this  second  document  are,  however, 
to  be  excluded  numerous  insertions  due  to  the  final  redactor  who  combined 
the  two  early  documents.  Most  of  these  insertions  are  brief,  consisting  of 
a  verse  or  two;  longer  insertions  are  156-19*,  199''-20io,  215-222.  The  final 
revision  is  assigned  to  80  a.d.  (In  a  later  publication,  Der  Antichrist  in  d. 
Sckriften  d.  N.  T.,  1897,  he  places  the  final  redactor  possibly  in  the  earlier 
part  of  Vespasian's  time.)  The  value  of  Erbes'  observations  is  recognized 
in  subsequent  criticism,  but  his  hypothesis  is  open  to  objections  similar  to 
those  urged  against  Volter's  treatment  of  the  book. 

Raucli.  As  Volter's  criticism  was  taken  up  and  made  the  basis  of  a 
modified  hypothesis  by  Erbes,  so  Vischer's  theory  received  a  new  form  at 
the  hands  of  Rauch  (^Die  Ojfenbarung  des  Johannes  untersucht  nach  Hirer 
Zusammensetzunri  u.  d.  Zeit  ihrer  Entstehunf/,  1894).  Though  the  latter  in 
his  interpretation  and  criticism  is  an  eclectic,  adopting  from  all  his  prede- 
cessors, yet  in  his  results  he  agrees  with  Vischer  in  making  our  book  a 
Jewish  apocalypse  with  Christian  additions.  But  in  his  analysis  he  goes 
even  beyond  Weyland ;  he  supposes  a  primitive  Jewish  apocalypse  of  the 
year  62  a.d.  (137),  a  continuous  writing,  picturing  the  general  judgment 
of  the  world  and  consisting  of  five  parts  (93  f.,  121)  :  (a)  the  introductory 
visions  (4-5)  ;  (/>)  the  seal  visions  (6-7,  14^-^)  ;  (c)  the  trumpet  visions 
(8-921,1115-19);  (,/)  the  judgment(14i-i-15*,  16i^'',i8,i9a,20).  (^)  the  renewal 

of  the  world  (19ii-21*).  This  apocalypse  was  subsequently  enlarged  by  the 
insertion  of  fire  distinct  Jewish  fragments — (1)  l(fi-b<-^^^h'i,9-n^  ll'-is, 
121-17;  (2)  1218-131^  1613-16;  (3)  U^^^;  (4)  16^-16^^^^^^^^;  (5)  171-196, 
219-22^  —  some  of  them  dating  as  early  as  40  a.d.  (134  f.).  The  Jewish 
apocalypse  thus  enlarged  was  then  christianized  iu  79-81  a.d.  (140)  by  a 
writer  who  added  an  introduction  (1-3,  except  I'l")  and  a  conclusion  (22^^'), 
and  inserted  numerous  verses  in  whole  or  in  part,  that  is,  all  the  passages 
possessing  a  specifically  Christian  coloring,  interspersed  in  every  chapter 
(except  8)  throughout  the  book  (121  ff.).  Ranch's  argaiments  against  the 
unity  and  in  support  of  the  distinction  between  Jewish  and  Christian  por- 
tions are  the  same  as  those  of  his  predecessors.  The  five  Jewish  fragments 
assumed  in  his  theory  are  determined  by  the  supposed  inappropriateness 
of  the  passages  in  their  respective  connections. 

Other  Forms  of  Ancdysis.  In  the  foregoing  paragraphs,  the  writers  who 
have  been  most  influential  in  recent  criticism  of  the  Apocalypse  have  been 
reviewed,  and  it  will  be  seen  that  the  pioneers  in  their  respective  directions 
are  Volter,  Weizs'acker  (with  his  successors  Sabatier  and  Schoen),  Vischer, 
and  Weyland.  Other  critics  following  similar  lines  of  argument,  some  in 
one  direction  and  some  in  another,  have  offered  different  analyses,  to  be 


CRITICAL  ANALYSES  235 

sure,  but  their  hypotheses  are  in  reality  only  modifications  or  expansions  of 
those  of  their  forerunners,  or  oftener  are  combinations  of  these.  It  remains 
then  to  speak  very  briefly  of  some  of  the  most  noteworthy  among  these 
followers,  or  elaborators.  Sc/nnidt  {Anmerkungen  iiher  d.  Composition  d. 
Ojfenlmrung  Johannis,  1891)  distinguishes  three  principal  Jewish  portions : 
the  vision  of  the  seals  (4^-7**)  ;  the  vision  of  the  trumpets  (S^-lli^)  with  the 
interpolation  of  a  vision  of  Jerusalem  (lOi-ll^^)  ;  the  book  of  the  Messiah 
(121-22^)  with  an  interpolated  vision  of  the  fall  of  Rome  (146--'5  and  171-19^). 
With  these  Jire  Jewish  parts,  of  distinct  origins,  the  oldest  dating  before 
70  A.D.,  an  independent  Christian  document  of  the  time  of  Domitian,  con- 
taining the  seven  epistles,  was  afterwards  joined  by  a  redactor  who  belongs 
to  the  early  part  of  the  second  century ;  he  also  added  of  his  own  the  intro- 
duction and  conclusion.  Brif/f/s  (The  i\Irssi(ih  of  the  Apostles,  189.5)  views 
the  book  as  "  a  collection  of  apocalypses  of  different  dates  issued  in  several 
successive  editions.  ...  In  the  main  these  apocalypses  came  from  an  early 
date,  prior  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  "  (oOl).  In  the  gradual  com- 
bination of  these  separate  documents  the  book  passed  through  four  editions : 
the  first  contained  the  apocalypses  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets,  and  the  bowls ; 
the  second  added  the  apocalypse  of  the  epistles ;  the  third  the  apocalypses 
of  the  beasts  and  the  dragon ;  in  the  fourth  the  final  editor  prefixed  the 
title  11"^,  and  added  the  close  221^-20,  To  him  is  due  the  present  unity  of 
the  book;  he  "transposed  parts  of  the  different  original  apocalypses,  .  .  . 
and  so  rearranged  the  whole  material  as  best  to  suit  the  symmetry  he  was 
aiming  to  produce  "  (290).  St.  John  the  apostle  was  the  author  of  the  apoca- 
lypses of  the  epistles,  the  seals,  and  the  bowls,  and  of  all  matter  related 
thereto.  The  final  editing  was  near  the  close  of  the  first  century,  or  early 
in  the  second  century.  J.  Weiss  {Die  Offenbarumi  d.  Johan.,  1904),  makes 
the  foundation  and  the  larger  part  of  the  book  a  Christian  apocalypse 
complete  in  itself,  written  in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixties  (112)  by  a  John 
of  Asia  Minor  (47  ff.,  112).  A  second  document  entering  into  the  composi- 
tion in  its  present  form  was  a  Jewish  apocalypse  framed  in  the  year  70  a.d. 
(145)  by  a  writer  who  combined  several  earlier  visions,  adding  also  material 
of  his  own  (115  f .).  This  Jewish  apocalyiase  formed  the  '  little  book '  to 
which  the  final  editor  refers  in  chapt.  10,  and  from  which  he  means  to  say 
he  derived  certain  of  the  prophecies  following  (42  f.).  In  the  time  of 
Domitian  (6  f.)  these  two  documents  were  combined  by  the  final  editor, 
who  gave  the  book  its  present  form,  adapting  these  earlier  prophecies  to 
his  own  times,  rearranging,  interpreting,  omitting  parts,  and  adding  others 
(39  ff.).  Even  those  who  do  not  accept  the  hypothesis  of  Weiss  cannot 
fail  to  recognize  the  value  of  his  work  in  the  study  of  the  Apocalypse. 
Wellhausen  (Analyse  d.  Ofenharung  Johannis.  1907)  supposes  the  principal 
author,  or  more  strictly  editor,  to  have  been  a  John  (not  the  apostle)  who 
wrote  in  the  time  of  Domitian.  Into  the  apocalypse  which  he  framed  he 
took  up  a  large  number  of  earlier  sources,  many  of  them  Jewish,  working 
them  over,  furnishing  them  with  introductions  and  conclusions  and  making 
insertions.  Most  of  these  sources  are  later  than  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem, but  two  at  least,  ll^-^  and  12i-i^,  fall  just  before  that  event  (3  f.).     A 


236  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

later  editor  slightly  revised  this  Johanniue  apocalypse,  giving  it  its  present 
form.  Wellhaiiseu  does  not  attempt  to  distinguish  throughout  the  work 
of  these  two  writers,  nor  does  he  assign  to  the  Johannine  work  a  definitely 
arranged  plan.  The  Apocalypse,  he  says,  is  not  a  drama  but  a  picture-book, 
and  though  there  was  some  effort  to  bring  the  pictures  into  sequence,  it 
was  unsuccessful  because  impossible.  Various  parts,  for  example,  ll^-^, 
11^""^^,  are  quite  isolated  and  are  brought  into  their  present  places  by  one 
of  the  editors  through  some  feature  quite  external.  It  is  only  by  decom- 
position that  the  Apocalypse  can  be  explained  (15  f.).  Wellhausen's  method 
in  both  interpretation  and  criticism  is  so  extravagant  that  his  work  cannot 
be  regarded  as  making  an  important  contribution  to  the  study.  Bnusset 
(Die  Offenhannu/  Johannis,  in  Meyer's  Kaiii.,  1896^,  1906^),  starting  from 
Weizsacker  and  Sabatier  gives  to  the  theory  of  unity  with  incorporated 
material  a  guarded  and  well-reasoned  form  which  has  recommended  it  to  a 
wide  circle  of  scholars,  even  among  those  who  do  not  accept  all  its  details. 
He  makes  our  book  a  carefully  planned  apocalypse,  in  the  composition  of 
parts  of  which  the  author  (of  the  time  of  Uomitian,  probably  John  the 
Presbyter)  has  used  material  derived  in  some  instances  from  documents,  in 
others  from  eschatological  traditions  handed  down  independently  of  written 
sources  (cf .  below,  on  Gunkel)  ;  such  derived  material  the  writer  rises,  not 
mechanically,  but  with  the  purpose  of  his  book  consciously  in  mind.  The 
most  important  passages  in  which  this  use  is  seen  are  :  7^"^,  lli~i^  12, 14^^-20^ 
17,  18,  21^-2'25.  The  influence  of  oral  tradition  or  written  documents  is 
probably  present  in  some  places  where  it  is  not  clearly  demonstrable. 
Bousset  does  not  dissect  sentences  or  verses  in  an  attempt  to  distinguish 
different  origins,  nor  does  he  confidently  combine  the  incorporated  material 
into  a  defined  primitive  document ;  he  has  carried  ovit  his  hypothesis  with 
reserve,  with  sanity  of  judgment,  and  —  what  is  essential  in  the  study  of  the 
Apocalypse,  but  often  wanting  in  its  critics  —  with  keen  sympathy  with, 
and  high  appreciation  of,  his  author.  Gunld.     The  epoch-making  book 

of  Gunkel,  Crentiun  and  Chaos  (ScJidpfunf/  vnd  Chaos^,  1895),  which  sets 
beyond  reasonable  question  the  perpetuation  and  influence  of  oriental  escha- 
tological myths  among  the  Hebrews  through  oral  tradition,  touches  the 
Apocalypse  chiefly  in  its  interpretation,  rather  than  in  its  literary  structure ; 
but  it  reaches  results  that  have  an  important  bearing  on  the  critical  analysis. 
Gunkel  does  not  take  up  the  Apocalypse  as  a  whole  or  present  any  tabular 
analysis  of  it ;  he  assumes  that  it  contains  many  single  visions  which  in 
their  nature  are  independent  and  originally  not  planned  with  reference  to 
one  another  (194:)  ;  and  he  investigates  certain  parts  (chiefly  chapts.  12, 
13,  17)  according  to  the  method  of  eschatological  tradition.  Starting  with 
the  principle  that  the  real  author  of  the  material  in  an  apocalypse  is  not  in 
general  the  writer  but  a  succession  of  generations,  he  finds  that  the  writer 
of  the  Johannine  Apocalypse  has  derived  much  in  the  form  and  contents  of 
his  book,  not  only  from  the  Old  Testament  and  Jewish  apocalyptic  writings, 
but  also  from  eschatological  tradition  handed  down  orally  through  centuries  ; 
even  in  some  cases  where  his  material  is  parallel  with  that  known  to  us 
through  literary  sources,  there  may  be  evidence  that  he  is  drawing  from 


CRITICAL  ANALYS1^:S  237 

another  form  of  tradition  (207  It'.).  GuukL'l  of  course  accedes  to  tin;  Apo(ui- 
lyptist  a  degree  of  independence -which  leads  to  interpretation,  development, 
combination,  and  arrangement  of  the  matter  handed  down  (253).  The 
study  of  a  tradition  in  its  hhtory  becomes  therefore  fundamental;  imagery 
and  symbols  found  in  our  Apocalypse  are  often  taken  unchanged  from  their 
source,  and  thus  many  difficulties  reach  their  solution  in  the  form  to  which 
the  representation  may  be  ultimately  traced  up.  This  method  of  investi- 
gation is  urged  by  Gunkel  as  correcting  two  procedures  much  in  vogiie, 
that  of  the  excessive  dissection  of  the  text  in  many  critical  analyses,  and 
that  of  seeking  the  explanation  of  a  large  number  of  symbols  and  figures  in 
the  events  of  history  contemporaneous  with  the  writer.  Unquestionably 
Gunkel  has  introduced  a  most  valuable  principle  in  the  study  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse, though  he  has  exaggerated  its  application.  Bousset  has  made  use  of 
the  method  in  his  commentary,  and  also  applying  it  in  a  special  work  on 
the  tradition  of  the  antichrist  (^Dcr  Anticlirist  in  der  Uehcrliefwunxj  dcs 
Judeiit/i Kills,  des  neuen  Testaments,  u.  der  alien  KircJie,  1895)  he  has  argued 
for  the  existence  of  this  tradition  in  an  oral  form  before  the  New  Testament 
era  and  continuing  through  centuries  independently  of  our  Scriptures. 
The  results  of  this  inquiry  he  has  applied  in  the  study  of  some  difficult 
passages  in  the  Apocaly|3se  (e.g.  ll^"'^). 

For  a  convenient  survey,  the  different  critical  analyses  of  the  Apocalypse 
exhibited  above  may  be  divided  into  three  classes  (Cf.  Bousset  125  ff.), 
though  these  are  not  sharply  distinguished  throughout,  for  the  hypotheses 
in  some  cases  combine  the  characteristics  of  several  classes,  and  it  is  not 
possible  to  assign  the  critic  in  every  instance  to  one  of  these  categories  to 
the  exclusion  of  relation  to  others.  Yet  the  following  general  grouping 
will  be  useful  for  giving  greater  clearness  to  an  intricate  subject.  (1)  The 
revision  theory.  In  this  class  are  ranged  those  hypotheses  which  suppose  a 
Grundschrift,  a  primary  apocalypse  (according  to  some,  Jewish,  according 
to  others,  Christian),  complete  in  itself  and  afterwards  worked  over  through 
successive  revisions  into  the  present  form  of  the  book  by  editors,  who 
added  material  of  their  own,  or  wove  in  some  already  existing  material. 
(2)  The  compilation  theory.  Here  belong  the  various  hypotheses  which 
assume  a  number  of  Jewish  and  Christian  sources  brought  together  by  a 
Christian  redactor  more  or  less  mechanically  and  lacking  a  close  inner 
connection,  or  a  relation  to  a  plan ;  of  course  some  critics  of  this  class  at- 
tribute a  larger  activity  to  the  redactor  than  do  others.  (3)  The  incor- 
poration theory,  or  as  some  call  it,  the  frae/ment  theory.  This  views  the 
Apocalypse  as  in  reality  a  unit  in  so  far  as  it  possesses  a  definitely  or- 
ganized plan,  conceived  and  carried  out  by  a  single  writer;  but  in  the 
execution  of  this  plan  the  writer  is  held  to  have  used  in  certain  places  es- 
chatological  material  derived  from  other  sources  (whether  Jewish,  Chris- 
tian, or  oral  tradition),  which  he  worked  over  more  or  less  and  adapted  tc 
his  purpose.  In  such  passages  one  may  say  that  the  creation  is  not  the 
writer's  own,  but  that  the  vse  of  it  is  his.  Critics  differ  as  to  the  extent 
to  which  such  material  has  been  taken  up  into  the  book,  and  also  as  to  the 
modification  which  it  may  have   received    from   the   writer's   hands.     At 


238  UNITY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

bottom  this  viow  attributes;  to  the  wi-iter  a  procedure  not  fundamentally 
different  from  his  use  ot"  the  Old  Testament.  That  he  has  used  the  latter 
oonstautly,  that  many  of  his  passages  are  but  a  free  working  over  of  repre- 
sentations found  there  is  unquestioned  (of.  pp.  '221  i.).  In  the  same  way 
he  may  be  oonoeived  to  have  appropriated  ideas  and  representations  pre- 
served elsewhere,  in  oral  tradition  or  religious  ■\\Titings,  in  oases  where 
these  are  thought  to  embody  or  illustrate  a  sacred  truth.  The  merit  of 
this  hypothesis  is  that  w"hile  it  does  full  justice  to  the  strong  evidence  for 
unity,  it  provides  for  the  presence  of  material  which  appears  to  have  ex- 
isted originally  in  some  other  connection,  and  it  makes  explicable  the  ap- 
parent distm-bance  in  thought  and  the  differences  in  historical  situation. 
It  is  for  these  reasons  that  it  has  now  gained  the  ascendency  among 
scholars  —  scholars  it  should  be  observed  who  cannot  be  suspected  of  im- 
friendliness  toward  incisive  criticism  in  itself.  Representatives  of  this 
school  are  Weizsjicker.  Sabatier.  Schoen,  II.  Iloltzmaun,  Bousset,  Jiilicher, 
Porter.  Baljon,  W.  Bauer,  INIoftatt.  Calmes,  and  many  others.  It  may  be 
in  place  to  add  that  the  present  commentator  considers  this  hypothesis  to 
be  required  by  sound  criticism,  and  the  following  Commentary,  as  vriW  be 
seen  in  the  interpretation  of  the  passages  in  question,  proceeds  on  this 
view,  though  a  considerable  limitation  as  to  the  amount  of  incorporated 
material  in  the  Apocalypse,  and  the  probability  of  a  very  free  handling  of 
this  on  the  writer's  part  are  maintained ;  also  special  emphasis  is  laid  on 
the  necessity  of  finding  in  such  material  a  meaning  suited  to  the  Apocalyp- 
tist's  plan.  There  is  a  useful,  but  frequently  overlooked,  truth  in  the 
words  of  Pfleiderer :  •  The  task  of  the  exegete  consists  first  of  all  in  ascer- 
taining approximately  the  probable  sense  which  the  author  himself  con- 
nected with  his  visions  and  imagery :  but  what  sense  these  may  have  had 
in  their  original  form  is  a  question  of  secondary  importance,  all  the  more 
certainly  as  the  author  himself  probably  had  for  the  most  part  no  distinct 
knowledge  of  this"  (Das  Crchrist:-  II.  284). 

The  trmlitional  theory  of  unity,  that  which  denies  the  use  of  sources  al- 
together in  our  book,  has  been  defended  throughout  the  whole  period  of 
recent  criticism.  Among  those  maintaining  the  unity  Ln  this  absolute 
form  are  Beyschlag.  Hilgenfeld,  Diisterdieck,  Hirscht.  B.  Weiss.  Zahn, 
Wartield,  Simcox  (^hesitatingiy). 

In  this  long  period  of  active  critical  inqtiiry.  notwithstanding  the  many 
extravagances  which  mark  its  course,  the  gain  which  has  come  to  our 
knowledge  of  the  Apocalypse  is  inestimable.  The  book  has  been  placed  in 
a  certain  light :  its  real  aim.  significance,  and  general  structure  have  been 
settled  beyond  dotibt :  the  fanciful  interpretations  of  it,  in  whole  or  in  part, 
which  have  appeared  so  often  in  an  earlier  time,  are  no  longer  possible. 
The  great  service  which  criticism  has  rendered  toward  the  attainment  of 
this  result  must  be  acknowledged  by  every  student  of  the  Xew  Testament. 
It  may  be  observed  here  that  the  primary  fault  in  much  of  the  criticism  is 
in  reality  a  failure  to  apply  thorotighly  the  historical  method  of  sttidy.  The 
book  is  the  work  of  a  prophet  and  religious  poet  often  transported  with  the 
transcendent  thoughts  filling  his  vision,  writing  with  the  unrestrained  free- 


'      SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER         239 

dom  of  a  Hebrew  in  departing  from  ordered  sequence  and  self-consistency, 
in  seizing  aud  mingling  figures,  in  joining  abruptly  anticipation  and  retro- 
spect, in  suggesting  rather  than  unfolding  thought,  and  in  drawing  for  his 
vehicle  of  expression  from  every  part  of  Jewish  life  and  literature,  especially 
from  Jewish  eschatology.  The  Psalms  furnish  frequent  illustration  of  these 
literary  habits ;  and  even  if  the  presence  of  these  features  should  be  urged 
as  evidence  of  composite  structure  there  also,  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that 
the  Hebrew  was  accustomed  to  this  mode  of  composition  in  his  most  familiar 
poetry  and  felt  no  difficulty  in  it.  Yet  the  Apocalyjjse  is  treated  by  many 
of  its  critics  very  much  as  if  it  were  composed  in  the  library  of  a  modem 
western  scholar  without  freedom  in  the  use  of  material,  without  the  influ- 
ence of  the  writer's  very  distinctive  manner,  and  according  to  canons  requir- 
ing every  sentence  to  be  coldly  pruned  and  squared  to  conform  to  the  rest. 
As  regards  the  value  of  the  data  upon  which  the  various  hypotheses  are 
based,  it  is  significant  that  the  critics  are  all  agreed  upon  the  presence  of 
derived  material  in  the  book ;  beyond  this  there  is  no  consensus  of  opinion. 
In  this  respect  the  state  of  critical  opinion  differs  widely  from  that  regard- 
ing the  Pentateuch  and  some  of  the  Jewish  apocalypses  (cf.  Bousset  125  f.). 
The  different  critical  theories  mentioned  above  will,  so  far  as  seems  neces- 
sary, be  further  discussed  in  the  paragraphs  on  Criticism,  appended  to  the 
respective  sections  of  the  Apocalypse,  in  the  Commentary. 


VI.    Some  Chaeacteristics  of  the  Author's  Literary 

Manner 

It  is  the  purpose  of  the  following  paragraph  to  call  attention 
to  certain  characteristics  of  the  writer's  manner,  which  are  im- 
portant in  the  study  of  the  Apocalypse.  Some  of  these  are 
insignificant  in  themselves,  but  they  assume  especial  signifi- 
cance, because  they  throw  light  upon  difl&culties  which  are  fre- 
quently raised  concerning  the  meaning  of  a  phrase  or  passage, 
and  concerning  the  structure  of  the  outline.  It  is  a  principle 
which  should  need  no  affirmation,  that  every  book  must  h>e 
interpreted  in  the  light  of  the  author's  purpose  and  his  liter- 
ary manner.  Now  in  every  part  of  our  book  problems  in 
interpretation  and  in  the  criticism  of  its  structure  present 
themselves  which  are  insolvable  apart  from  these  guiding  lines. 
The  author  of  the  Revelation  does  not  aim  to  write  merely  a 
burning  prophecy  of  the  Last  Things,  such  as  might  have  been 
given  in  a  brief  apocalypse  not  greatly  exceeding  the  escha- 
tological  chapters   in  the    Gospels.      (1)  Such  a  prophecy  he 


240        SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER       ' 

does  indeed  seek  to  give  ;  but  (2)  lie  seeks  also  to  give  with 
that  and  centering  in  it,  a  vivid  portrayal  of  the  great  powers, 
divine  and  satanic,  in  their  hostility  to  each  other  and  in  their 
relation  to  the  events  that  were  coming  on  the  earth ;  (3)  his 
plan  embraced  also  pictures  of  various  other  and  subordinate 
causes  and  influences  working  in  the  drama  of  the  world's  fu- 
ture ;  and  (4)  he  aims,  like  a  true  prophet,  to  comfort  and  en- 
courage God's  people  in  the  perilous  times  before  them  and  to 
call  them  to  sustained  fidelity  in  this  great  trial  of  their  faith 
and  patience.  These  four  'leading  motives,'  as  they  may  be 
called,  are  felt  throughout  the  vast  symphony  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse, and  the  writer  combines  and  interweaves  them  after  a 
manner  of  his  own.  It  is  imperative  then  to  perceive  clearly 
what  the  special  traits  of  his  manner  are  in  order  to  get  at  the 
meaning  of  details  and  to  understand  his  principles  in  the  group- 
ing of  paragraphs.  In  his  treatment  of  his  theme  the  canons 
of  literary  art,  as  laid  down  by  our  academic  methods,  may  be 
departed  from ;  whether  this  is  so  or  not,  is  a  matter  of  small 
moment ;  the  important  inquiry  with  us  is,  what  the  author 
himself  aimed  at  and  whether  his  aim  is  carried  out  with  con- 
sistency. And  if  we  keep  before  us  the  manifoldnesa  of  his 
subject  and  look  for  a  presentation  of  this  in  keeping  with  the 
writer's  characteristic  habits  of  thought  and  composition  as 
revealed  throughout,  we  shall  find  strong  ground  for  maintain- 
ing a  real  unity  in  the  book,  that  is,  a  unity  of  the  kind  defined 
above  (p.  221),  and,  considering  the  prophetic  and  poetic  nature 
of  the  work,  a  unity  of  splendid  character ;  most  of  the  diver- 
gencies and  interruptions  which  are  thought  to  contain  evi- 
dence of  different  documentary  strata  disappear,  and  the 
presence  of  an  original  mind  working  freely  with  traditional 
material  shows  itself  throughout.  The  characteristics  men- 
tioned below  are  those,  not  of  a  part  of  the  book,  but  of  the 
whole.  Thus  the  conclusion  to  which  historical  and  linguistic 
considerations  led  us  in  the  former  paragraph  is  confirmed. 

In  the  following  survey  of  conspicuous  features  in  the 
writer's  manner  some  will  be  seen  to  clear  up  the  meaning  of 
figures,  symbols,  and  minor  expressions,  while  others  help  us 
to  see  the  significance  intended  in  larger  paragraphs  and  the 
office  of  these  in  the  general  outline.     Special  attention  should 


SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER         241 

be  given  to  the  light  to  he  gained  from  the  peculiarities  of  sini/le 
sentences  and  short  paragraphs;  for  a  writer's  liabits  of  mind 
often  reveal  themselves  as  certainl}^  in  a  single  sentence  or 
passage,  as  in  the  treatment  of  the  larger  jjarts  of  his  work. 
And  so  in  our  author  some  of  the  difficulties  that  are  most 
noticeable  in  the  sequence  of  thought  and  grouping  of  material, 
that  is,  some  of  the  principal  grounds  of  critical  objection,  will 
be  seen  to  be  but  expressions  of  precisely  the  same  literary 
habits  which  appear  in  sentences  and  short  passages  of  undeni- 
able unity.  What  is  here  said  is  not  to  be  taken  as  minimizing 
the  difficulties  encountered  in  the  Apocalypse ;  it  is  rather  a 
plea  for  a  more  rigorous  application  of  a  principle  fundamen- 
tal in  exegesis,  to  criticism.  Criticism  has,  not  without  justice, 
been  censured  for  a  want  of  thoroughgoing  exegesis.^  At  all 
events  the  interpretation  of  the  parts  of  the  Apocalypse  in 
which  critical  objections  are  especially  raised  cannot  be  settled 
off-hand  by  any  universal  canon  ;  moreover  we  must  in  some 
instances  be  content  to  accept  the  result  which  seems  least  im- 
probable, if  we  aTe  to  escape  the  insuperable  difficulties  attach- 
ing to  the  denial  of  a  real  unity. 

The  following  are  the  principal  characteristics  of  the  writer 
which  are  especially  helpful  in  elucidating  the  difficulties  of  the 
Apocalypse.  (1)  Repetition,  overfullness.      (a)  This  feature 

appears  with  great  frequency,  as  shown  by  examples  below, 
within  a  single  sentence  or  paragraph  ;  (5)  and  the  same  habit 
of  mind  extends  to  the  larger  unit  of  the  book,  leading  to 
similar  repetition  and  fullness  in  the  parts  which  make  up  the 
structure  of  the  whole.  There  cannot  then  be  found  in  (ft)  an 
argument  against  the  unity  of  the  book. 

Examples  of  (a)  are  :  Jiis  head,  his  hair,  white  as  wool,  as  snow  V^,  hast 
receireil  and  heard  3^,  the  heavens  and  the  things  that  are  therein,  and  the 
earth  and  the  fhinr/s  that  are  therein,  and  the  sea  and  the  things  that  are  therein 
10^,  if  any  man  desireth  to  hurt  them  .  .  .  if  any  man  shall  desire  to  hurl  them 
11^,  rictorions  from  the  beast,  and  from  his  image,  and  from  the  niimher  of  his 
name  15^,  eat  the  flesh  of  lings,  and  the  flesh  of  captains,  ami  the  flesh  (f 
mighty  men,  and  the  fesh  of  horses  and  of  them  that  sit  thereon,  and  the  flesh 
of  oil  men,  both  free  and  bond,  and  small  and  great  IQ^^,  cf.  also  1^^,  3^^'^^, 
49  ff-,  5'-'S  61^7-^,  96,  122. 5, 8  f.^  13.5  f.^  146^  1714  f.^  186  f-i',  202. 12  f.,  2P,  221^ 
—  this  list  could  be  largely  increased.  Examples  of  (h)  are :  the  thrice 
1  Cf.  Zahn.  Ein.  II.  60-5. 

K 


242         SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER 

repeated  series  of  seveu  visitations,  those  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets  and  the 
bowls ;  the  message  to  the  Church  in  a  series  of  seven  epistles,  all  cast  in 
the  one  fixed  form ;  repeated  hymns  of  praise,  having  the  same  or  a  similar 
theme,  4«-ii,  5"-i-M3,  71"-'-,  lli^.irf.,  lowfi-,  IS^S  19i*'-5,6ff-;  repeated  pictures 
of  the  saints  in  triumph,  7"^-,  14^  *f-,  15^ ;  repeated  acts  symbolical  of  the  End, 
5^414-10,1^-20.  repetition  in  the  description  of  the  New  Jerusalem,  21--"^,  22^^; 
parallelisms  in  the  Introduction  and  the  Conclusion,  1^  and  22'',  1  «;  1^  and 
22r,i2,i.sf.;  18  aud  22 1^. 

(2)  Closely  connected  with  the  foregoing  characteristic  is 
the  introduction  of  brief,  indefinite  expressions  and  statements 
which  are  afterwards  made  specific  or  fuller,  sometimes  after  an 
interval.  («)  Instances,  either  in  clauses  immediately  con- 

nected, or  in  a  resumption  after  an  interval  but  within  the 
same  sentence  or  paragraph  are  very  numerous.  (J)  Here 

again  the  habit  shown  within  the  limits  of  a  single  passage 
appears  also  in  the  relation  of  more  widely  separated  para- 
graphs, that  is,  a  representation  is  sometimes  taken  up  again 
in  a  later  paragraph  with  details  and  enlargements.  The  essen- 
tial identity  of  («)  and  (6)  bears  directly  upon  critical  objec- 
tions frequently  urged  against  certain  portions. 

(f/)  Examples  within  closely  connected  clauses  are  :  2^  thy  vnrloi,  i.e.  thy 
toil,  patience,  etc.,  so  also  in  2"'  ^^  and  through  all  the  seven  epistles ;  2^^  a 
stumbling  block,  i.e.  partaking  of  idolatrous  feasts,  etc. ;  11^  7ny  tivo  witnesses, 
i.e.  as  characterized  in  vv.  4  ff. ;  12^6  ^/,g  eartli  helped,  defined  in  the  follow- 
ing parallel  clause ;  14^  eternal  (jospel,  i.e.  as  given  in  the  words  of  v.  7 
(see  Com.)  ;  20^  the  camp  of  the  saints,  i.e.  the  beloved  city ;  similar  cases 
are  li*,  6^  7^,  12'* '-^  13i2».i'-i5.  Examples  in  which  the  more  definite  or 
fuller  representation  follows  after  an  interruption  but  in  the  same  paragraph 
are:  1*  the  seven  churches,  i.e.  those  specified  in  v.  11 ;  also  V  '^'"1  i^ff..  93  ands and  10. 
l^QSaande.  ]^j.iand4f.  i5iand5ff.  ("J")  Examples  in  passages  more  or  less 
widely  separated  are  :  12«  ""<!  i"-i" ;  I31-8  and  17"-!^ ;  148  and  18;  16'9»andl8; 
211-2  and  2in-22\ 

(•3)  Interruptions  in  the  course  of  thought.  Departure 
from  logical  order,  already  seen  in  some  of  the  cases  spoken  of 
above,  appears  very  of  ten  in  the  book.  This  is  far  from  a  fatal 
objection  to  unity ;  it  cannot  even  be  regarded  as  a  defect,  in  a 
work  of  fervid  religious  imagination,  especially  in  one  proceed- 
ing from  a  mind  like  that  of  a  Hebrew  proplict.  Tlie  Hebrew 
mind  in  general  does  not  bind  itself  by  the  strict  law  of  con- 
tinuity, which  the  Greeks  have  taught  the  western  world,  as 
witness  the  Psalms,  for  example,  or  the  Pauline  epistles.     The 


SOME  TRAITS   OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER         243 

instances  of  tliis  break  in  continuity  which  occur  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse may  be  arranged  in  three  groups  (for  examples  see 
below) :  (^a)  displacement  within  a  single  paragraph,  a  fre- 
quent occurrence  and  very  significant  as  regards  the  writer's 
manner;  (?>)  the  interjection  of  brief  utterances  ;  (c)  the  in- 
sertion of  longer  episodes  between  portions  which  as  parts  of 
one  series  belong  closely  together.  Passages  of  this  last  kind 
are  numerous,  and  not  only  disturb  the  casual  reader,  but  also 
enter  largely  into  the  argument  against  the  unity  of  the  book. 
There  are,  however,  several  considerations  which  relieve  the 
difficulty  felt  here.  The  habit  of  mind  which  permits  the  dis- 
placement within  a  single  paragraph  and  the  insertion  of  paren- 
thetical utterances,  referred  to  above  (a,  ft),  makes  altogether 
conceivable  the  author's  departure  from  logical  order  and  his 
insertion  of  episodes  in  the  treatment  of  the  larger  factors 
which  make  up  the  outline  of  the  book.  And  if  as  viewed 
from  this  point  these  interruptions  are  natural  with  the  author, 
it  will  be  shown  below  that  there  are  in  his  purpose  special  mo- 
tives  leading  directly  to  the  introduction  of  these  episodes;  so 
that  these  so  far  from  destroying  unity  serve  rather  to  prove 
its  presence.  The  particular  office  which  such  episodes  per- 
form in  the  general  plan  will  be  pointed  out  in  the  pjaragraph 
on  prefatory  passages}  All  that  is  sought  here  is  to  show 
that  they  fall  in  naturally  as  a  part  of  the  author's  manner. 
Of  these  episodes  there  are  two  classes ;  firsts  those  containing 
an  anticipation  of  the  End,  or  of  some  eschatological  event,  as 
if  already  present  before  its  actual  entrance.  Such  anticipa- 
tion is  characteristic  of  a  prophet.  In  a  prophet's  vision  the 
end  is  present  from  the  beginning.  Our  Lord  anticipating  the 
final  triumph  sees  already  in  his  earthly  days  '  Satan  fallen ' 
(Lk.  10^^),  and  the  prince  of  this  world  '  now  cast  out '  (Jno. 
1231);  St.  Paul  frequently  speaks  of  salvation  as  already  ac- 
complished ;  and  thus  it  is  that  our  writer  in  his  pictures  of 
the  future  sometimes  changes  to  the  present  or  past  tense,  so  cer- 
tain and  vivid  is  his  vision  of  tlie  coming  event.  ^  His  tendency 
t(^  look  first  to  the  result  and  afterward  to  steps  preceding  is 
seen  in  his  repeated  use  of  the  grammatical  figure  hysteron- 
proteron^  inversion  of  the  logical  sequence,  for  example,  52-5  to 

1  p.    245.  2  117-13,  207-10. 


244         SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER 

open  the  hook  and  to  loose  the  seals;  cf .  3^^  am  rich  (the  result) 
and  have  gotten  riches  (the  process);  3^  come  and  worship,  etc. 
(the  effect)  and  know,  etc.  (the  cause);  10"*  the  sealing  up 
before  the  writing;  10^  the  bitter  sequel  before  the  sweetness 
of  the  taste ;  12^°  salvation,  the  blessed  consummation,  before 
its  foundation,  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom ;  19^3  the 
garment  sprinkled  with  the  blood  of  carnage  before  the  battle. 
We  are  therefore  prepared  to  find  the  habit  of  anticipation 
entering  also  into  his  program  in  its  larger  aspect.  Second. 
The  second  class  of  these  episodes  consists  of  passages,  some  of 
them  of  considerable  length,  which  may  be  compared  to  a  pic- 
ture within  a  picture.  These  portray  in  striking  visions,  as  it 
were  in  an  idealized  inset,  the  persons,  agencies,  and  forces  at 
work  in  and  through  the  great  eschatological  events  foretold  in 
the  larger  picture,  they  open  an  insight  into  causes  and  motives 
underlying  the  other  scenes. 

(a)  Examples  of  the  displacement  spoken  of  above :  2^  belongs  with  the 
other  expressions  of  approval  and  before  the  censure,  i.e.  before  v.  4  ;  6'-  '"'^ ", 
the  celestial  phenomena  are  inserted  into  the  midst  of  the  terrestrial 
gi2aandi4  6.  717  a  ^}^q  guidance  to  the  fountains  belongs  with  the  thirst,  v. 
16  a ;  14^  the  truthfulness  and  faithfulness  of  the  saints  belong  with  their 
other  virtues,  v.  4  ub,  and  before  their  redemption  v.  4  c ;  cf .  also  1^^  '^  which 
belongs  with  v.  14  ;  31"  with  v.  8 ;  4^  «  with  v.  3  and  before  vv.  4,  5  b-Q  ;  lo^"* 
with  V.  2  a,  whereas  v.  2  b  goes  with  v.  3  c  f . ;  20^^''*  with  v.  12  a  ;  20^^  with 
v.  12  c/;  191*  separates  w.  12  f.  from  w.  15  f.;  2218*'- separates  v.  17  from 
V.  20.  (b)  For  interjection  of  brief  utterances,  cf.  1^,  S^%  9^2,  II14,  1391-., 
13",  1412  f-,  165. 1,  1615,  1820,  206.  (-^.)  The  insertion  of  longer  episodes  will 
be  fully  illustrated  in  the  following  paragraph  on  prefatory  passar/es.  A 
single  example  of  each  class  mentioned  above  (p.  243)  is  given  here  to  show 
more  distinctly  what  is  meant :  79~i2  the  vision  of  accomplished  redemption 
before  the  events  preliminary  to  the  End  have  run  their  course  ;  12i~i^  show- 
ing that  Satan's  hatred  of  the  Messiah  is  the  real  force  at  work  in  the 
persecution  of  the  Church. 

(4)  The  systematic  introduction  of  prefatory  passages.  The 
foregoing  paragraph  has  shown  the  writer's  tendency  to  open 
to  the  reader  in  certain  anticipatory  passages  a  glimpse  into 
an  issue  whose  actual  entrance  belongs  to  a  later  point  in  the 
sequence  of  events  ;  it  has  also  been  shown  that  it  is  a  part  of 
his  purpose  to  give  in  certain  visions  l(/ing  outside  of  this  se- 
quence an  ideal  picture  of  the  powers  and  forces  at  work  in  the 
eschatological  events  described.     Now  an  examination  of  the 


SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER         245 

book  will  show  that  these  two  classes  of  interruptions  in  what 
may  be  called  the  action  of  the  book  are  introduced,  one  or 
both  of  them,  as  a  kind  of  prelude,  at  every  great  juncture  or 
critical  turning-point.  It  is  a  fixed  habit  of  the  author  to 
preface  in  this  way  each  new  stage  in  the  march  of  the  future, 
and  as  the  judgments  preparatory  to  the  parousia  approach 
their  culmination  these  preludes  assume  larger  proportions  and 
become  more  complex ;  in  some  instances  after  the  announce- 
ment of,  or  after  the  initial  step  in,  a  new  series  of  movements, 
a  new  prelude  intervenes  before  the  series  actually  begins  its 
course.  In  this  use  of  preludes  should  be  noticed  the  splendid 
alternation  of  light  with  shadow.  Before  every  vision  of  gloom 
and  terror  the  writer  introduces  a  glimpse  of  the  radiant  glory 
that  lies  beyond  —  it  is  a  burst  of  harmony  which  lingers  on  with 
one,  whose  ear  is  attuned,  through  all  the  hoarse  tumult  soon 
filling  the  air.  The  assurance  of  hope,  the  promise  of  the  vic- 
tory of  the  Kingdom,  is  offered  anew  with  every  new  approach 
of  trial.  Herein  is  carried  out  into  detail  the  principle  that 
determines  the  rise  of  the  apocalyptic  books  in  general ;  see 
p.  175.  Nothing  could  more  clearly  show  that  the  supreme 
purpose  of  the  book  was  to  cheer  and  sustain  the  readers 
through  the  awful  troubles  that  were  coming  on  the  world 
before  the  sway  of  Antichrist  and  his  servants  should  be  for- 
ever broken. 

The  characteristic  here  mentioned  will  appear  in  the  follow- 
ing brief  survey  which  takes  up  in  order  each  series  in  the 
movements  determining  the  outline  of  the  book.  (1)  The 
commission  to  the  seven  churches,  the  first  paragraph  after  the 
introduction,  is  prefaced  by  a  vision  revealing  the  author  of 
the  commission,  the  great  Head  of  the  Church,  in  the  midst  of 
the  seven  churches  (l^^-so).  (2)  The  eschatological  move- 

ments which  fill  up  the  rest  of  the  book  are  prefaced  in  chapters 
4-5  by  the  revelation  of  the  divine  powers  controlling  the  whole 
destiny  of  the  world  to  the  end,  while  chapt.  5  also  forms  the  im- 
mediate preface  to  the  breaking  of  the  seals.  (3)  The  great 
turning-point  reached  in  the  breaking  of  the  last  seal  (8^)  is 
prefaced  by  the  anticipative  vision  of  God's  people  brought  in 
safety  through  the  coming  crisis  (T^-i')-  ("i)  After  the  initial 
step  of  the  breaking  of  this  last  seal  and  before  its  sequel  seen 


246         SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER 

in  the  seven  trumpet-blasts  is  introduced,  there  comes  in  as  a 
preface  the  symbolic  act  (8^"^)  showing  that  the  judgments  of 
the  seven  trumpet-blasts  now  to  come  are  expressions  of  the 
wrath  of  God  moved  to  intervention  l)y  the  prayers  of  the 
saints.  (5)   After  the  judgments  of  six  trumpets  have  run 

their  course,  the  crisis  reached  in  the  seventh  blast  (11^^)  is 
introduced  by  the  double  preface  bidding  the  prophet  anew  to 
go  on  with  his  bitter  duty  to  the  end,  now  certainly  near  at 
hand  (10),  and  giving  assurance  of  Israel's  conversion  in  the 
last  time  (lV-~^^).  (6)  After  the  sounding  of  the  seventh 
trumpet,  here  again  before  the  sequel  is  introduced,  that  is, 
before  the  appearance  of  the  angels  with  the  seven  bowls  (IS^) 
there  is  brought  in  a  preface  of  still  greater  complexity  in 
keeping  with  the  magnitude  of  the  crisis;  this  preface  consists 
of  the  following  parts  :  (a)  the  song  of  praise  anticipative  of 
the  end  (11^^~^^)  and  the  symbolic  occurrence  showing  the  com- 
ing judgments  to  be  the  acts  of  the  God  of  the  covenant  (11^^), 
(b)  first.,  the  allegory  revealing  Satan's  hostility  to  the  Christ 
as  explaining  the  persecution  of  the  Church,  together  with  the 
assurance  of  his  final  downfall  (12)  and  second,  the  sjanbols  of 
his  agents  in  these  persecutions  (13),  (c)  a  prelude  directly 
introducing  the  acts  of  judgment,  consisting  of  the  anticipa- 
tion of  the  triumph  of  the  saints  (14^"^),  proclamations  (14^"^^), 
and  symbolic  acts  (14i^~20).  (7)  After  the  announcement  of 

the  next  series,  that  is,  the  angels  with  the  plagues  of  the  seven 
bowls  (15^),  and  before  the  initial  step  in  the  unfolding  of  the 
series  (15'^*^),  there  is  introduced  as  a  prelude  another  glimpse 
anticipative  of  the  final  triumph  (15^-"^).  (8)  After  the 
plagues  of  six  bowls  are  accomplished  and  before  the  crisis  of  the 
last  (16^^ '^•)  the  place  of  the  usual  preface  is  taken  by  a  brief 
interlude  of  encouragement  and  warning  (16^^)  looking  to  the 
trial  about  to  break  upon  the  world.  (9)   With  the  plague  of 

the  seventh  bowl  ( IG^^^^^)  the  long  series  of  preparatory  events 
beginning  with  the  breaking  of  the  first  seal  (6^)  is  finished 
and  now  is  to  begin  the  last  chapter  in  the  divine  drama,  the 
destruction  of  the  arch-enemies  with  their  stronghold,  and  the 
setting  up  of  the  eternal  kingdom.  This  crisis  is  prefaced  by 
an  anticipative  vision  showing  vividly  the  wickedness  of  the 
capital  city  of  the  Beast  as  the  cause  of  the  destruction  now  to 


SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER  247 

be  visited  upon  her  (11  ^~''  i''-is)  and  explaining  the  symbol 
of  the  Beast  and  telling  of  his  coming  overthrow  (IT''"^-^). 
(10)  The  first  act  in  the  final  cliapter,  the  destruction  of  the 
great  city,  is  not  represented  in  vision,  it  is  proclaimed  in  word 
and  symbol  (IS^^^-  '^^--■^^  and  the  lament  to  be  uttered  over  it  is 
anticipated  (18^"^^),  also  the  heavenly  song  of  exultation  is 
heard  after  the  destruction  is   accomplished  (19i~5).  (11) 

The  culminating  movements  ushered  in  by  the  appearing  of  the 
Messiah  leading  forth  the  armies  of  heaven  for  battle  (19ii~i6) 
are  prefaced  by  the  heavenly  hallelujahs  anticipative  of  the 
consummation  (19^~^);  the  battle  and  the  final  events  which 
are  inseparably  connected  follow  one  another  without  pause 
(1917-225). 

(5)  The  introduction  of  an  object  not  previously  mentioned, 
as  if  already  familiar  to  the  reader.  Some  passages  in  which 
this  usage  occurs  have  on  this  ground  been  held  to  be  impossi- 
ble in  their  present  connection  —  the  usage  is  thought  to  show 
either  the  incorporation  of  a  fragment  or  a  derangement  in 
the  original  order.  But  from  a  number  of  instances  virtually 
parallel  it  would  appear  to  be  a  part  of  the  writer's  manner 
to  anticipate,  as  if  familiar,  objects  to  be  made  distinct  later ; 
sometimes  also  expressions  which,  so  far  as  appears  are  unfa- 
miliar, are  left  unexplained.  This  trait  in  the  apocalyptist 
is  not  hard  to  account  for ;  he  writes  with  all  the  great  factors 
of  his  visions  present  to  his  mind,  and  it  is  by  no  means  incon- 
ceivable that  he  should  sometimes  forget  that  he  has  not  yet 
put  the  reader  entirely  on  his  own  plane,  and  should  introduce 
as  if  understood  an  idea  or  figure  before  he  has  reached  its  full 
presentation,  or  should  use  unfamiliar  symbols  and  terms  with- 
out explanation.  This  may  perhaps  be  criticized  as  a  literary 
fault,  yet  it  is  one  that  may  occur  in  any  imaginative  work. 
The  most  striking  instance  of  this  usage  occurs  in  11^  where 
'  the  (not  a)  beast  that  cometh  up  out  of  the  abyss '  is  intro- 
duced with  the  article,  as  if  known  to  the  reader,  though  the 
reference  is  first  made  clear  in  13^^-.  But  in  view  of  other 
cases  essentially  similar  the  peculiarity  can  hardly  give  suffi- 
cient ground  for  objection  to  the  originality  of  the  passage  in 
this  place. 1     The  following  cases  may  be  compared:  ^  the  seven 

1  See  Com. 


248         SOME  TRAITS   OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER 

churches'  1^,  though  v.  11  first  specifies  which  among  the  Asian 
churches  are  meant ;  '  the  second  death '  2^1,  first  made  clear 
in  SO^'^ ;  similar  are  also  '  the  seven  spirits '  1^  '  the  great  city' 
1()^^  'the  great  harlot'  17^  'my  two  witnesses'  11^;  the  fol- 
lowing are  without  subsequent  explanation :  '  the  morning 
star'  2^8,  '•the  seven  thunders'  10'^ 

(6)  Contradictions,  abrupt  changes,  unimaginable  concep- 
tions. These  features  appear  frequently  and  the  attempt  to 
get  over  the  difficulties  thus  arising  has  led  on  the  one  hand 
to  an  artificial  and  impossible  exegesis,  on  the  other,  to  an  ex- 
treme critical  process  which  finds  in  all  differences  a  mark  of 
different  documents.  In  the  work  of  a  poetic  mind  moving 
freely  through  a  series  of  stupendous  visions  the  very  charac- 
ter of  visions  like  that  of  dreams  forbids  us  to  look  in  all  cases 
for  rigorous  self-consistency  or  ccmformity  to  the  realities  of 
actual  life.  We  are  prepared  to  find  in  visions  inconsistencies, 
sudden  transitions,  impossible  combinations.  It  is  true  that 
incongruities  may  sometimes  be  traceable  to  the  reminiscence 
of  a  source  which  suggested  his  thought  to  the  author ;  the 
eschatology  of  Ezekiel,  for  example,  which  greatly  influenced 
him,  has  left  its  trace  in  the  post-millennial  gathering  of  the 
nations  against  the  beloved  city  (20'  '^■,  Ezk.  38 ),  though  ac- 
cording to  the  earlier  representation  (19^^"^^)  all  earthly  ene- 
mies had  already  been  destroyed.  Yet  here  as  elsewhere  the 
author's  use  of  a  source  is,  as  shown  above, ^  an  independent  one 
and  does  not  destroy  the  unity  of  liis  plan;  it  is  certain  that 
there  are  not  in  these  characteristics  sufficient  data  for  resolv- 
ing the  book  into  a  series  of  excerpts  put  together  unskillfully. 

The  principal  cases  calling  for  consideration  will  be  noticed  in  the  Com- 
mentary ;  it  is  sufficient  here  to  give  without  discussion  a  few  examples  to 
illustrate  the  writer's  manner  in  the  respect  spoken  of.  Examples  of  con- 
flict are  :  '  Stravjlitway  I  was  in  the  Spirit'  4^,  though  the  Prophet  had  been 
'  in  the  Spirit '  from  P"  on  ;  in  S^^  there  is  to  be  a  temple  in  the  new  Jerusa- 
lem, in  21-2  there  is  no  temple  there  ;  the  grass  is  unhurt  in  9^  though  in  8"  it 
had  all  been  destroyed ;  in  16i  all  the  bowls  are  poured  out  upon  the  earth, 
but  in  w.  8,  17  one  is  poured  upon  the  sea,  another  upon  the  air;  in  17^^ 
waters  are  said  to  have  been  seen,  but  in  v.  3  f.  the  Prophet  sees  a  wilder- 
ness, not  water.  Examples  of  abrupt  transition,  or  of  the  merging  of  dif- 
ferent representations  are :  l^^  the  right  hand  holding  the  seven  stars,  v.  17 

1  p.  221. 


SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER         249 

the  same  right  hand  laid  assuriiigly  on  the  Prophet ;  in  7^^^^  the  heavenly 
throne-room,  the  temple,  and  the  pastures  are  combined  in  one  picture ;  in 
l;}'^  the  beast  with  seven  heads  suddenly  becomes  a  beast  with  one  head 
((me  mouth),  then  a  personal  ruler  (his  throne)  and  in  v.  12  he  is  identified 
with  one  of  his  heads;  in  17^^''-  the  heads  are  fii-st  mountains,  then  kings; 
in  20^2  the  two  conceptions,  one  of  •  a  book  recording  men's  deeds,  and 
another  of  a  book  containing  a  list  of  those  destined  to  life,  are  blended. 
P^xamples  of  unimaginable  conceptions  (in  all  apocalyptic  literature  very 
numerous)  are :  the  seeing  of  writing  within  a  sealed  roll,  a  lamb  taking 
the  book  and  breaking  the  seals,  the  'living  creatures'  holding  harps,  5*-**; 
the  smiting  of  the  luminaries  followed  by  a  diminution,  not  of  the  inten- 
sity, but  of  the  duration  of  light  S'^;  the  fabulous  nature  of  the  locusts 
9"  ''■ ;  a  person  clothed  with  the  sun  12^ ;  a  city  12,000  furlongs  high 
2 1"'. 

(7)  The  use  of  symbols,  types,  and  numbers  employed  sym- 
bolically. As  in  all  writing  which  seeks  to  represent  vividly 
spiritual  things,  especially  prophecy  and  the  literature  of  visions, 
symbolism  is  the  instrument  used  most  extensively  in  our  book. 
Symbols,  using  the  word  in  its  most  comprehensive  scope, 
enter  into  every  representation,  one  might  almost  say  into 
every  sentence.  These  are  taken  largely  from  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, especially  from  the  apocalyptic  portions  of  the  prophets, 
but  some  are  derived  from  apocalyptic  tradition  handed  down 
through  other  sources,  some  from  everyday  life  and  observa- 
tion, some  certainly  are  to  be  attributed  to  the  author's  inven- 
tion. As  with  the  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament^  so  here 
also  we  have  symbolical  actions.^  It  is  important  to  deter- 
mine the  meaning  which  the  author  attached  to  the  symljols 
used  and  to  avoid  the  fancifulness  to  which  they  easily  lend 
themselves  —  a  most  common  source  of  misinterpretation.  In 
general  they  are  not  explained  by  the  writer.  Often  the  mean- 
ing is  clear  in  itself,  or  is  made  clear  by  the  context,  or  by  a  use 
familiar  to  the  readei'S ;  in  some  cases,  however,  explanatory 
words  are  added;  ^  in  still  others  the  symbol  is  left  obscure.* 
Care  must  be  taken  not  to  attach  a  mystic  significance  to  all 
the  details  in  a  symbolical  representation ;  frequently  these 
are  designed  merely  to  embellish  the  picture,  to  give  it  vivid- 

1  E.q.  Is.  20  ^ff-.  Jer.  1:^1-',  Ezk.  37i6ff.,  Zee.  11' «■-. 

2  E.g.  72-8,10*-ii,  111*-,  I'j,  1414-ffl    1821. 

3  E.q.   120,  45     56*,    118,    12-',  17'.H'.,  12, 15,  18^    1()3_ 

4  E.\i.  2176,  s'l,  9"'-,  IQS'''-',  13^  191-'''.  ' 


250         SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER 

ness  and  power,  very  much  as  the  details  sometimes  used  to 
fill  out  a  parable  or  a  Homeric  simile.  It  is  a  mistake  (one, 
however,  often  met  with  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse) to  seek,  for  example,  a  special  mystical  meaning  for  the 
golden  girdle,  tlie  flaming  eyes  etc.  in  l^^ff-^  for  the  jasper,  the 
sardine  stone,  and  the  rainbow  in  4-^,  for  the  sun,  moon,  and 
stars  in  12^.1  In  general  the  context  and  the  manner  of  apoca- 
lyptic writers  will  guide  with  reasonable  certainty  to  the  pur- 
pose of  such  details.  The  use  of  proper  names  and  desig- 
nations calls  for  special  notice  here.  These  are  almost  wholly 
typical  except  in  certain  places  where  reference  is  made  to  a 
distinct  historical  fact,^  and  in  the  prologue  and  epilogue, 
where  the  visionary  element  with  its  peculiar  style  is  subor- 
dinate ;  even  the  names  of  the  churches  addressed  in  the 
epistles  are  not  altogether  an  exception,  for  these  are  really 
intended  to  be  typical  of  the  whole  Church. ^  Abaddon,  Har- 
magedon,  Gog  and  Magog  belong  solely  to  apocalyptic  lan- 
guage ;  and  in  our  book  Babylon,  Egypt,  Jerusalem,  Jezebel, 
Sion,  and  Sodom  have  a  typical  sense  only ;  though  the  cities 
of  Rome  and  Jerusalem  sometimes  form  the  theme,  the}^  are 
never  called  by  their  proper  names ;  Balaam  is  made  the  type 
of  the  Nicolaitans ;  *  Euphrates  ^  is  apparently  thought  of  less 
really  than  typicall}^  as  a  kind  of  horizon-line  beyond  which 
lies  the  unknown  and  dreaded  East ;  the  name  Jew  occurring 
but  twice  ^  seems  to  be  in  the  author's  mind  a  designation  of 
the  true  child  of  God ;  children  of  Israel  in  the  description 
of  the  new  Jerusalem '''  is  the  designation  of  the  whole  people 
of  God,  and  the  use  in  that  passage,  taken  together  with  the 
general  use  of  proper  names  shown  above,  furnishes  strong 
presumption  that  this  is  the  meaning  of  the  term  in  the  only 
other  place  (apart  from  the  historical  reference  in  2i*)  in  which 
it  occurs,  the  much  discussed  passage  7^^-.^ 

Numbers,  except  as  determined  by  definite  reference  in  the 
context,  are  generally  symbolical ;  to  such  an  extent  is  this 
the  case  that  even  in  some  places  where  they  designate  an  exact 
fact,  for  example,  the  '  seven  mountains '  of  Rome,^  we  may 
prol)ably  regard  this  a  coincidence.     This  trait  is  a  part  of  the 

1  See  Com.  in  loc.  2  ^.^y.  2^^.  3  p.  210.  ''  2"''-.  &  9",  IO12. 

6  29,  39.  7  2112.  8  See  Com.  a  IT^. 


SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER         251 

writer's  inheritance.  ^  The  oriental  mind  shows  a  special  fond- 
ness for  this  use  of  numbers ;  it  appears  alike  in  the  Hebrew 
scriptures  and  in  the  records  of  other  peoples.  What  pri- 
marily may  have  caused  a  sacred  or  symbolical  character  to  be 
attached  to  a  particular  number  does  not  belong  to  our  pres- 
ent inquiry ;  that  at  all  events  must  be  more  or  less  a  matter 
of  conjecture,  for  the  usage  in  most  cases  took  its  rise  in  pre- 
historic time.  But  it  is  easy  to  see  how  in  certain  numbers 
the  idea  inherited  by  the  Hebrews  through  their  Semitic  tra- 
ditions should  have  grown.  Whatever  in  an  earlier  age  made 
7  a  sacred  or  typical  number,  it  was  inevitable  that  this  char- 
acter should  be  intensified  by  the  importance  of  the  week  of  7 
days  in  the  Hebrew  religion ;  similarly  the  number  12  must 
have  been  affected  by  the  number  of  the  tribes.  In  rabbinical 
and  apocalyptic  literature  this  treatment  of  numbers  becomes 
especially  frequent.  In  our  writer  then  it  is  only  one  of  the 
traits  adopted  from  the  general  biblical  and  apocalyptic  man- 
ner. And  the  particular  numbers  thus  used  by  him  are  nearly 
all  found  with  similar  meaning  in  the  Old  Testament  and 
Jewish  apocalypses.  The  numbers  oftenest  employed  thus  in 
our  book  are  3,  3|  (and  in  certain  relations,  its  equivalent  42 
or  1260),  4,  7,  10^12,  1000  and  multiples  of  1000.  It  is  not 
to  be  supposed  that  a  specific  meaning  attaches  invariably  to 
a  given  numerical  symbol,  so  that  we  could  substitute  this  as 
a  paraphrase  in  all  cases ;  in  view  of  the  vagueness  character- 
izing the  style  of  visions  we  may  presume  that  the  writer 
himself  did  not  always  have  a  precise  intention  in  mind. 
Sometimes  the  tradition  taken  up  by  him  determined  the 
choice  of  the  number.  An  essential  thing  is  that  we  should 
neither  take  the  number  literally,  nor  seek  to  find  in  it  a  recon- 
dite, mystical  meaning.  For  the  most  part  the  general  tenor 
of  the  representation  will  suggest  a  sufficiently  definite  sense. 

Three,  one  of  the  most  frequent  numbers  in  the  Scriptures  to  denote 
adequateness,  sufficiency,  is  used  in  our  book  with  the  same  meaning,  for 
example  the  3  plagues  9^^,  the  3  woes  S^^,  the  effect  of  the  earthquake  16^^ ; 
the  tliird  part  affected  by  the  trumpet-blasts  8''^-,  9'^  apparently  denotes  a 
large,  but  not  the  larger,  part ;  similarly  the  third  part  of  the  stars  12'' ;  the 
3  gates  in  each  side  of  the  wall  of  the  New  Jerusalem  21'^  are  due  directly 

1  Cf.  Liicke  n.  404  ff.,  Enc.  Bib.  III.  3434  ff..  Hast.  III.  560  ff. 


252         SOME  TRAITS   OF  THE  WRITER'S   MANNER 

to  Ezekiel  ■IS'"^"'-,  Avhich  furnishes  the  prototype  for  our  author  here;  in 
Enoch  34-36  heaven  has  3  gates  opening  toward  each  of  the  four  quarters. 
The  other  cases  in  which  the  number  occurs  (6^,  8'^)  call  for  no  comment  here. 
Tliree  and  a  half,  always  typical,  is  unquestionably  taken  from  Dan.  7^^, 
12^,  where  the  ^  time  and  times  and  half  a  time,'  i.e.  three  and  a  half  'times,' 
denote  the  last  period  of  the  triumph  of  evil  and  the  oppression  of  God's 
people,  as  accomplished  in  the  rule  of  Antiochus,  after  which  should  come 
the  Great  Day  of  Jehovah,  with  the  destruction  of  the  enemy  and  the  giv- 
ing of  the  kingdom  to  the  saints  of  the  Most  High.  While  the  persecutions 
of  Antiochus  are  seen  to  have  lasted  approximately  3^  years  (cf.  Driver 
Dan.  in  C.  B.  93  ;  Introd.  494)  it  is  probable  that  the  author  of  Dan.  uses 
the  number  typically  of  the  indefinite  but  short  period  which  he  pictures  as 
preceding  the  End.  The  theory  is  plausible  that  he  derives  the  nvimber 
from  Semitic  tradition,  that  primarily  it  figured  the  three  months  or  more 
during  which  nature  is  in  the  grasp  of  frost  and  cold  (cf.  Gunkel  266  ff., 
389  ff.)  and  that  it  afterwards  became  a  symbol  of  the  fierce  period  of  evil 
before  the  last  gi-eat  triumph,  a  symbol  of  the  time  of  the  power  of  Anti- 
christ, '  the  times  of  the  Gentiles,'  Lk.  21-^,  or  more  widely,  the  symbol  of 
any  period  of  great  calamity.  The  common  explanation  of  it  as  '  a  broken 
seven,'  based  on  Dan.  9-^,  is  improbable,  for  the  typical  use  of  a  number 
gTows  ovit  of  its  exact  use  with  concrete  objects  (cf.  Gunkel  267).  At  all 
events,  whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  symbol,  its  significance  in 
Dan.  is  plain.  From  Dan.  it  passes  into  the  Talmud  (cf .  Volz  170)  as  an 
eschatological  number ;  as  such  it  appears  also  in  2  Es.  S'*,  where  it  is  said 
that  the  destruction  of  the  great  world-power  will  be  seen  by  him  to  whom 
God  grants  to  live  '  after  the  third  time.'  The  Ms.  has  post  tertinm  which 
unquestionably  refers  to  the  '  three  times '  still  granted  to  the  last  hostile 
world-power  before  its  end.  The  AV,  truiiij)et,  is  from  the  reading  tuham,  a 
corruption  of  turbatum;  cf.  Box  Ez.  Ap.  in  loc.  The  ellipsis  of  the  noun 
after  tertiam  '  corresponds  to  the  mysterious  style  of  apocalyptic  wrriting ' 
(Gunkel  in  Kautzsch,  359,  cf.  Charles  Asc.  Is.  p.  29).  According  to  the 
Ascension  of  Is.  41^  the  last  world-power,  the  incarnation  of  Beliar,  will  rule 
3  years,  7  months,  and  27  days.  This  by  the  Julian  reckoning  is  equivalent 
to  the  '  1335  days '  of  Dan.  12^2  ^nd  is  doubtless  taken  from  that  (cf.  Lticke 
I.  285,  Charles  Asc.  Is.  in  loc,  Flemming  in  Hennecke's  Handhuch  327). 
But  this  number  of  days  in  Dan.  12^2  like  that  in  8^*  is  probably  an  inter- 
pretation of  the  original  3^  '  times '  in  7^^,  suggested  to  a  reviser  by  the  facts 
of  history.  The  author  of  the  Apocalypse  in  12^*  takes  the  primary 
phrase  of  Daniel  '  a  time  and  times  and  half  a  time ' ;  elsewhere  he  inter- 
prets '  times '  as  days,  or  years,  and  in  the  latter  case  gives  variously  3^  years, 
or  the  equivalent  42  months,  or  1260  days,  the  month  being  reckoned  as 
30  days  (112,  s.  o,  n^  12^,  lo-').  But  in  all  places  the  meaning  seems  to  be  the 
same,  the  period  of  the  last  terrible  s/ray  of  Satan  and  his  agents  in  the  woi'ld 
before  the  second  coming  of  the  Lord.  Four  in  the  '  four  living  creatu.res '  4^ 

and  passim  is  traditional ;  the  representation  of  the  cherubim  is  taken  from 
Ezk.  (l^*f- ;  an  earlier  tradition  may  lie  behind  Ezk.)  who  makes  them  4  (cf. 
Enoch  40),  as  the  bearers  of  Jehovah's  throne-car  moving  straight  forward 


SOME  TRAITS  OF  THE   WRITER'S   MANNER         253 

iiitt)  tlu' 4  (jiuirters  of  the  earth.  '  Four-.scjuare,'  as  an  epithet  of  the  Holy 
City,  2V>,  also  follows  the  pattern  of  Ezk.  48'6' -".  The  'fourth  part' 
given  into  the  power  of  death  6^  e;),n  hardly  have  any  other  meaning  than  a 
large  but  not  unlimited  jiart.  The  other  /o«/-.s-  (7^^-  Q''**'-)  which  call  for 
notice  are  seen  to  be  associated  with  the  4  points  of  the  compass.  Scren, 
the  preeminently  sacred  number  with  the  Hebrews  and  found  also  among 
other  peoples,  the  one  used  typically  in  the  scriptures  in  every  conceivable 
relation  and  numberless  instances,  where  fuUnasK,  completeness,  certainty  is 
thought  of,  is  the  favorite  number  with  our  author  and  forms  one  of  the 
dominant  influences  in  his  manner.  There  are  the  7  churches  with  their  7 
angels,  7  stars  and  7  lampstands ;  the  7  spirits  with  their  7  lamps ;  the 
Lamb  with  7  eyes  and  7  horns;  the  7  seals,  the  7  trumpets  and  the  7  bowls, 
with  their  respective  7  plagnies ;  two  groups  of  seven  angels ;  the  dragon 
and  the  Beast  with  their  7  heads ;  7  mountains,  7  kings,  7  thunders.  The 
number  occurs  54  times ;  also  its  j^resence  in  the  writer's  thought  is  seen 
even  where  it  is  not  expressly  mentioned,  e.f/.  as  a  constructive  feature  (see 
cases  below)  or  as  determining  the  number  of  terms  in  a  rhetorical  series 
(o'2,  6^^  7^^).  It  is  commonly  understood  to  be  used  in  an  exact  sense  in 
the  7  churches,  the  7  kings,  and  the  7  mountains,  though  even  here  a  sym- 
bolical meaning  is  possible  (see  Com.).  In  all  other  instances  it  is  unques- 
tionably typical  or  schematic,  denoting  ideal  completeness,  entirety,  sufficiency. 
In  the  case  of  the  7  spirits,  the  7  thunders,  and  the  7  heads  of  the  dragon, 
tradition  may  have  had  some  influence  in  determining  the  number  (see 
Com.  on  I'',  10^,  12^)  ;  in  all  other  cases  of  its  symbolical  use  its  choice 
seems  due  to  the  author's  fondness  for  the  number.  As  a  multiple  of  1000 
the  7000  killed  in  tlie  earthquake  11'^  denote  a  large  number  but  relatively 
to  the  whole  population  a  small  one,  probably  a  tenth  part  (see  Com.). 

As  a  constructire  feature  the  number  may  be  made  the  basis  of  an  alto- 
gether arbitrary  analysis  of  the  book  (so  Ewald  38  if.),  yet  besides  the  clearly 
marked  paragraphs  of  the  7  epistles,  the  7  seals,  the  7  trumpets,  and  the  7 
bowls,  there  are  others  which  without  fancifulness  can  be  seen  to  consist  of 
7  parts.  The  paragraph  of  the  actual  parousia  with  its  culminating  events, 
1911-225,  falls  into  the  following  7  parts:  (1)  IQn-iS;  (2)19i7-i8;  (3)  1919-203; 
(4)  20^-6 ;  (5)  20^-10 ;  (6)  20n-i5 ;  (7)  211-225.  The  fall  of  the  '  gi-eat  city,' 
181-19^,  divides  itself  naturally  as  follows:  (1)  the  proclamation  ISi"^;  (2)  the 
summons  to  the  Christians  IS''"^;  (3)  incitement  of  the  spirits  of  vengeance 
18^"^ ;  (4)  lament  of  merchants  and  others  IS^-i^ ;  (5)  call  to  heaven  etc.  to 
rejoice  18^0 ;  (6)  the  symbolical  act  and  the  cry  of  the  angel  IS^i-zi ;  (7)  the 
hymn  of  exultation  19i~5.  Chapter  14,  which  forms  a  single  paragraph  as 
a  complex  prelude  to  the  vision  of  the  bowls,  falls  into  the  following  parts : 
(1)  1-5;  (2)6-7;  (3)8;  (4)9-12;  (5)13;  (6)  14-16;  (7)17-20.  The 
epilogaxe  22^~2*',  exclusive  of  the  benediction,  is  commonly  divided  as  fol- 
lows: (1)6-7;  (2)8-9;  (3)10-15;  (4)  16;  (5)17;  (6)18-19;  (7)20. 
(Cf.  RV  and  WH.)  The  great  vision  of  chapters  4-5  consists  of  two  de- 
scriptive parts  41"''*'',  5i~^,  and  /zrc  hymns  4''^*'  ^i,  .5-'  *■■  i^.  i3.  In  this  connection 
cf.  also  the  introduction  of  7  beatitudes,  1^,  14i3,  16i5,  199,  20^,  22'- '<.  It 
is  an  interesting  fact  that  a  series  of  7  is  sometimes  divided  into  3  -|-  4, 


254         SOME  TRAITS   OF  THE  WRITER'S  MANNER 

or  4  +  3.  Thus  in  the  7  epistles  the  first  o  form  one  group,  tlie  last  4  an- 
other (see  Com.)  ;  in  the  7  seals  the  peculiarity  of  the  revelation  of  the 
fifth  marks  the  change  to  a  new  group ;  a  similar  division  is  indicated  by 
the  angelic  cry  S^^  inserted  between  the  fourth  and  fifth  trumpets,  and  by 
the  interlude  16»~^  between  the  third  and  fourth  bowls.  Such  a  resolution 
of  7  is  not  a  clearly  established  usage  in  other  writers.  (It  is  doubtful 
whether  in  Mt.  13  the  grouping  of  the  parables  is  intended  as  a  division  of 
7  into  4  +  3.)  The  explanation  of  the  peculiarity  is  not  certain.  The 
theory  that  7  originally  owes  its  sacredness  to  the  fact  that  it  is  the  sum  of 
3  +  4  is  in  itself  improbable ;  at  any  rate  there  is  no  indication  of  this 
thought  with  our  author ;  nowhere  so  far  as  the  numbers  are  expressly 
named  does  he  bring  7  into  connection  with  3  and  4,  as  constituent  parts ; 
and  we  are  perhaps  right  in  thinking  that  he  did  not  attach  important  sig- 
nificance to  the  division,  for  he  does  not  direct  attention  to  it,  and  it  becomes 
apparent  only  upon  critical  observation.  Quite  possibly  it  is  a  slight  pause 
in  the  middle  of  a  series  due  to  a  habit  of  mind  seen  throughout  the  book, 
a  reluctance  to  move  directly  to  an  end  through  a  long  unhrnken  succession 
of  steps.  Ten,  which  among  all  the  peoples  using  the  decimal  system  is 
found  frequently  as  around  number  ior  fullness,  comjileteness,  occurs  often  in 
this  sense  in  the  Bible  and  apocalyptic  writers.  Our  book  uses  it  in  this 
typical  significance  only.  The  '  ten  days '  of  tribulation  2^^  denote  a  period 
not  long,  but  enough  so  to  bring  severe  trial  to  the  sufferers  (see  Com.). 
The  other  instances  in  which  the  number  occurs  are  f  oimd  in  the  represen- 
tations of  the  dragon  and  the  Beast,  and  in  the  interpretations  of  these  (12^, 
13^  17^'  ''•'^'  ^")  ;  here  the  10  horns  are  taken  over  from  the  prototype  in  Dan. 
7'^,  as  a  part  of  the  tradition  and  are  made  typical  of  complete  sway  over 
the  kings  of  the  earth ;  the  reference  in  171^  to  10  kings  is  an  application 
of  the  traditional  number  used  typically  rather  than  an  explanation  of  the 
choice  of  10  as  the  number  required  by  actual  history.  Whether  the  author 
of  Dan.  derived  the  number  of  the  horns  from  Semitic  tradition  is  not  certain 
—  that  origin  is  possible  (cf.  Gunkel  332).  Twelve  like  seven  possesses 
preeminently  a  sacred  character  with  the  Hebrews  and  is  applied  typically 
to  a  great  variety  of  objects  in  both  civil  and  religious  matters.  In  most 
cases  this  is  probably  traceable  directly  to  the  number  of  the  tribes. 
Twelve  thus  becomes  especially  appi'opriate  as  a  symbol  of  completeness  in 
whatever  pertains  to  the  theocratic  people  as  such,  and  to  their  ideal 
capital  city.  New  Testament  writers  still  conceive  of  Israel  as  consisting 
of  12  tribes,  nothwithstanding  the  disappearance  of  the  ten  (Acts  26', 
Ja.  11)  ;  and  Ezekiel  pictures  the  ideal  city  with  12  gates  (483iff).  So  the 
author  of  the  Apocalypse  sees  the  eschatological  Israel,  which  is  sealed  and 
kept  faithful  through  the  last  woes,  composed  of  the  full  number  of  tribes 
with  the  full  number  in  each  tribe,  12  tribes  of  12,000  each  (7'*  «■)  ;  he  sees 
the  new  Jerusalem  (21'2ff-)  in  the  form  of  a  cube,  whose  side  measures 
12,000  furlongs ;  it  has  12  gates  inscribed  with  the  names  of  the  12  tribes 
and  guarded  by  12  angelic  warders ;  it  has  12  foundations  bearing  the  names 
of  the  12  apostles  and  a  wall  measuring  12  times  12  cubits.  In  the  12 
fruits  of  the  tree  of  life  22-,  the  number,  as  shown  by  the  added  words,  is 


I.  1-8]      CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        255 

determined  by  the  12  months,  the  meaning  being  that  the  yield  continues 
perpetually  through  the  year.  The  number  is  used  in  one  other  passage, 
'the  crown  of  12  stars,'  12',  where  the  reference  is  j^rohably  to  the  12  signs 
of  the  zodiac  (see  Com.).  ^4  thousanrl,  as  in  common  usage  everywhere, 
is  a  typical  unit  of  enumeration  where  large  numbers  are  meant,  e.g.,  '  the 
cattle  on  a  thousand  hillx,'  Ps.  50^",  '  One  of  a  thousand,'  Job  9*.  So  in  our 
book  the  1000  years  of  the  Millennium  20^  denote  a  long  but  limited 
period ;  and  so  a  multiple  of  1000  is  used  where  large  measures  or  large 
numbers  of  persons  are  spoken  of,  as  in  the  sealing  of  Israel  7'^^;  the  meas- 
urement of  the  Holy  City  21^^,  and  the  number  of  the  heavenly  host 
,5".  Its  vise  in  forming  large  multiples  of  7  and  12  has  been  spoken  of 
above.  666  and  some  other  numbers  which  occiir  in  only  one  connection 
can  be  spoken  of  most  conveniently  elsewhere ;  see  p.  403,  and  Com.  4*, 
95,  113,  1420. 


VII.  Summary  of  the  Contents  of  the  Apocalypse  ^ 

Prologue.     I,   1-8.  (1)  Superscription,  vv.    1-3.  (2) 

Exordium,  vv.  4-8.  (a)  Address  and  Salutation,  vv.  4-6 ; 
(ft)  Proclamation  of  Christ's  Advent  —  the  Motto  of  the  book, 
vv.  7-8. 

In  the  Superscription,  vv.  1—3,  the  writer  announces  the  sub- 
ject of  his  book,  a  revelation  of  things  soon  to  come  to  pass. 
He  vouches  for  the  origin  and  sanction  of  its  contents,  which 
come  from  God  himself  through  divinely  ordained  agencies  — 
Christ,  an  angel,  and  the  writer  himself,  a  divinely  commis- 
sioned prophet  to  whom  the  revelations  of  the  book  are  shown 
in  visions,  vv.  1-2.  He  commends  the  book  to  be  read  in 
Christian  assemblies,  and  enforces  the  injunction  to  heed  its 
words  by  the  assurance  that  the  time  is  near  when  its  prophe- 
cies shall  be  fulfilled,  v.  3. 

The  Uxordium,  vv.  4-8,  falls  into  two  parts,  (a)  Address 
and  Salutation,  vv.  4-6 ;  (J)  Proclamation  of  Christ's  Advent 
—  the  Motto  of  the  book,  vv.  7-8.  (a)  The  book  is  in  the 

form  of  an  epistle  addressed  to  seven  Asian  churches,  though 
intended  for  the  whole  Church. ^  At  the  opening  the  writer 
adopts  the  stereotyped  formula  of  address  and  salutation  found 
with  slight  variations  in  all  the  New  Testament  epistles  except 

1  Throughout  this  section  conchisions  are  assumed  which  are  reached  in  other 
parts  of  the  Introduction  and  in  the  Coumaentary.  The  summary  must  be  con- 
stantly supplemented  by  these  fuller  discussions.  2  gee  p.  210. 


256        CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE      [I.  1-8 

I  lei).,  James,  1  and  •>  J  no.  He  closes  (22^1)  likewise  with  a 
benediction  of  the  readers  similar  to  that  in  nearly  all  the 
epistles.  In  the  address  the  writer  calls  down  upon  the  read- 
ers grace  and  peace  from  the  divine  presence ;  and  while  there 
is  nothing  to  suggest  a  limitation  of  these  blessings  to  particu- 
lar needs  and  times,  yet  the  Apocalyptist  has  especially  in  mind 
the  coming  days  with  their  stupendous  issues ;  the  thought  of 
the  future  dominates  the  whole  passage.  The  epithets  ap- 

plied to  (lod  and  Christ  throughout  appear  to  be  derived  di- 
rectly from  the  vision  of  chapters  IV. -V.  (a  passage  quite 
probably  written  before  this  introductory  greeting)  and  the 
divine  persons  are  named  in  the  same  order  as  there. ^  Before 
the  revelation  of  the  future,  that  vision  of  chapters  IV.-V.,  por- 
traying the  personages  and  motives  working  out  the  fulfillment 
of  the  messianic  hopes,  emphasizes  the  divine  attributes  which 
are  closely  related  to  such  fulfillment.  So  here  in  the  open- 
ing benediction,  the  same  attributes  of  God  and  Christ  are 
rehearsed,  because  the  writer  is  likewise  thinking  of  the  assur- 
ance which  these  special  attributes  give  to  the  readers  regard- 
ing the  revelations  and  promises  of  the  book.  The  blessing  is 
invoked  (1)  from  God  as  the  eternal  one,  one  therefore  who 
as  superior  to  all  the  changes  of  human  history  will  in  the  end 
come  in  his  eternal  kingdom,  v.  4  (cf.  4^)  ;  (2)  from  the  all- 
searching  Spirit,  the  revealer  of  the  divine  message  to  the 
churches,  v.  4  (cf.  4^,  2''')  ;  (3)  from  Jesus  Christ,  who  opens 
the  sealed  book  of  the  future  and  gives  here  in  the  Apocalypse 
a  faithful  revelation  of  the  Last  Daj^s,  v.  5  (cf.  5^),  who  though 
once  slain  is  now  risen  to  a  new  life  into  which  his  children 
will  follow  him,  v.  5  (cf.  5^'^^j,  and  who  will  become  supreme 
Lord  in  the  messianic  kingdom  —  in  the  language  of  Jewish 
eschatology,  the  Root  of  David,  the  ruler  of  the  kings  of  the 
earth,  v.  5  (cf.  5^).  To  him,  because  in  his  love  he  has  re- 
deemed us  by  his  death  and  destines  us  for  rule  and  priestly 
privilege  in  his  kingdom,  belongs  the  ascription  of  eternal 
praise,   vv.    5  f.   (cf.   5**^).  (ft)  The    Proclamation   of    the 

Lord's  Advent.  The  Exordium  closes  fittingly  with  a  solemn 
announcement  of  the  Lord's  coming,  the  thought  of  which 
underlies  what  precedes,  though  not  formally  expressed.     The 

1  See  pp.  426  f. 


1. 9-1II.  22]       CONTENTS   OF  THE   APOCALYPSE  257 

whole  future  foretold  in  the  l)()ok  eenters  iu  the  parousia,  a 
distinct  announcement  of  whicli  is  therefore  to  be  expected  in 
these  opening  words.  These  verses  have  been  called  the  Motto 
of  the  book,  as  summarizing  its  central  theme.  The  procla- 
mation of  the  Advent  is  made  with  striking  dramatic  force. 
The  writer  interrupts  as  it  were  his  own  words  and  lets  his 
readers  hear  the  well-known  apocalyptic  cry,  Xo,  he  comes, 
every  eye  shall  see  him,  to  which  then  the  writer  himself  re- 
sponds, Even  so.  Amen,  v.  7  ;  and  then,  as  the  supreme  assur- 
ance, the  voice  of  Jehovah  is  heard,  /  am  the  Eternal  one,  the 
Almighty,  one  whose  purpose  regarding  the  eternal  kingdom 
cannot  fail,  v.   8. 

The  Initial  Vision.      I.  O-III.  22.  Christ's  appearance  to 

the  Prophet  with  the  command  (1)  to  send  a  book  of  all  the 
visions  revealed  to  him  to  seven  Asian  churches  (the  Church), 
I.  9-20 ;  (2)  to  include  a  special  message  to  each  of  these 
several  churches,  II. -III. 

(1)  The  manifold  introduction  to  the  book  (1^"^)  now  being 
ended,  the  writer  enters  at  once  upon  his  theme,  the  revelation 
from  God  which  is  made  to  him  in  visions  and  sent  with  all  its 
varied  messages  to  the  churches.  While  sojourning  in  the 
island  of  Patmos  he  was  lifted  up  into  a  state  of  ecstasy  on  a 
certain  Lord's-day,  and  heard  in  words  clear  and  loud  like  the 
sound  of  a  trumpet  the  command  to  write  in  a  book  what  is  to 
be  shown  to  him,  and  to  make  it  known  to  seven  designated 
churches  of  Asia  Minor,  It  is  in  fulfillment  of  this  divine  in- 
junction that  he  now  after  all  his  visions  are  ended  writes  this 
book.  The  somewhat  indefinite  announcement  of  the  Super- 
scription (vv.  1-2),  that  God  had  sent  a  revelation  to  his  ser- 
vants through  the  writer  is  made  more  specific ;  it  is  the 
revelation  given  in  these  visions,  a  record  of  which  he  is  com- 
manded to  send  to  the  churches.  At  the  sound  of  the  call  the 
Seer  turns  and  beholds  in  a  manifestation  of  overpowering  splen- 
dor one  like  unto  a  son  of  man,  who  as  the  head  of  the  Church 
sends  to  it  the  message  of  all  the  visions  that  are  to  follow. 
The  older  prophets,  e.g.  Isaiah  (VI,),  Jeremiah  (I.),  Ezekiel 
(I.-III.),  describe  visions  in  which  they  received  their  call ;  and 
they  dwell  on  their  authorization  and  equipment  for  their  work. 


258  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE       [I.  9-III.  22 

But  that  is  not  the  chief  purpose  of  this  vision.  The  simple 
command  Write  is  in  this  place  enough.  The  writer  describ- 
ing himself  as  a  sharer  with  his  readers  in  their  afflictions  and 
hopes,  V.  9,  here  fixes  his  eye  mainly  on  the  exalted  character 
of  the  great  Author  of  the  message  and  his  intimate  relation 
to  his  Church,  to  which  the  message  is  sent.  Christ  appears, 
portrayed  in  traits  taken  chiefly  from  descriptions  of  God  and 
an  angelic  being  given  in  the  Old  Testament,  which  are  meant 
to  picture  him  in  dazzling  glory  and  majesty,  vv.  13-16.  A 
symbolic  meaning  is  not  to  be  sought  in  the  details,  except  so 
far  as  they  form  traits  in  a  picture  of  resplendent  glory,  and 
contain  current  terms  used  in  expressing  divine  activities.^ 
Two  symbols,  the  lampstands  and  the  stars,  figuring  the 
churches  in  two  different  aspects,  are  shown,  which  with  their 
context  reveal,  the  one,  the  Lord's  presence  in  his  Church,  the 
other,  the  might  of  his  holding  hand,  vv.  12  f.,  16,  20.  With 
awe-awakening  voice  like  the  sound  of  many  waters,  v.  15, 
Christ  declares  his  transcendent  being  and  the  message  which 
in  his  exalted  state  he  sends  to  his  servants ;  as  the  eternal 
one,  V.  17,  as  in  his  essential  nature  the  living  one,  who  tri- 
umphed over  the  grave  and  is  Lord  of  life  and  death,  v.  18,  he 
sends  this  revelation  which  with  warning  and  encouragement 
discloses  things  which  are  present  in  relation  to  their  great 
issues,  and  things  which  shall  come  to  pass,  leading  up  to  the 
End,  V.  19,  when  his  eternal  purpose  shall  be  accomplished 
and  his  kingdom  of  life  shall  be  established  in  the  complete 
triumph  of  his  saints  over  death.  While  the  figure  of  the  Son 
of  man  contains  reminiscences  of  the  Jewish  Messiah,  the 
Christian  conception  of  the  exalted  Christ  is  the  predominant 
characteristic  in  the  vision.  Verse  20  adds  an  explanation 
of  two  symbols  which  would  otherwise  be  obscure. 

(2)  The  special  messages  to  the  seven  churches,  II.-III. 
The  vision  of  the  preceding  chapter  (1 10-20^  while  forming  an 
introduction  to  tlie  whole  book,  in  that  it  defines  its  general 
scope  and  gives  the  Lord's  authorization  to  the  Prophet  in  his 
entire  commission  (vv.  11,  19),  stands  also  as  the  immediate 
introduction  to  the  group  of  special  messages  to  the  several 
churches  now  to  follow.     The  head  of  the  Church  has  revealed 

1  See  p.  249. 


1. 9-III.  22]       CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  259 

himself  as  present  within  the  Church,  hokling  it  in  his  sway  to 
protect  it,  to  chastise  it,  and  to  control  its  destinies.  In  that 
character  now  in  view  of  what  is  coming  on  the  earth  he  sends 
to  these  seven  churches,  which  are  typical  of  the  Church  as  a 
whole,  these  special  words  of  exhortation,  of  searching  reproof 
and  approval,  of  fearful  warning  and  glorious  promise.  Noth- 
ing more  clearly  distinguishes  our  book  from  other  apocalypses 
than  does  this  paragraph  of  the  seven  epistles  ;  yet  nothing  is 
more  closely  in  keeping  with  its  purpose  and  true  prophetic 
character.  The  foremost  duty  of  the  prophets  of  Israel  was  to 
correct  and  instruct  the  people  of  God  ;  judgment  must  begin 
at  Jerusalem.  In  the  eschatological  chapters  of  the  Gospels  ^ 
the  thought  turns  in  the  outset  from  prediction  and  promise  to 
urgent  exhortation.  And  in  general  the  foremost  word  of 
prophecy  to  Christians  is.  Take  heed  to  yourselves,  repent,  be 
zealous  —  the  most  emphatic  bidding  to  the  imperfect  Church. 
And  so  our  author  with  the  instinct  of  the  genuine  prophet 
introduces  here  in  the  foremost  place  these  stirring  words  to 
the  churches,  regarding  their  present  spiritual  condition  and 
their  preparation  for  the  coming  crisis.  The  cursory  reader, 
and  many  critics  as  well,^  may  find  in  the  insertion  of  the  para- 
graph a  disturbance  of  the  orderly  plan  of  the  book,  but  a  true 
insight  into  its  nature  as  a  message  of  prophecy  leads  us  to 
expect  just  here  in  the  outset  some  such  direct  and  searching 
address  to  the  Church  regarding  its  own  life.  The  first  con- 
cern of  the  Church  is  its  own  present  state,  its  fidelity  to  all 
that  the  Lord  requires  of  it  ;  and  only  thus  can  it  prepare 
itself  for  the  future.  What  has  been  said  of  the  destination 

of  the  book  as  a  whole  is  true  of  the  seven  epistles  also ;  while 
each  has  its  specific  message  for  the  particular  church  addressed, 
it  has  in  the  author's  mind  its  lessons  for  all  the  others  in  the 
group,  and  he  invariably  speaks  of  the  contents  of  each  as, 
'What  the  Spirit  saith  to  the  churches.'  There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  he  saw  in  all  the  revelations  given  to  him  by  the 
Spirit,  both  here  and  elsewhere  in  the  book,  a  message  for  other 
churches  besides  the  seven,  the  other  churches  of  Asia  and  of 
the  world  at  large. 

Four  of  the  epistles  (to  the  churches  in  Ephesus,  Pergaraum, 
1  Mk.  13,  Mt.  24-25,  Lk.  21.  2  See  p.  492. 


260  ^        CONTENTS  OF  THE   APOCALYPSE       [I.  9-III.  22 

Thyatira,  Sardis)  contain  both  praise  and  censure  ;  two  (to  the 
churches  in  Smyrna  and  Philadelphia)  unreserved  praise  ;  one 
only  (to  the  church  in  Laodicea)  unreserved  censure.  The 
writer  shows  an  intimate  knowledge  of  each  of  the  congregations 
addressed.  With  penetrating  insight  he  sees  their  faults  and 
perils,  he  administers  rebuke  unsparingly,  he  threatens  with 
the  terrors  of  a  fierce  judgment,  he  allows  no  compromise  with 
a  low  standard  of  Christian  zeal  and  morality.  But  on  the 
other  hand  he  is  also  quick  to  see  every  virtue,  to  commend, 
to  encourage,  to  strengthen.  Tlie  flashes  of  wrath  against  the 
evils  found  in  the  churches  are  apt  to  blind  us  to  the  under- 
lying manifestation  of  love  aud  tenderness.  The  presence  of 
love  in  chastisement  (cf.  3^^)  is  after  all  the  keynote  of  all  the 
epistles.  Gracious  recognition  and  encouragement  come  first ; 
censure  stands  second.  There  is  no  irrevocable  spurning  of 
those  rebuked,  they  are  called  with  loving  promise  to  repent- 
ance. The  'lukewarm'  Laodiceans,  chastised  with  stinging 
words  of  abhorrence,  are  the  very  ones  to  whom  is  given  the 
most  outspoken  promise  of  intimate,  loving  fellowship,  S^o. 

The  most  casual  reader  will  have  noticed  the  recurrence  of 
certain  fixed  terms  or  elements  of  structure  in  every  epistle. 
These  are  (1)  'To  the  angel  of  the  church  in  —  write'; 
(2)  '  These  things  saith  he '  ;i  (3)  An  epithet  of  the  speaker, 
Christ,  taken  either  from  the  vision  of  I.  10-20,  or  from  some 
characteristic  of  Christ  prominent  in  the  author's  mind,  as 
seen  later,  and  designed  in  all  cases  to  enforce  the  message  ; 
(4)  '  I  know,'  followed  by  a  characterization  of  the  state  of  the 
church,  with  praise  or  censure  ;  (5)  commands,  warnings, 
promises  suited  to  each  special  case  ;  (6)  '  He  that  hath  an 
ear'  etc.  — an  appeal  to  every  one  to  heed  the  Spirit's  message 
to  the  churches;  (7)  'To  him  that  overcometh '  etc. — an 
eschatological  promise  to  the  victor.  The  order  of  (6)  and 
(7)  in  the  last  four  epistles  is  the  reverse  of  that  followed  in 
the  first  three ;  so  that  in  this  respect  the  seven  fall  into  two 
groups  of  three  and   four  (see  p.  253).     But  with    this  uni- 

1  The  words  '  These  things  saith  he '  introducing  every  epistle  are  like  the 
'Thus  saith  the  Lord  '  of  theprophets  ;  a  literal  dictation  of  words  is  not  meant, 
but  the  content  of  the  Lord's  will  regarding  the  matter  with  which  the  prophet 
is  commissioned. 


IV-V]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  261 

fonuity  of  structure  there  is  no  monotony  of  thought  ;  each 
epistle  contemplates  a  different  situation  and  brings  a  differ- 
ent word  of  prophecy.  The  specific  message  of  each  epistle 
can  best  be  reviewed  in  connection  with  the  account  of  the 
particular  church  addressed,  as  given  in  the  Commentary. 

The  Scene  in  the   Court  of  Heaven^  IV-V.  (1)   God  en- 

throned in  heaven,  and  surrounded  by  the  worshiping  hosts 
of  the  angelic  hierarchy,  IV.  (2)   The  sealed  book  and  the 

Lamb,  V. 

(1)  The  Introductory  Vision  (l^'^—S^^),  designed  to  prepare 
the  Church  to  meet  the  future  foretold  in  the  other  visions, 
closes  with  the  last  of  the  seven  epistles.  The  writer  now 
})asses  to  that  future  with  the  persons  and  forces  ivorking  within 
it.  With  Chapter  IV  begins  the  long  series  of  revelations  of 
'  things  that  are '  and  '  things  that  are  to  come  to  pass,'  which 
grouped  after  the  author's  own  manner  make  up  a  united 
whole,  the  main  contents  of  the  book,  chapters  IV-XXII.  5. 
The  fulfillment  of  God's  purposes  concerning  his  kingdom  is 
near.  The  vision  here  opened,  consisting  of  two  inseparably 
connected  parts,  IV  and  V,  furnishes  the  foundation  and  as- 
surance of  all  that  follows  —  God  enthroned  over  all  in  eternal 
majesty  and  power,  IV,  giving  over  the  book  of  his  will  to 
Christ,  the  Lamb,  the  revealer  and  fulfiller,  V.  These  are  the 
supreme  '  things  that  are,'  ^  out  of  which  the  '  things  that  are 
to  come  to  pass '  must  flow  certainly  and  completely  in  spite 
of  the  powers  of  evil.  The  scene  which  presents  itself  here  is 
one  of  wonderful  magnificence.  Heaven  is  revealed  under  the 
form  of  the  monarch's  throne-room.  Jehovah  appears  seated 
on  his  throne  in  the  splendor  of  many-colored  light,  v.  3,  and 
surrounded  by  the  highest  beings  of  his  celestial  court.  Be- 
fore the  throne  the  polished  pavement  of  the  royal  hall 
stretches  out  like  a  sea  of  glass,  v.  6  ;  lightnings  and  thunders, 
and  voices,  symbols  of  the  divine  presence,  proceed  from  the 
throne  ;  and  before  it  burn  seven  lamps  of  fire,  symbols  of  the 
Spirit  of  God.  As  befits  the  King  of  kings,  God  is  attended 
by  a  company  of  angelic  kings,  four  and  twenty,  seated  on 
thrones  and  wearing  crowns  of  gold,  v.  4 ;    and  four  Living 

1  See  Com.  H^. 


262  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [IV-V 

Creatures,  the  cherubim  aud  seraphim,  stand  one  on  each  of 
the  four  sides  of  the  throne,  vv.  6-8,"  These,  the  highest  in 
the  celestial  hierarchy,  raise  continually  a  hymn  of  praise, 
worshiping  God  in  his  divine  nature,  his  almighty  power,  and 
his  eternal  being,  v.  8 ;  while  the  four  and  twenty  angelic 
kings  respond  with  acts  of  lowliest  adoration,  and  with  an 
anthem  glorifying  God  as  the  creator  of  all,  vv.   9-11. 

(2)  In  chapter  V  is  given  the  second  part  of  the  vision,  es- 
sential to  the  completion  of  the  former  part.  A  roll  firmly 
sealed  is  seen  in  the  hand  of  God  seated  on  his  throne,  v.  1  —  a 
roll  containing  the  decrees  of  God  concerning  the  Last  Things, 
and  the  consummation  of  his  kingdom,  now  to  be  revealed  in 
the  following  visions.  A  challenge  is  given  to  the  whole 
created  world  to  open  the  roll ;  and  no  one  is  found  worthy, 
V.  2.  Then  the  Messiah,  the  Christ,  is  seen  in  the  form  of  a 
lamb  in  the  midst  of  the  group  assembled  about  the  throne. 
He  has  the  tokens  of  the  fullness  of  power  and  omniscience 
(the  seven  horns  and  the  seven  eyes),  at  the  same  time  he 
bears  the  mark  of  having  once  been  slain,  he  is  seen  to  be  the 
victor  over  death.  Only  he,  the  possessor  of  these  matchless 
attributes,  may  take  the  roll  to  open  it,  vv.  5-7 ;  God's  pur- 
pose regarding  his  kingdom  of  glory,  dimly  apprehended  by 
the  sages  and  prophets  of  old,  can  be  fully  revealed  only  by 
him  who  makes  its  accomplishment  possible ;  its  deepest  mean- 
ing is  seen  only  in  him  who  fulfills  the  office  of  the  promised 
Messiah,  the  Lion  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  the  Root  of  David, 
and  who  redeems  by  his  death  a  people  out  of  every  nation  to 
form  the  final  kingdom  and  to  be  kings  and  priests  unto  God, 
vv.  5,  6,  9,  10.  In  the  former  part  of  the  scene  creation  forms 
a  theme  of  praise  (4^^),  but  in  this  second  part  all  thought 
centers  in  the  Lamb's  work  of  redemption.  The  Lamb's  act 
of  taking  the  roll  from  the  hand  of  God,  the  gift  to  him  by 
God  of  the  book  of  the  supreme  decrees  of  the  divine  will  now 
to  be  made  known  and  fulfilled,  v.  7,  forms  a  dramatic  crisis 
of  most  momentous  significance.  The  scene  is  one  of  marvel- 
ous splendor.  A  grand  anthem  —  the  Adoration  of  the  Lamb 
—  at  once  bursts  from  the  angelic  ranks  that  stand  nearest  the 
throne,  vv.  8-10 ;  the  hymn  is  caught  up  and  wafted  on  an- 
tiphonally,  swelling  out  through  all  the  court  of  heaven,  sung 


VI]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  263 

by  ten  thousand  times  ten  thousand,  and  thousands  of  thou- 
sands ;  through  all  runs  the  theme,  worthy  is  the  Lamb,  vv. 
11-12 ;  and  then  the  whole  created  world  to  its  farthest 
bounds,  things  animate  and  inanimate,  the  living  and  the  dead 
beneath  the  earth,  take  up  the  refrain,  and  echoing  the  hymns 
of  both  parts  of  the  great  scene,  join  God,  who  sits  upon  the 
throne,  and  the  Lamb  who  stands  before  the  throne,  in  one 
common  ascription  of  praise,  v.  13.  The  strains  cease,  the 
offering  of  homage  ends,  as  it  began,  with  those  highest  in 
rank  and  nearest  the  throne;  the  four  Living  Creatures  re- 
spond to  the  hymn  with  their  great  'Amen,'  the  four  and 
twenty  kings  prostrate  themselves  in  silent  adoration.  It  may 
well  be  questioned  whether  Christian  literature  possesses  any- 
where a  work  of  art  more  grandly  conceived  and  executed 
than  this  twofold  scene  enacted  in  the  court  of  heaven.  We 
cannot  fathom  the  experience  of  transport  in  which  the 
prophet  and  poet  who  composed  it  must  have  been  rapt  as  he 
recalled  his  vision  and  tried  to  give  it  written  expression. 

The  representation  of  Christ  in  the  form  of  a  lamb,  that  was 
once  slain,  is  in  striking  contrast,  but  not  in  conflict,  with  the 
glorious  picture  of  the  heavenly  Son  of  man  in  the  introductory 
vision  (li<^~20^_  There  the  majesty  and  power  of  the  ascended 
Christ  are  chiefly  thought  of  ;  here  the  fruits  of  his  redemp- 
tive death.  In  its  relation  to  the  structure  of  the  book  it 
should  be  observed  that  this  hymn,  while  fittingly  arising  here 
in  recognition  of  the  glory  of  the  Lamb,  at  the  same  time 
forms,  in  keeping  with  the  author's  manner,^  the  immediate 
introduction  to  the  acts  which  are  to  follow  in  the  breaking 
of  the  seals  (chapter  VI). 

Tlie'  breaking  of  the  first    six    seals  of  the  roll,    VI.  The 

book  of  God's  decrees  concerning  the  coming  of  his  kingdom, 
securely  closed  with  seals  which  none  but  the  Lamb  can  open, 
is  now  soon  to  be  unrolled  ;  the  promised  revelation  of  the 
events  of  the  Last  Days  is  now  to  be  given.  It  begins  with 
the  breaking  of  the  first  seal.  The  book  cannot  be  unrolled 
till  all  the  seals  are  broken,  yet  neither  at  the  beginning  nor  at 
the  end  is  the  revelation  of  the  contents  said    to  be  made  by 

1  Cf.  p.  245. 


264  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [VI 

reading  from  the  roll,  nowhere  is  there  any  intimation  of  such 
reading ;  all  is  disclosed,  portion  by  portion,  in  marvelous 
scenes,  which  present  themselves  to  the  Seer's  eye  in  visions, 
unfolding  in  succession  simultaneously  with  the  Lamb's  act  in 
breaking  the  seals  one  after  another. ^  Doubtless  these  visions 
are  meant  to  be  understood  as  corresponding  respectively  to 
the  contents  of  certain  parts  of  the  book.  The  revelation 
of  the  main  contents  of  the  book  must  await  the  fully  opened 
roll,  it  must  form  the  sequel  to  tlie  breaking  of  the  last  seal 
(81).  All  that  precedes  that  is  in  a  way  introductory.  So  in 
one  brief  chapter  are  given  with  the  breaking  of  the  first  six 
seals  those  preparative  or  premonitory  manifestations  which 
come  before  the  immediate  forerunners  of  the  End.  The  por- 
tents, which  in  eschatological  writings  are  made  an  essential 
factor  as  '  signs '  of  the  coming  day  of  judgment,  fall  into  two 
classes  ;  in  one  group  are  phenomena  which  occur  in  the  ordi- 
nary course  of  the  world,  but  witli  increased  extent  and  se- 
verity, such  as  earthquakes,  famine,  war,  etc.;  in  the  second 
group  are  the  marvelous  plagues  sent  by  special  intervention 
of  supernatural  power,  such  as  water  changed  to  blood,  fabu- 
lous monsters  of  torture,  etc.  Broadly  speaking  our  author 
may  be  said  to  have  distinguished  the  two  groups,  making  the 
first  the  remoter  '  signs,'  assigning  them  to  this  introductory 
chapter  VI,  and  announcing  them  as  pictured  in  visions  wdiich 
accompany  the  breaking  of  the  first  six  seals  ;  while  the  more 
awful  and  more  distinctly  supernatural  plagues  form  the  judg- 
ments of  the  later  period  which  follows  the  actual  opening  of 
the  roll.  In  this  he  seems  to  have  been  guided  by  the  form  of 
apocalypse  preserved  in  the  Gospels  (Mk.  13  par.),  with  which 
he  was  pretty  certainly  familiar,  whether  as  there  recorded,  or 
as  current  in  tradition.  He  presents  then  in  this  chapter 
visions  of  those  stereotyped  forms  of  visitation,  war,  slaughter, 
famine,  earthquake,  pestilence,  etc.,  'the  beginning  of  woes,' 
as  he  regards  them,  and  as  they  are  denominated  in  the  Gospels.  ^ 
Such  in  brief  are  the  contents  of  this  chapter  and  its  place  in 
our  book. 

At  the  breaking  of  the  first  seal  one  of  tlie  Living  Creatures 
utters  a  summons  with  a  voice  of  thander,  and  there  appears  in 
1  See  Com.  6i.  «  Mk.  IS^. 


VI]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  265 

obedience  to  the  call  a  rider  upon  a  white  horse,  with  a  bow 
and  a  crown,  emblems  of  the  victor  in  war.  He  symbolizes 
conquest  with  all  the  accompanying  woes  of  captivity  and  sub- 
jection to  a  foreign  foe,  vv.  1-2.  At  the  breaking  of  the 
second  seal  and  in  obedience  to  the  summons  of  the  second 
Living  Creature  there  appears  a  rider  upon  a  red  horse,  with  a 
great  sword  ;  his  office  is  to  take  peace  from  the  earth  and 
cause  men  to  slay  one  another.  He  symbolizes  the  slaughter  of 
?far,  vv.  3-4.  The  third  rider,  witli  the  black  horse  and  his 
balance  for  doling  out  bread  by  weight,  personifies  the  distress 
oi  famine.  The  grains  for  bread  are  to  be  sold  at  famine  prices. 
Yet  as  none  of  these  calamities,  which  form  but  the  heginniyig 
of  woes,  can  be  conceived  to  be  unlimited  in  its  severity,  so  in 
this  case  the  hardier  plants,  tlie  olive  and  the  vine,  escape  the 
devastation  which  cuts  off  the  grain,  vv.  b-Q.  The  fourth 

rider,  bearing  the  name  Death,  riding  a  pale  horse  and  attended 
by  his  invariable  companion  Hades,  receives  authority  over  a 
large,  but  limited,  part  of  the  earth,  and  in  certain  specified 
forms  of  destruction.  He  personifies  not  death  in  general,  but 
those  particular  forms  of  death  which  cut  off  in  tlie  sum  total  a 
vast  multitude  of  men,  bloodshed,  famine,  and  wild  beasts,  vv. 
7-8.  The  vision  of  the  fifth  seal  opens  a  quite  different 
scene.  The  souls  of  those  who  have  already  suffered  martyr- 
dom for  the  gospel's  sake  are  seen  in  safe-keeping  beneath  the 
altar  in  the  heavenly  temple,  and  they  are  heard  crying  loudly 
for  the  speedy  coming  of  judgment  and  the  avenging  of  their 
blood.  But  they  are  bidden  to  wait  in  patience  yet  a  little 
while  till  the  destined  number  of  their  fellow  martyrs  shall  be 
filled  up  in  the  persecutions  now  threatening.  They  are  not 
admitted  to  the  full  fruition  of  the  glorified  state,  but  they 
receive  white  robes,  an  emblem  of  the  blessedness  which  is 
already  bestowed  upon  them,  vv.  9-11.  This  cry  for  vengeance 
is  more  Jewish  than  Christian,  yet  it  is  not  conceived  as  wholly 
personal  ;  it  contains  a  yearning  for  the  triumph  of  the  cause 
of  God  and  the  coming  of  his  kingdom. ^  The  vision  has  a 
place  here  among  the  other  events  leading  up  to  the  End,  for 
in  common  apocalyptic  belief  the  prayers  of  the  suffering  saints 
for  judgment  were  efficacious  in  bringing  in  the  End  ;2  and 
1  See  Com.  (jio.  2  cf.  En.  975,  1043.     See  p.  79. 


266  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [VII 

further,  so  far  as  the  vision  tells  of  other  persecutions  yet  to 
come,  it  has  a  place  among  prophecies  of  pre-messianic  calam- 
ities. In  the  apocalypse  of  the  Gospels  also  (Mk.  13^)  perse- 
cution stands  in  the  eschatological  series  with  earthquake, 
famine,  etc.^  The  breaking  of  the  sixth  seal  is  followed  in 
the  series  of  visions  by  a  great  earthquake  and  awful  portents 
in  the  heavens.  So  terrible  are  these  that  they  can  be  de- 
scribed only  in  the  language  and  imagery  currently  applied  in 
apocalyptic  literature  to  the  final  dissolution  of  the  world.  In 
the  words  of  stereotyped  hyberbole  the  mountains  are  said  to 
be  removed  from  their  places,  the  lights  of  heaven  to  be  dark- 
ened, and  the  firmament  rolled  away.  The  dwellers  upon  the 
earth  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  believing  in  their  terror 
that  the  great  day  of  wrath  has  come,  flee  to  the  caves  and  call 
upon  the  mountains  to  hide  them  from  the  presence  of  God 
and  the  wrath  of  the  Lamb.^  The  whole  scene  of  the  break- 
ing of  the  seals  is  constructed  with  wonderful  power  and 
artistic  skill.  With  a  few  bold  touches,  there  is  in  each  vision 
put  before  the  reader  a  picture  of  extraordinary  dramatic  force. 
The  four  mysterious  riders,  mounted  on  horses  whose  colors 
correspond  to  the  horsemen's  missions,  and  equipped  with  their 
appropriate  emljlems,  come  forth  one  after  the  other  in  quick 
succession  as  they  are  summoned  in  tones  of  thunder,  and 
sweep  across  the  earth  triumphant  in  their  ministry  of  woe. 
The  veil  is  then  lifted  and  a  glimpse  opened  into  the  abode  of 
the  martyred  saints,  whose  cry  for  judgment  harbingers  the 
near  advent  of  the  day  of  doom.  And  now  the  series  reaches 
its  climax  in  vast  catastrophes  in  nature,  which  seem  to  the 
whole  family  of  terror-smitten  men  to  be  mingling  heaven  and 
earth  in  final  and  complete  ruin,  at  the  bursting  forth  of  the 
wrath  of  God  and  the  Lamb. 

Prelude  to  the  breaking  of  the  Seventh  Seal.  VII.  (1) 
Sealing  of  the  servants  of  God,  vv.  1-8.  (2)  An  anticipatory 
vision  of  the  redeemed  before  the  throne,  vv.  9-17. 

With  the  events  of  the  sixth  seal  (6^^"^'')  close  the  visita- 
tions which  form  the  beginning  of  woes ;  these  are  preparatory 
to  the  more  awful  judgments  which  are  now  to  sweep  over  the 
1  See  Com.  bs-n.  2  gee  Com.  612. 


VII]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  267 

world  as  the  nearer  forerunners  of  the  End.  In  fact  the  first 
six  chapters  of  the  book,  with  the  revelation  of  God's  purpose 
and  of  the  powers  working  in  and  through  all,  and  with  the 
events  of  the  six  seals,  form  a  preparation  for  the  breaking  of 
the  seventh  seal  (8^),  when  the  book  of  the  future  will  be  un- 
rolled and  its  maiyi  contents  (following  after  what  may  be 
called  the  introductory  part,  indicated  by  the  visions  of  the 
six  seals)  made  known,  or  rather  enacted  in  the  world's  final 
drama.  Just  here  then  at  the  critical  turn,  between  the  six 
and  seventh  seals,  the  author,  after  his  characteristic  manner,^ 
introduces  an  episode  or  prelude^  designed  to  encourage  the 
readers  in  the  face  of  coming  trial  by  the  assurance  of  final 
deliverance  and  triumph.  The  despairing  cry  of  the  terror- 
stricken  in  the  scene  just  closed  (6^^)  '  who  is  able  to  stand '  ? 
receives  for  the  Christian  an  answer  (1)  in  a  vision  of  the 
safe-guarding  of  the  servants  of  God,  VII.  1-8,  and  (2)  in  an 
anticipatory  vision  of  the  redeemed  gathered  in  heaven,  after 
'  the  great  tribulation '  is  passed,  VII.  9-17. 

In  the  first  vision  of  the  prelude,  vv.  1-8,  the  writer  uses 
imagery  drawn  from  some  apocalyptic  source,^  just  as  he  fre- 
quently applies  symbols  taken  from  Ezekiel,  Zechariah,  and 
other  parts  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  spirits  of  the  winds 
are  seen  about  to  let  loose  upon  the  earth  these  destructive 
apocalyptic  agencies,  but  they  are  stayed  by  an  angel  till  the 
seal  of  God  shall  have  been  stamped  upon  the  foreheads  of  his 
servants,  which  like  the  mark  set  on  the  men  of  Jerusalem  in 
the  vision  of  Ezekiel  (9^)  shall  guard  them  from  destruction 
in  the  calamities  about  to  overwhelm  the  world.  The  sealed 
are,  as  the  Apocalyptist,  following  his  source,  designates  them, 
all  the  tribes  of  Israel,  that  is,  the  whole  Church  of  God,  for 
with  our  writer  as  with  others  of  the  New  Testament  the 
Church  is  the  true  'Israel  of  God.'  Twelve  tribes  are  sealed, 
no  tribe  is  wanting  to  fill  up  the  full  number ;  and  those  sealed 
in  each  several  tribe  are  declared  to  number  12,000,  a  number 
typical  of  fullness ;  ^  that  is,  none  is  omitted,  every  member  of 
every  tribe,  every  individual  member  of  the  Church  receives 
the  pledge  oi'  security. 

From  the  manner  in  which  the  scene  opens  we  should  expect 
1  See  p.  245.  2  See  p.  53:J.  3  gee  p.  254. 


268  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [VII 

the  winds  to  be  let  loose  after  the  sealing  is  accomplished,  but 
this  does  not  occur ;  nor  are  these  winds  shown  in  the  follow- 
ing chapters  of  the  book  to  be  associated  with  the  plagues  sent 
upon  the  world.  The  writer  however  is  probably  not  con- 
scious of  any  defect  here.  He  takes  over  the  figures  from  his 
source  without  attempting  to  show  any  connection  with  later 
movements,  perhaps  regarding  these  winds  as  symbols  of  de- 
structive forces  in  general  and  so,  appropriately  enough,  rep- 
resenting any  or  all  of  the  trials  against  which  the  Church 
needs  a  seal  of  safety.  Similarly  he  takes  over  from  the 
source  used  the  enumerating  in  detail  of  the  tribes  of  Israel, 
not  because  he  is  thinking  of  the  national  Israel,  but  because 
such  an  enumeration  vividly  symbolizes  the  compi-ehensiveness 
of  the  guarding  care  of  God,  which  in  the  coming  woes  will 
suffer  no  single  servant  of  his  to  be  swallowed  up  in  the  de- 
struction of  the  world. 

The  second  part  of  the  prelude,  vv.  9-17,  is  one  of  those 
visions  characteristic  of  the  author  which  like  a  picture  within 
a  picture  open  up  out  of  nearer  scenes  a  view  of  a  realized 
ideal  lying  beyond.  It  gives  in  anticipation  a  glimpse  into  the 
glory  that  awaits  the  victor  after  the  coming  struggle  is  ended. 
The  sealing  in  the  former  vision  is  the  promise  ;  the  scene  in 
this  vision  is  the  promise  realized  in  all  its  fullness,  when  the 
12  times  12,000  of  the  tribes  of  Israel,  the  144,000  of  the  com- 
plete Church  of  God  (cf.  14^),  are  seen  in  their  character  as  an 
innumerable  multitude  redeemed  out  of  every  nation  and  peo- 
ple. The  heaven  represented  is  that  of  chapters  IV-V.  The 
throne-room  is  seen  again  with  God  enthroned  there,  the  Lamb 
standing  before  the  throne,  the  four  Living  Creatures,  the 
Elders  (the  angelic  kings)  and  all  the  host  of  angels.  In  the 
midst  of  these  are  seen  the  redeemed  robed  in  white,  holding 
palms  of  victory  and  praising  God  and  the  Lamb  for  their 
finished  salvation.  As  in  the  scene  of  the  fourth  and  fifth 
chapters,  the  angel  hosts  take  up  antiphonally  the  hymn  of 
adoration,  vv.  9-11.  One  of  the  Elders  performs  the  familiar 
office  of  the  '  interpreting  angel,'  ^  explaining  the  scene  to  the 
prophet  and  telling  of  the  unending  blessedness  of  the  re- 
deemed, vv.  13-17. 

1  See  p.  170. 


VIII-IX]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  269 

Tlie  first  series  of  visions  following  the  opening  of  the  roll  at  the 
breaking  of  the  last  seal.  VIII-IX.  (1)  Immediate  sequel 
of  the  breaking  of  tlie  seventh  seal,  VIII.  1-2.  (2)  Offer- 
ing of  incense  on  the  golden  altar,  VIII.  3-6.  (?>)  The 
visions  of  the  first  six  trumpets,  VIII.  7-1 X.  21 ;  (a)  first  four 
trumpet-visions  VIII.  7-12;  (6)  the  woeful  cry  of  an  eagle 
in  mid  heaven,  VIII.  13;  (c)  the  fifth  trumpet-vision  —  the 
plague  of  fiendish  locusts,  IX.  1-12 ;  (c?)  the  sixth  trumpet- 
vision —  the  plague  of  fiendish  horses,  IX.  13-21. 

After  the  interlude  formed  by  chapter  VII,  the  prophet's 
vision  returns  to  the  breaking  of  the  seals  of  the  roll.  The 
scene  is  still  in  Jehovah's  throne-room,  the  Lamb  still  holds 
the  roll.  As  in  the  earlier  scene  new  objects  and  characters, 
not  mentioned  at  first,  were  seen  to  be  present  as  the  vision 
advanced,  e.g.  the  roll  in  God's  hand,  the  Lamb,  etc.,i  so  here 
the  seven  archangels  who  wait  on  the  throne  of  God  are  now 
seen.  The  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal  opens  the  roll ;  and 
answering  to  its  main  contents  there  is  given  the  whole  series 
of  visions  now  following  in  our  book  to  the  end  (XXII.  5). 
These  are  arranged  in  an  organized  system  framed  on  the 
author's  favorite  number,  seven.  The  seven  archangels,  or 
throne-angels,  with  their  respective  trumpet-blasts  introduce 
the  visions  and  series  of  visions,  which  with  certain  interludes 
carry  out  the  whole  revelation  of  the  mystery  of  God  to  its 
accomplishment.  The  first  six  of  these  visions  tell  only  of 
sore  judgments  (VIII-IX).  The  seventh  trumpet,  as  will 
be  seen  below,  introduces  not  only  such  a  judgment,  but  also 
other  events  that  belong  to  the  full  accomplishment  of  God's 
purpose.  The  agency  of  the  archangels  as  the  ministers  of  the 
visions,  and  the  use  of  the  trumpet  so  closely  associated  with 
august,  especially  eschatological,  announcements,  are  appropri- 
ate to  the  superlative  importance  of  the  revelations  which  are 
to  be  given. 

(1)  The  Lamb  now  breaks  the  seventh  seal  and  trumpets  are 
given  to  the  seven  archangels,  foreboding  the  announcement 
of  momentous  issues.  The  hosts  of  heaven  stand  silent  with 
dread  suspense  in  anticipation  of  the  events  to  follow,  VIII. 
1-2.     (2)  Throughout  the  long  silence  which  follows  the  break- 

1  See  Com.  56. 


270  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [VIII-IX 

ing  of  the  seventh  seal  there  rises  from  the  gohlen  altar  before 
the  throne  a  cloud  of  incense,  offered  to  add  efficacy  to  the 
prayers  of  all  the  saints  crying  for  judgment  ;  and  there  follow, 
with  fire  from  the  altar,  hurled  upon  the  earth,  tokens  that  the 
prayers  are  heard  and  that  the  wrath  of  God  is  about  to  fall 
upon  the  world.  These  symbols  of  the  relation  of  the  prayers 
of  God's  people  to  the  coming  judgments  form  a  fitting  intro- 
duction to  the  trumpet  visions,  in  the  events  of  which  the 
prayers  are  seen  to  be  answered.  From  these  tokens  of  God's 
will  the  seven  angels  perceive  that  their  time  for  action  has 
come  ;  they  prepare  to  sound  their  trumpets  and  usher  in  the 
threatened  judgments,  VIII.  3-6.  (3)  The  visions  of  the 
first  six  trumpets,  VIII.  7-IX.  21.  («)  In  the  first  four  trum- 
pet-visions (8^~^^)  four  plagues  of  a  supernatural  character,  in 
part  parallel  to  the  Egyptian  plagues,  are  hurled  in  quick  suc- 
cession upon  the  dry  land,  v.  7  ;  the  sea,  vv.  8-9  ;  the  other 
waters,  vv.  10-11  ;  and  the  heavenly  bodies,  v.  12,  working 
devastation  and  horror.  In  each  region  a  large,  though  not 
the  greater,  part  is  smitten  —  the  effect  is  limited.  The  suf- 
fering and  terror  of  men,  though  constituting  the  purpose  of 
the  visitations  as  punishment  and  warning,  are  not  mentioned 
except  in  the  instance  of  the  third,  where  the  death  of  many 
occurs  incidentally.  ("5)  Between  the  fourth  and  fifth  trum- 
pet-visions an  eagle  flying  in  mid-heaven  forewarns  the  world 
that  grievous  woes  are  now  to  follow  with  the  three  remaining 
trumpet-blasts,  v.  13.  The  first  four  plagues  have  fallen 
directly  upon  a  portion  of  the  natural  world,  and  have  thus 
wrought  their  effect  upon  men  indirectly  and  to  a  limited 
extent.  The  fifth  and  sixth  plagues,  the  first  two  woes,  which 
are  now  to  come  are  of  a  specially  fiendish  character  and  attack 
men  directly  in  their  persons,  in  the  one  case  torturing  but  not 
killing,  in  the  other  both  torturing  and  killing.  (e)  The 
plague  of  the  fifth  vision  (O^^^^^^  ^\^q  fl^.g^  Qf  ^\^q  woes  pro- 
claimed by  the  eagle  (8^^),  is  inflicted  by  a  swarm  of  hellish 
locusts  let  loose  from  the  nether-world  and  equipped  with 
fabulous  forms  and  scorpion-like  tails,  for  terrifying  and  tor- 
menting. They  are  led  by  the  angel  of  hell.  By  these  fiendish 
creatures  the  enemies  of  God  are  tortured  without  the  relief  of 
death  for  the  long  space  of  five  months,  the  length  of  the  period 


X-XI.  13]  CONTENTS  OP^  THE  APOCALYPSE  271 

in  which  the  ravages  of  the  natural  locusts  usually  occur, 
(c?)  The  plague  of  the  sixth  trumpet- vision  (9^^"^^),  the  second 
woe,  consists  of  an  innumerable  troop  of  fiendish  horses,  under 
the  leadership  of  four  angels  prepared  for  the  very  day  and 
hour  of  their  work,  but  hitherto  kept  bound  in  the  East.  The 
horses  like  the  locusts  of  the  first  woe  are  fabulous  monsters ; 
they  have  the  head  of  a  lion  and  serpent-like  tails  ending  in  a 
head  with  its  sting.  With  the  tail  they  inflict  torture  and  with 
the  mouth  they  spit  forth,  as  from  hell,  fire,  smoke,  and  brimstone, 
killing  a  third  of  mankind.  The  angel  leaders  of  the  host,  and 
the  riders  of  the  horses  are  not  direct  agents  in  the  work  of  the 
plague  —  this  work  is  the  ofiice  of  the  monsters.  The  plague  is 
sent  upon  the  unbelieving  heathen  world,  which  notwithstand- 
ing this  warning  continues  in  its  idolatry  and  wickedness, 
vv.  20-21.  In  the  successive  steps  of  the  trumpet-visions  a  cer- 
tain climax  is  reached  in  the  sixth.  Though  this  is  not  the 
culmination,  it  forms  the  last  of  the  series  which  with  its  charac- 
teristic preliminary  episode  (IQi-lli*)  introduces  the  seventh  and 
final  trumpet-vision  (ll^^  ^•).  Hence  the  vast  havoc  assigned  to 
its  plague,  the  destruction  of  a  third  part  of  mankind  ;  and 
hence  the  more  august  opening  of  the  vision  —  a  voice  is  heard 
from  the  altar,  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  the  saints  for  judg- 
ment, bidding  the  archangel  himself  to  let  loose  upon  the  world 
the  four  angels  with  their  innumerable  troop  of  hellish  horse. 

Interlude  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  trumpet-visions.  X-XI. 
13.  (1)  Solemn  announcement  of  the  End  as  near ;  forebod- 
ing of  wrathful  judgment ;  special  message  to  the  prophet 
himself.     X.  1-11.  (2)  The  Repentance  of  Israel,  XI.  1-13. 

The  first  six  trumpet-visions  following  one  another  in  imme- 
diate succession  have  been  closed ;  and  now  before  the  seventh, 
the  Apocalyptist  after  his  manner  ^  pauses  and  introduces  an 
interlude  which  serves  to  prepare  for  the  new  vision  and  to 
lend  impressiveness  to  it.  The  interlude  consists  of  two  parts: 
the  first  a  prelude  which  has  direct  reference  to  the  seventh 
trumpet- vision,  forming  as  it  were  an  overture  to  it  (10^"^!), 
the  second,  a  prophec}^  of  an  event  looked  for  as  necessary 
before  the  parousia  (lli~i^). 

1  See  p.  245  ff. 


272  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [X-XI.  13 

(1)  The  vision  of  this  paragraph  (IQi-i^),  directly  prepara- 
tory to  the  seventh  trumpet-blast,  is  concerned  with  three 
agencies,  the  angel,  the  seven  thunders,  and  the  Prophet,  (a) 
An  angel  descending  in  a  glory  befitting  his  mission  from  God, 
and  assuming  a  position  which  shows  his  message  to  be  ad- 
dressed to  the  earth  and  the  sea,  that  is,  to  the  whole  world, 
announces  with  a  most  solemn  oath  that  the  mystery  of  God, 
the  consummation  of  the  kingdom,  is  soon  to  be  accomplished 
in  the  period  introduced  by  the  seventh  trumpet-blast,  vv.  1-2, 
5_7,  (J)^  Accompanying  the  angel's  cry  seven  thunders,  with 
words  which  the  Prophet  hears  but  is  restrained  from  writing 
down,  forebode  judgments  of  divine  wrath  as  about  to  burst 
upon  the  world  among  the  events  of  the  coming  vision,  vv.  3-4. 
(c)  As  another  part  of  his  mission  the  angel  gives  to  the 
Prophet  a  message  from  God  contained  in  a  little  scroll.  The 
Prophet  is  bidden  to  receive  the  divine  word  into  his  heart,  to 
appropriate  it  fully,  in  the  figure  here  used,  to  eat  it ;  but  he 
is  forewarned  that  in  the  sequel  he  must  find  a  bitter  expe- 
rience. As  he  faces  the  momentous  issues  of  the  last  of  the 
trumpet-visions,  with  the  call  to  new  prophecies  concerning 
many  peoples  and  kings,  he  feels  the  demand  of  his  prophetic 
office  urging  him  forward  with  intensified  force  —  it  is  as  if 
his  commission  were  given  to  him  anew  —  and  he  experiences 
the  sweetness  of  a  duty  in  which  he  is  the  special  agent  of  God, 
the  roll  is  sweet  to  the  mouth  ;  but  he  is  forewarned  that  he 
must  find  the  discharge  of  that  duty  bitter  also,  in  that  he 
must  in  the  new  vision  utter  many  oracles  of  wrath  and  woe, 
vv.  8-11. 

(2)  In  the  second  part  of  the  interlude  (11^"^-^)  the  Apoca- 
lyptist  passes  abruptly  to  a  prophecy  of  the  final  repentance 
of  Israel.  God's  ancient  people,  the  heirs  of  the  messianic 
promises,  had  rejected  the  Christ  and  his  gospel.  This  attitude 
of  the  chosen  of  Jehovah  toward  the  Church  of  the  Messiah 
sorely  perplexed  the  Jewish  Christian,  but  he  could  not  believe 
that  the  Israel  of  the  covenant  was  to  be  cast  off  forever  and 
fail  of  a  share  in  the  messianic  kingdom.  It  became  a  clearly 
announced  Christian  prophecy,  one  which  our  Apocalyptist 
accepted  in  common  with  other  New  Testament  writers,  that 
at  the  last  Israel  would  be  '  grafted  in  again '  (Ro.  ll^-^)  among 


X-XI.  13]         CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  273 

the  people  of  God.  And  this  ingathering  was  looked  for  in 
close  proximity  to  the  parousia  ;  it  belonged  among  the  events 
immediately  preceding  the  End.  This  prophecy  then  could 
not  fail  of  a  place  in  a  revelation  of  the  last  things  written  by 
a  Jewish  Christian.  And  the  appropriate  place  for  it  is  just 
here,  before  the  opening  of  the  seventh  trumpet-vision  which 
embraces  the  last  great  cycle  of  events. 

The  author  clothes  the  prophecy  in  a  form  derived  from  some 
apocalyptic  writing,  unknown  to  us,  containing  predictions 
regarding  Jerusalem  and  its  people,  just  as  we  have  seen  him 
adapting  to  his  use  passages  from  the  Old  Testament  writers, 
and  in  chapter  VII  some  apocalyptic  fragment  unknown  to  us.^ 
Jerusalem  as  frequently  in  the  scriptures  represents  Israel,  ac- 
cording to  the  common  usage  of  denoting  a  nation  by  its  capital 
city.  Jerusalem  for  its  sins  is  to  be  given  up  to  the  '  nations, ' 
the  punishment  often  inflicted  upon  Israel  of  old  for  its  un- 
faithfulness. The  nations  shall  have  it  in  complete  subjection 
and  profane  it  for  the  whole  period  of  '  the  times  of  the  Gen- 
tiles,' but  a  Remnant  of  faithful  ones,  as  predicted  by  the 
prophets,  shall  be  preserved  —  the  sanctuary  with  its  faithful 
worshipers  shall  be  measured  off  as  a  precinct  to  remain  un- 
touched, vv.  1-2.  God's  compassion  for  his  covenant  people 
has  however  not  failed.  He  will  send  two  mighty  prophets, 
who  will  throughout  the  period  call  Israel  to  repentance,  v.  3. 
These  are  like  the  two  olive  trees  and  the  candlestick  in  the 
vision  of  Zechariah  (Zee.  IV),  they  are  but  the  channels 
through  which  works  the  might  of  God,  v.  4.  Endowed  with 
the  marvelous  gifts  of  Elijah  and  Moses  they  will  work  '  in  the 
spirit  and  power '  of  those  great  servants  of  God,  preaching  to 
Jerusalem  repentance  and  obedience,  laboring  to  '  restore  all 
things '  before  the  Lord's  coming,  vv.  5-6.  But  as  preachers  of 
righteousness  and  workers  of  fearful  miracles,  they  will  incur 
the  deadly  enmity  of  the  wicked,  and  of  the  Beast  that  cometh 
up  from  the  abyss,  the  Antichrist.  And  when  they  shall  have 
reached  the  end  of  their  destined  period  they  will  suffer  shame- 
ful martyrdom,  vv.  7-10.  But  afterwards  a  glorious  triumph 
will  be  accorded  to  them  in  their  resuscitation  and  exaltation 
into  heaven  in  the  sight  of  all.     A  great  earthquake  will  accom- 

1  See  pp.  533  ff.,  586. 


274  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE         [XI.  14-19 

pany  these  events  and  destroy  one  tenth  of  the  city.  These 
marvels  sent  as  further  monitions  will  strike  terror  into  all  who 
escape  the  earthquake  ;  most  (nine  tenths)  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Jerusalem  will  now  heed  the  words  which  had  been  uttered 
by  the  two  prophets  and  will  repent  of  their  sins,  vv.  11-13. 
Thus  the  purpose  of  God  concerning  Jerusalem  (Israel)  will 
reach  its  accomplishment  —  an  event  which  must  precede  the 
parousia. 

Tlie  seventh  trumpet-blast.  XI.  14-19.  (1)  Announcement 
of  the  third  woe,  that  is,  the  calamities  to  follow  the  sev- 
enth trumpet-blast,  v.  14.  (2)  Sounding  of  the  seventh 
trumpet,  and  the  outburst  of  joy  in  heaven,  vv.  15-18.  (3) 
Answering  manifestations  in  heaven  and  in  the  world  of 
nature,  v.  19. 

(1)  After  the  interlude  in  X-XI.  13,  the  Apocalyptist  takes 
up  again  the  thread  of  the  trumpet-visions  broken  off  at  the 
close  of  chapter  IX.  Looking  back  beyond  the  parenthesis 
formed  by  this  interlude,  he  continues  as  if  no  interruption  had 
taken  place,  declaring  the  end  of  the  second  woe  and  announc- 
ing the  third  as  soon  to  follow,  v.  14.  (2)  With  these  words 
of  transition  he  introduces  the  seventh  trumpet.  The  sound- 
ing of  this  last  trumpet  proclaims  the  period  of  the  end.  To 
this  period  belong  all  the  great  movements  that  are  now  to  fol- 
low. Though  the  end  itself  is  not  to  come  immediately,  its 
certainty  and  nearness  are  proclaimed  in  this  sounding  of  the 
seventh  trumpet.  A  loud  hymn  of  praise  bursts  forth  from 
heavenly  voices  celebrating  the  incoming  of  the  kingdom  of 
God,  as  if  already  present.  The  hymn  is  one  of  the  author's 
characteristic  anticipator^/  outbursts  of  praise,  uttered  at  the 
beginning  of  a  movement  from  the  standpoint  of  the  final  issue. 
The  Kingdom  of  the  Lord  and  his  Anointed  has  come  and  he 
will  reign  forever,  v.  15.  The  four  and  twenty  Elders,  pros- 
trating themselves  before  God  in  adoration,  take  up  the  theme, 
amplifying  it  and  proclaiming  the  arrival  of  the  last  bitter  con- 
flict of  the  wrath  of  God  with  the  wrath  of  '  the  nations,'  and 
the  time  of  the  judgment  which  shall  give  their  reward  to  God's 
servants  and  destroy  the  destroyers  of  the  earth,  vv.  16-18. 
(3)    The  song  is  followed  by  a  twofold  response  m  action: 


XII.  1-17]          CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  275 

(a)  the  ark  of  the  covenant  is  revealed  in  the  heavenly  temple, 
symbolizing  God's  fulfillment  of  his  covenant  in  the  coming 
reward  of  his  servants  ;  (h)  great  catastrophes  burst  forth 
upon  the  world,  symbolizing  the  wrath  now  to  be  visited  upon 
God's  enemies,  v.  19. 

Chapters  XII-XIII  :  As  part  of  the  preliminaries  to  the 
events  which  culminate  in  the  great  conflict  with  Satan  and  his 
agents  and  the  overthrow  of  these,  now  to  be  enacted  in  the 
seventh  trumpet-series,  the  Apocalyptist  introduces  here  a  reve- 
lation of  the  forces  operating  behind  the  events  and  the  agencies 
employed.  1  Two  visions  are  given,  which  are  not  intended  to 
depict  things  that  are  about  to  take  place  as  parts  of  the  dra- 
matic movement  ;  they  portray  '  things  that  are,'  ^  rather  than 
things  that  must  come  to  pass,  though  intimations  of  issues 
following  are  added.  The  first  (XII)  reveals  the  cause  of  the 
persecutions  which  the  faithful  suffer  and  must  continue  to 
suffer  in  the  coming  distresses  ;  this  is  Satan's  fierce  hostility 
to  the  Messiah.  At  the  same  time  the  initial  defeat  with  which 
Satan  meets,  and  his  expulsion  from  the  seat  of  his  kingdom,  as 
here  described,  assures  his  final  downfall.  The  second  vision 
(XIII)  gives  a  picture  of  the  agent  through  which  Satan  is 
waging,  and  will  wage,  unrelenting  war  with  the  Messiah's 
followers,  the  saints.  This  is  the  Beast  (impersonated  first  in 
the  Roman  emperors  and  then  in  Antichrist),  which  receives 
all  his  might  and  authority  from  Satan,  and  which  together 
with  his  helper,  the  second  beast  (impersonated  in  the  priest- 
hood of  the  ruler-worship),  uses  all  his  delegated  power  to 
accomplish  Satan's  purpose. 

(1)  jSatati's  hostility/ to  the  Messiah.  XII.  1-17.  (a)  Frus- 
trated attempt  to  destroy  the  Messiah,  vv.  1-6.  (b)  Satan's 
expulsion  from  his  seat  in  the  lower  heavens,  vv.  7-12.  (c) 
Pursuit  of  the  mother  of  the  Messiah  and  persecution  of  the 
Messiah's  brethren,  vv.  13-17. 

For  the  exhibition  of  his  thought  in  this  vision  the  Apocalyp- 
tist uses  symbols  and  figures  taken  from  some  familiar  legend,^ 
but  he  explains  his  use  of  these  so  far  as  to  make  his  meaning 
reasonably  certain.  His  procedure  in  this  respect  should  guard 
1  See  pp.  244  ff.  2  See  p.  442  f.  3  gee  pp.  GV6  ff. 


276  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE         [XII.  1-17 

us  against  reading  a  meaning  into  minor  unexplained  traits, 
which  are  probably  only  touches  to  give  vividness  to  the 
picture,  whether  taken  over  from  the  source,  or  specially  added 
by  the  author  himself.      The  vision  consists  of  three  parts. 

(a)  The  first  part,  vv.  1-6,  is  enacted,  so  to  speak,  on  a  stage 
whose  background  is  the  sky.  A  woman  is  seen  arrayed  in  all 
the  glory  of  the  heavenly  bodies  ;  she  is  about  to  give  birth  to 
a  child.  A  dragon-monster,  in  a  form  similar  to  that  found 
frequently  in  ancient  mythology,  stands  before  her  ready  to 
devour  the  cliild  at  the  moment  of  its  birth  ;  but  the  child  is 
caught  away  and  borne  up  to  the  throne  of  God.  As  a  sequel 
the  Apocalyptist,  anticipating  the  third  part  of  his  vision 
(vv.  13-17),  and  without  alluding  to  a  transition  from  the  sky 
to  the  earth,  adds  the  woman's  flight  to  a  refuge  prepared  for 
her  in  the  wilderness,  v.  6.  The  dragon  in  the  scene  is  Satan, 
the  child  is  the  Messiah,  and  the  woman  is  the  people  of  God 
as  existing,  not  in  actuality,  but  in  idea  ;  the  concrete  reality 
corresjDonding  to  this  ideal  is  found  in  the  Church  of  God, 
whether  under  the  old  or  the  new  covenant,  but  neither  of 
these  is  directly  intended  here.  The  scene  is  entirely  ideal 
and  such  is  the  figure  of  the  Messiah  ;  there  is  no  relation  to 
the  Lord's  earthly  life,^  no  reference  to  the  Messiah's  coming 
into  being,  the  Messiah  in  his  ideal  being  is  meant.  And  as 
the  earthly  Messiah  is  born  of  the  people  of  God,  so  here  the 
ideal  Messiah  is  born  of  the  ideal  people  of  God,  the  woman, 
'our  mother,'  as  St.  Paul  calls  her  (Gal.  4^6).  And  the 
Apocalyptist  means  to  represent  under  these  symbols,  taken 
from  some  popular  tradition,  Satan's  deadly  hatred  of  the 
Messiah /rom  the  beginning,  and  his  hatred  of  God's  people,  be- 
cause of  their  relation  to  the  Messiah.  At  the  same  time  the 
scene  shows  the  futility  of  that  hatred  ;  Satan  is  powerless  to 
prevent  the  Messiah's  exaltation  to  joint  sovereignty  with  God, 
and  a  refuge  is  provided  for  God's  people.  Definite  events  of 
history  are  not  thought  of  here ;  so  far  as  the  vision  tells  of 
Satan's  design  from  the  outset,  it  relates  to  the  past ;  but  in 
the  issues  it  relates  to  all  time  till  the  End.^  (5)  The  second 
part  of  the  vision,  vv.  7-12,  pictures  a  scene  entirely  distinct 
from  the  former.  The  archangel  Michael  with  his  hosts  attacks 
1  See  p.  617.  2  j^^d. 


XII.  1-17]         CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  277 

Satan  in  the  seat  of  his  kingdom,  which  is  phiced  accord- 
ing to  a  current  Jewish  belief  in  the  lower  heavens.  ^  Satan 
and  his  hosts  are  overthrown,  cast  out  from  the  center  of  his 
dominion  and  hurled  down  to  earth.  This  event  is  not  the 
original  fall  or  revolt  of  Satan ;  his  place  in  the  lower  heaven 
has  existed  hitherto  (v.  8),  and  he  has  hitherto  been  the  foe  of 
men  before  the  court  of  God  (v.  10)  ;  yet  the  event  belongs  to 
the  Apocalyptist's  past,  not  the  future.^  The  rage  of  Satan 
over  his  expulsion  explains  his  increased  fury  in  the  present  as 
well  as  the  coming  persecutions  of  the  Church.  The  expulsion 
of  Satan  from  the  seat  of  his  kingdom  is  the  signal  for  an  out- 
burst of  praise  from  voices  in  heaven,  as  if  the  final  triumph 
were  already  come.  The  first  part  of  the  hymn,  vv.  10-12  a,  is 
anticipatory ;  the  beginning  of  Satan's  downfall  assures  the  com- 
plete triumph  of  the  End  ;  and  the  singers  exult  in  the  king- 
dom of  God  and  his  Anointed,  as  if  now  established.  The 
conclusion  of  the  hymn,  v.  12  J,  reverts  to  the  present  and  the 
woe  which  has  befallen  men  in  Satan's  wrathful  presence  among 
them.  (e)   In  the  third  part  of  the  vision,  vv.  13-17,  the 

scene  is  on  earth.  Satan,  baffled  in  his  design  against  the 
Messiah,  cast  out  from  his  domain  in  the  lower  heavens, 
and  knowing  that  the  time  of  his  complete  overthrow  is  cer- 
tainly fixed,  becomes  the  more  furious  in  his  rage  against  the 
Messiah's  mother,  the  people  of  God.  The  Apocalyptist  con- 
tinues the  figures  of  the  first  part  and  expands  the  account  of 
the  woman's  flight,  which  was  mentioned  in  anticipation  in 
V.  6.  The  dragon  as  a  water-monster  hurls  floods  of  water 
after  the  woman  to  sweep  her  away,  but  the  earth  swallows  the 
floods,  and  she  is  borne  on  eagles'  wings  to  a  refuge  in  the 
wilderness,  where  she  is  nurtured  in  safety  through  the  calami- 
tous times  preceding  the  end,  times  designated  by  the  measure, 
stereotyped  in  apocalyptic  phraseology,  of  three  and  a  half  years 
or  1260  days.  3  The  people  of  God  in  its  ideal  being  is  divinely 
preserved  to  the  end  ;  the  gates  of  hell  do  not  prevail  against 
the  Church.  From  his  baffled  pursuit  of  the  woman,  Satan 
turns  to  persecute  her  other  children,  the  brethren  of  the 
Messiah.  The  writer  here  distinguishes  between  the  ideal 
people  of  God  and  the  actual  children  of  God  who  form  the 
1  See  p.  617.  ^  See  p.  018.  3  See  p.  252. 


278  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE     [XII.  18-XIII.  18 

present  concrete  reality  corresponding  to  the  ideal.  These  are 
the  followers  of  Jesus,  v.  17,  who  in  this  last  age  are  exposed  to 
the  full  force  of  Satan's  intensified  rage.  But  the  deliverance 
of  the  ideal  mother  gives  sure  promise  of  safety  to  her  children 
who  keep  the  commandments  of  God  and  hold  fast  the  testi- 
mony of  Jesus. 

(2)  The  Beast,  the  agent  of  Satan  in  his  warfare  against  the 
saints ;  and  the  Beasfs  helper,  the  second  beast.  XII.  18-XIII. 
18. 

On  the  place  of  this  vision  in  the  plan  of  the  book  see  pp. 
275,  279.  The  Beast  incidentally  alluded  to  in  XI.  7  is  now 
introduced  and  described  in  his  form  and  functions.  He  is  the 
agent  of  Satan  in  his  warfare  with  the  followers  of  the  Messiah 
(12^'^,  13'''),  and  from  this  point  on  he  continues  the  dominant  fig- 
ure in  all  the  anti-Christian  hostilities  that  follow  till  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  millennium  (20*).  Satan  does  not  appear  in  his 
own  person  as  an  active  participant  till  the  end  of  the  millennium 
(20^^).  This  agent  of  Satan  appears  here  in  a  traditional  form 
designed  to  inspire  awe  and  terror.  He  is  a  monster  combin- 
ing parts  of  divers  animals  :  he  has  seven  heads  and  ten  horns; 
one  of  his  heads  has  received  a  deadly  wound,  of  which  it  has 
been  healed.  He  is  endowed  with  the  full  power  of  Satan  for 
his  work  in  the  world,  and  through  him  the  world  worships  the 
dragon,  Satan.  His  activity  is  twofold  :  he  exalts  himself 
above  God  as  the  object  of  worship,  which  all  who  are  not  fol- 
lowers of  the  Lamb  are  led  to  render  him  ;  and  he  rules  every 
tribe  and  people  on  earth  with  absolute  sway,  making  war 
against  the  saints  and  overcoming  them,  vv.  1-10.  In  securing 
the  worship  of  the  world  he  uses  the  services  of  a  deputy,  the 
second  beast,  whom  he  endows  with  power  to  deceive  men  and 
lead  them  to  pay  the  homage  demanded.  This  second  beast, 
possessing  attributes  unlike  those  of  his  master,  the  first  beast, 
accomplishes  his  mission,  that  of  deluding  men  and  causing 
them  to  offer  divine  homage  to  the  Beast,  by  means  of  great 
miracles  wrought  in  the  sight  of  men,  and  by  making  the  image 
of  the  Beast  speak  to  command  the  worship  of  itself  under  the 
penalty  of  death  for  disobedience,  vv.  11-15.  The  Beast's 
deputy  causes  also  men  of  all  ranks  and  conditions  to  receive  a 


XIV.  1-5]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  279 

mark  of  religious  devotion  to  the  Beast,  which  is  made  essential 
for  participation  in  civil  and  industrial  life,  vv.  16-17.  The 
paragraph  closes  with  the  intimation  that  the  Beast  is  a  symbol 
of  a  man  and  bears  a  man's  name  indicated  by  a  number,  which 
some  may  have  the  skill  to  decipher,  v.  18. 

It  is  essential  to  keep  in  mind  that  the  Apocalyptist  is  not 
here  introducing  a  new  act  in  carrying  out  his  dramatic  plan ; 
we  have  rather  a  vision  opening  up,  after  the  author's  manner, 
a  picture  of  the  power  which  Satan  uses  in  the  last  times,  and 
a  description  of  the  special  activities  of  that  power  in  warring 
against  God.  A  fuller  discussion  of  the  symbolism  and  sig- 
nificance of  the  chapter  is  given  elsewhere. ^  It  is  enough  to 
premise  here,  the  Beast  is  Satan's  instrument,  as  represented 
first  in  the  succession  of  Roman  emperors,  symbolized  by  the 
seven  heads,  and  then,  after  the  destruction  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire, as  represented  in  Antichrist,  in  whom  the  emperor  Nero 
will  return  from  the  dead,  symbolized  by  the  head  wounded 
unto  death  and  healed.  The  worship  of  the  Beast  is  the  em- 
peror-worship already  demanded  in  the  Roman  empire  and 
destined  to  be  carried  to  the  extreme  in  worship  which  will  be 
exacted  by  the  coming  Antichrist.  The  second  beast  symbol- 
izes the  priesthood  and  other  functionaries,  whose  office  it  is 
to  establish  and  maintain  the  ruler-worship,  whether  in  the 
case  of  the  Roman  emperors,  or  the  Antichrist. 

The  redeemed  tvith  the  Lamb  on  mount  Zion.  XIV.  1-5. 
Over  against  the  appalling  picture  of  the  warfare  upon  the 
saints  waged  by  the  dragon  and  his  agents,  the  beasts  (XII- 
XIII),  the  Apocalyptist  now  opens  a  vision  of  the  final  triumph 
that  lies  beyond.  Here  as  throughout  the  book  the  prophecies 
of  darkest  trial  are  lightened  up  by  a  glimpse  into  the  blessed- 
ness that  awaits  the  victor  at  the  end.  The  vision  is  anticipa- 
tory ;  it  stands  outside  of  the  events  moving  toward  the  last 
issue.  The  whole  company  of  the  saints,  symbolized  by  the 
number  144,000  (see  p.  648),  now  redeemed  and  triumphant, 
are  seen  gathered  together  with  the  Messiah  on  mount  Zion, 
the  central  seat  of  the  perfected  kingdom  of  (lod  on  the  earth. 
As  the  worshipers  of  the  Beast  bore  his  mark  (13^*^),  so  the 

1  pp.  393  ff. 


280  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE         PCIV.  6-20 

saints  bear  the  name  of  God  and  the  Lamb,  whose  servants 
they  are  thus  shown  to  be ;  and  at  the  same  time  they  are  thus 
sealed  as  victors  (cf.  3^^).  While  the  saints  are  thus  revealed 
on  mount  Zion,  an  innumerable  host  of  angels  in  the  great 
throne-hall  of  heaven  are  heard  singing  before  the  throne  and 
before  the  four  Living  Creatures  and  the  Elders  a  song  of 
praise  for  the  saints'  redemption  —  a  song  which  none  can 
learn  save  those  who  have  learned  by  experience  the  blessed- 
ness of  its  theme,  vv.  1-3.  As  an  admonition  to  the  readers 
the  Apocalyptist  specifies  some  of  the  virtues  of  the  saints 
upon  which  their  redemption  is  conditioned  ;  these  are  cardinal 
Christian  virtues,  chastity,  truth,  ready  following  of  the  Lord, 
complete  consecration  like  the  first  fruits  which  were  a  holy 
offering  belonging  solely  to  God,  and  to  sum  up  all  in  one 
word,  blamelessness,  vv.   4-5. 

Announcement  of  the  last  judgment.,  warning  and  promise. 
XIV.  6-20.  This  paragraph  is  prefatory  to  the  march  of 
events  which  is  to  begin  again  in  chapter  XV ;  and  it  also  con- 
nects the  remaining  part  of  the  l)Ook  back  with  the  sounding 
of  the  seventh  trumpet  (11^°).  That  trumpet-blast  introduces 
the  vast  cycle  in  which  God's  purpose  regarding  his  kingdom 
is  to  reach  its  fulfillment  (10'^).  But  the  outburst  of  praise 
which  greeted  the  trumpet's  sound  (ll^^~i^)  is  not  followed 
immediately  in  the  Prophet's  revelation  by  the  actual  begin- 
ning of  the  final  movements.  We  have  seen  that  the  Apoca- 
lyptist first  reveals  in  visions  which  form  an  interlude  in  the 
drama  the  motives  and  agencies  at  work  —  Satan's  hostility  to 
the  Messiah  and  the  instruments  of  his  warfare  —  and  in 
anticipation,  the  final  triumph  of  the  saints  (XII-XIV.  5). 
Then  the  last  series  of  plagues  (XV-XVI),  the  third  woe, 
predicted  as  part  of  the  sequel  of  the  sounding  of  the  seventh 
trumpet  (8^^,  11^*)  is  to  form  the  immediate  precursor  of  the 
great  day  of  the  Lord.  A  fitting  preface,  therefore,  to  this  be- 
ginning of  the  End  is  this  announcement  (146"^^)  of  the  judg- 
ment, with  its  call  of  the  world  to  repentance  and  with  its 
warning  and  promise.  The  announcement  is  made  in  the 
most  august  tones  and  in  solemn  sevenfold  form.  It  must  be 
kept  in  mind  that  so  far  as  the  entrance  of  the  judgment  is 


XV-XVI]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  281 

announced  the  announcement  is  anticipatory  —  in  prophetic 
style  the  future  is  made  present.  (1)  An  angel  is  seen  flying 
in  mid-heaven  and  proclaiming  to  all  the  world  the  glad  tidings 
of  the  near  fulhllment  of  (jod's  eternal  purpose,  and  calling 
upon  all  peoples  and  nations  to  repent  and  worship  the  one 
true  God,  the  creator  of  all,  vv.  6-7,  (2)  A  second  angel 
proclaims  the  fall  of  the  great  world-power,  Rome,  the  instru- 
ment of  Satan  and  the  supreme  earthly  foe  of  (lod's  people  — 
a  power  whose  removal  forms  one  of  the  chief  events  in  escha- 
tological  expectation,  v.  8.  (3)  A  third  angel  proclaims  the 
terrible  doom  that  awaits  the  worshipers  of  the  Beast,  vv. 
9-11.  (1)  The  Prophet  himself  admonishes  the  saints  to 
hold  steadfastly  in  all  the  coming  trial  to  the  commandments 
of  God  and  their  faith  in  Jesus,  v.  12.  (5)  The  Prophet's 
admonition  is  enforced  and  the  saints  are  strengthened  for 
martyrdom  by  a  voice  from  heaven  which  pronounces  blessed 
all  those  who  sliall  die  in  the  Lord  before  the  great  day  enters, 
V.  13.  (6)  A  vision  of  the  Messiah  as  harvester  figures  the 
end  of  the  world,  vv.  14-16 ;  and  (7)  another,  under  the  fig- 
ure of  an  angelic  vintager,  pictures  tlie  wrath  of  God  in  the 
destruction  of  the  wicked,  vv.  17-20. 

Tlie  seven  last  plagues,  the  plagues  of  the  bowls,  the  third  woe. 
XV-XVI.  (1)  Announcement  of  the  subject  of  the  vision, 
XV.  1.  (2)  Anticipatory  hymn  of  praise,  XV.  2-4.  (3)  Im- 
mediate preparation  for  the  outpouring  of  the  plagues, 
XV.  5-XVI.  1.         (4)  The  plagues  poured  out,  XVI.  2-21. 

After  the  prophecies  of  the  preceding  chapter  (14^~20^  pro- 
claiming the  judgment  as  close  at  hand  and  calling  the  world 
to  repentance,  there  follows  now  the  last  series  of  visitations, 
the  last  of  those  terrible  '  messianic  woes '  which  in  all  escha- 
tological  expectation  are  looked  for  before  the  Great  Day. 
The  plagues  of  the  bowls  now  introduced  take  their  place  as 
a  member  in  the  momentous  series  heralded  by  the  seventh 
trumpet-blast  (11^^,  the  cycle  in  which  the  mystery  of  God  is 
to  be  accomplished.  They  specifically  prepare  the  readers  for 
the  two  great  events,  the  destruction  of  Rome  (XVII-XIX.  5), 
which  is  in  reality  only  an  expansion  of  XVI.  19,  and  the  con- 
flict of  the  Beast  with  the  Messiah  (XIX.  11-21)  to  which  the 


282  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [XV-XVI 

sixth  plague  looks  forward.     This  series  of  plagues  forms  the 
third  woe  foretold  in  XI.  14  (cf.  pp.  669  ff.). 

(1)  The  subject  of  this  portion  of  the  book  is  announced  as 
in  a  kind  of  title  by  a  vision  of  seven  angels  having  the  plagues 
in  which  are  finished  God's  wrathful  visitations  sent  upon  the 
world  before  the  last  great  crisis,  XV.  1.  These  words  do  not 
announce  something  distinct  from  that  which  follows  in  vv. 
5  ff. ;  they  state  in  a  summary  way  the  subject  which  begins  in 
detail  there  and  is  unfolded  from  that  point  on  through  the 
rest  of  the  paragraph  to  the  end  of  chapter  XVI.  (2)  Before 
the  first  step  is  actually  taken  in  bringing  in  these  terrible 
judgments,  the  Apocalyptist  looks  forward  to  the  end  and  sees 
in  an  anticipatory  vision  the  saints  standing  as  victors  in  the 
court  of  heaven  after  the  world-drama  is  finished,  and  praising 
God  for  his  acts  of  righteous  judgment.  Both  the  thought  and 
language  of  their  hymn  echo  a  familiar  song  of  Moses  ;  and 
at  the  same  time  the  hymn  gives  expression  to  the  thought 
which  forms  a  great  factor  in  the  theme  of  our  book,  the  acts 
of  the  Lamb  in  revealing  and  establishing  the  righteousness  of 
God  in  the  judgment  of  the  world.  The  hymn  may  therefore  be 
called  the  song  of  Moses,  and  as  well  also  the  song  of  the  Lamb. 
XV.  2-4.  (3)  The  immediate  preparation  for  the  outpouring  of 
the  plagues  now  follows,  XV.  5-XVI.  1,  and  is  in  keeping  with 
the  momentous  character  of  what  is  about  to  take  place.  The 
details  in  the  ordering  of  the  scene  and  even  the  ornate 
phraseology  used  are  chosen  with  a  view  to  give  majesty  to 
the  picture.  The  sanctuary  of  heaven  is  seen,  conceived  under 
the  form  of  the  ancient  tabernacle,  the  shrine  of  God's  abode 
with  his  people.  From  this,  as  from  the  immediate  presence 
of  God  and  as  sent  on  a  mission  from  him,  come  forth  seven 
angels,  perhaps  the  seven  presence-angels,  clothed  in  the  white, 
glistening  raiment  symbolical  of  celestial  beings,  and  wearing, 
like  the  Messiah  in  his  glorified  state  (1-"^^),  girdles  of  gold. 
Throughout  the  whole  the  agency  of  God  himself  is  made  con- 
spicuous. One  of  the  four  Living  Creatures,  the  supreme 
order  in  the  heavenly  hierarchy  who  stand  nearest  to  God,  is 
chosen  as  his  intermediate  agent,  and  hands  to  the  seven  angels 
vessels  of  gold  filled  with  God's  wrath.  The  tabernacle  itself 
is  filled  with  a  cloud,  symbolical  of  God's  presence  and  power ; 


XV-XVI]  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  283 

he  has  entered  into  the  sanctuary  of  his  dwelling  and  abides 
there  unapproachable  till  his  righteous  judgment  of  wrath  has 
been  visited  on  his  enemies.  It  is  his  voice  sounding  from  the 
tabernacle,  that  dismisses  his  ministers  for  their  terrible  work. 
As  regards  the  phraseology,  it  is  probably  with  the  purpose 
spoken  of  above  that  the  tabernacle  receives  the  august  desig- 
nation, the  sanctuary  of  the  tabernacle  of  the  testimoiiy  in  heaven; 
God  is  the  Ciod  who  liveth  for  ever  and  ever;  the  cloud  of  his 
presence  is  a  cloud  of  glory  a^id  power.  (4)  In  obedience  to  the 
voice  from  the  sanctuary,  the  angels  go  forth  and  pour  out  the 
bowls  of  God's  wrath,  and  the  ensuing  plagues  burst  one  after 
another  upon  the  world,  XVI.  2-21.  The  plagues,  nearly  or 
quite  all  of  them,  contain  reminiscences  of  the  Egyptian 
plagues ;  they  resemble  also,  more  or  less  closely,  the  series  of 
trumpet-plagues  (VIII-IX).  The  bowls  in  the  case  of  the 
first  four  are  poured  out  in  succession  upon  the  earth,  the  sea, 
the  rivers,  and  the  sun  ;  the  last  three,  upon  the  kingdom  of 
the  Beast,  the  Euphrates  and  the  air.  But  the  effect  of  the 
outpouring  is  always  manifested  in  an  ensuing  plague,  which 
falls  upon  men.  Even  the  drying  uj)  of  the  Euphrates,  the 
sixth  plague,  is  meant  to  open  the  way  for  a  great  scourge  in 
the  coming  of  the  kings  from  the  east ;  and  a  second  event 
following  with  the  same  bowl,  vv.  13-14,  that  is,  the  appear- 
ance of  three  demons,  lying  spirits  sent  forth  to  work  upon  the 
kings  of  the  whole  earth,  forms  a  part  of  the  preparation  for 
the  world-calamity,  the  battle  of  the  Great  Day.  The  seventh 
plague,  vv.  17-21,  with  its  horrors  undreamed  of,  culminates  in 
the  destruction  of  Babylon  (Rome),  in  whose  fall  the  present 
world  order  perishes  and  Antichrist  becomes  the  unopposed  lord 
of  the  earth.  This  destruction  of  Rome,  only  hinted  at  in 
these  verses,  v.  19,  is  described  with  fullness  in  the  next  para- 
graph (17^-19^).  Two  parentheses'^  are  inserted  in  the 
course  of  the  description  of  the  plagues  :  (a)  Between  the 
third  and  fourth  bowls  ejaculations  from  the  angel  of  the 
waters  and  the  personified  altar  are  heard  (16^"'')  praising 
God,  in  language  echoing  the  saints'  hymn  of  XV.  3^,  for  his 
righteous  judgment  in  the  plague  of  the  waters.  This  praise 
is   assigned  to   these  two  with  special   appropriateness.      The 

1  Cf .  p.  243  f. 


284  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE    [XVII.  1-XIX.  5 

former  exults  that  the  element  over  which  he  presides  has  been 
turned  into  a  medium  for  visiting  on  the  guilty  a  retribution 
related  in  kind  to  their  offense.  The  altar,  the  symbol  of  the 
prayers  of  the  saints  for  judgment,  acknowledges  that  in  this 
plague  the  prayers  are  receiving  their  answer.  This  parenthe- 
sis divides  the  series  of  seven  into  two  groups  of  three  and  four.^ 
(6)  In  V.  15,  when  the  agencies  for  gathering  the  hosts  of  the 
Beast  for  the  great  battle  are  already  sent  forth  on  their  work 
and  the  dread  hour  cannot  long  be  delayed,  the  Apocalyptist 
fittingly  inserts,  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  a  reminder  of  the  sud- 
denness of  the  advent,  and  a  warning  to  the  saints  to  be  watch- 
ful and  prepared. 

The  destructio7i  of  Home  hy  Antichrist.  XVII.  1-XIX.  5. 
(1)  Introductory  vision  ;  the  woman  seated  on  the  scarlet  col- 
ored beast,  vv.  1-6.  (2)  The  angel's  interpretation  of  the 
vision ;  Rome  and  the  agency  of  her  destruction,  vv.  7-18. 
(3)  Sevenfold  declaration  of  her  ruin,  XVIII.  1-XIX.  5. 

After  the  series  of  plagues  sent  upon  the  world  with  the  out- 
pouring of  the  seven  bowls  (XVI),  the  last  of  which  gives  pre- 
monition of  special  judgment  to  be  visited  on  Rome,  there  now 
follows  a  vision,  or  series  of  visions,  announcing  the  coming  of 
the  crowning  catastrophe  in  the  world-order  as  then  existing, 
the  destruction  of  the  imperial  city,  in  whose  fall  the  Roman 
empire  vanishes  and  Antichrist  becomes  triumphant  over  all  the 
earth.  The  magnitude  of  this  crisis,  as  viewed  by  the  Apoca- 
lyptist, is  seen  in  the  fullness  with  which  he  announces  it.  Fore- 
bodings of  it  have  been  given  among  his  other  prophecies 
(14^,  1619),  .^^^1  j^o^y  it  is  made  the  subject  of  a  distinct  part  of 
the  book.  (1)  The  Seer  is  carried  away  in  the  Spirit  into  a 
wilderness,  where  is  revealed  to  him  with  full  and  manifold 
assurance  the  judgment  of  the  world-capital,  together  with  the 
instrumentality  through  which  this  judgment  is  to  be  ac- 
complished. An  introductory  vision  pictures  under  the  figure 
of  a  harlot  seated  upon  a  beast  the  guilt  of  Rome  in  her  moral 
corruption  and  her  fierce  persecution  of  the  saints,  as  the  cause 
of  her  visitation,  XVII.  1-6.  (2)  An  interpretative  passage 
explaining  the  significance  of  the  woman  and  the  beast  shows 

1  Cf .  p.  254. 


XVIT.  1-XIX.  5]    CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  285 

the  former  to  be  tlie  symbol  of  Rome,  and  the  beast  with  his 
seven  heads  to  be  in  the  first  place  the  symbol  of  the  seven 
Roman  emperors  of  whom  the  sixth  was  then  reigning,  and  in 
the  second  place,  in  the  head  smitten  unto  death  and  restored 
(13^),  to  be  the  symbol  of  Antichrist,  in  whom  one  of  the  em- 
perors once  slain  will  become  reincarnate,  coming  from  the 
abyss  with  demonic  power.  In  so  far  as  the  beast  is  identified 
with  the  head  (the  emperor)  at  any  time  impersonating  him,  it 
may  be  said,  with  reference  to  his  impersonation  in  the  particu- 
lar head  meant  in  vv.  8,  11,  that  the  beast  was  and  is  not  and 
is  about  to  come.  The  beast  in  his  last  impersonation,  that  is, 
Antichrist,  will  with  his  ten  vassal  kings  act  as  the  instrument 
of  God,  making  desolate  the  imperial  city  and  utterly  burning 
it  with  fire,  vv.  7-18.  (3)  (a)  An  angel  radiant  with  heavenly 
glory  proclaims  to  all  the  earth  the  certain  coming  of  Rome's 
fall  and  devastation,  XVIII.  1-3.  (6)  A  voice  from  heaven 
summons  God's  people  to  flee  from  her  allurements  and  the 
consuming  plague  about  to  come  upon  her  in  righteous  judg- 
ment, vv.  4-5.  (c)  The  same  voice  incites  the  spirits  of 
vengeance  to  do  their  full  work,  vv.  6-8.  (tZ)  In  a  passage  of 
intense  pathos  the  Apocalyptist  anticipates  the  dirge  which  the 
kings  of  the  earth  and  others  will  utter  as  they  stand  in  terror 
far  off  and  look  upon  the  smoke  of  her  burning,  vv.  9-19. 
(g)  In  startling  contrast  with  this  pathetic  lament,  the  Apoca- 
lyptist throws  in  ^  an  apostrophe  to  heaven,  to  the  saints,  the 
apostles  and  the  prophets,  bidding  them  to  rejoice  in  the  judg- 
ment which  God  has  visited  upon  Rome  in  their  behalf,'^  v.  20. 
(/)  A  strong  angel  hurls  a  great  mill-stone  into  the  sea,  typify- 
ing her  coming  fall  and  utter  disappearance  from  the  earth, 
vv.  21-24.  ((/')  After  these  manifold  assurances  of  the  coming 
destruction,  the  Prophet  passes  over  in  anticipation  to  the  end, 
without  allusion  to  the  beginning  or  progress  of  the  destroyer's 
work ;  all  is  conceived  to  be  finished,  and  a  loud  chorus  is 
heard  from  heaven  celebrating  God's  righteous  judgment  upon 
the  corrupt  and  corrupting  city,  and  the  vengeance  taken  for 
the  blood  of  his  servants,  XIX.  1-5.  This  whole  paragraph 
on  the  destruction  of  Rome  is  in  its  completeness,  its  skillful 
arrangement,  its  adaptation  of  the  several  parts,  and  in  its  sus- 
1  Cf.  pp.  243  ff.  2Cf.  Com.  182o. 


286  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE    [XIX.  6-XX.  6 

tained  power  throughout,  the  work  of  a  poet  and  prophet  of  a 
high  order. 

Sequel  of  the  fall  of  Rome.  XIX.  6-XX.  6.  (1)  Prophetic 
hymn  hailing  the  kingdom  of  God,  XIX.  6-10.  (2)  Appear- 
ing of  the  warrior  Messiah,  XIX.  11-16.  (3)  The  great 
battle  of  the  Messiah  with  Antichrist,  XIX.  17-21.  (4)  Im- 
prisonment of  Satan  and  the  millennial  reign  of  the  martyrs, 
XX.  1-6. 

(1)  With  the  fall  of  Rome  the  present  order  of  the  world 
closes  and  the  beginning  of  the  end  is  now  entered  upon. 
The  chorus  of  alleluias  celebrating  the  triumph  of  God's 
judgment  in  the  crisis  of  Rome's  destruction  (19^"^)  is  now 
followed  immediately  by  the  alleluias  of  the  angelic  hosts,  in 
tones  of  many  waters  and  mighty  thunders,  anticipating,  as  if 
already  come,  the  full  establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of  the 
Lord  God  Almighty,  and  the  perfected  union  of  Christ  with 
his  Church,  figured  in  the  marriage  of  the  Lamb,  vv.  6-10. 
(2)  The  vision  of  the  Apocalyptist  now  passes  quickly  over 
what  remains.  After  this  anticipatory  hymn  (19^"^^),  he  re- 
turns to  the  critical  events  which  must  first  intervene  before 
the  final  issue.  The  picture  is  drawn  with  a  few  vigorous 
strokes.  The  short  reign  of  Antichrist,  the  head  slain  and 
restored,  is  passed  over  in  keeping  with  this  rapid  movement. 
The  prophecy  of  earlier  visions  has  announced  that  power  as 
God's  agent  in  the  overthrow  of  Rome  (17'^^-),  and  as  succeed- 
ing to  a  sway  over  all  the  earth  (17^' ^S  13^~^).  But  the  mys- 
terious period  of  his  domination  is  not  pictured  in  detail  in  the 
visions  of  the  Seer,  as  it  is  not  in  apocalyptic  tradition.  Its 
general  character  has  been  shown  in  the  prophecies  of  chapters 
XI  and  XIII.  In  the  present  chapter  where  the  action  is 
moving  swiftly  to  the  end  the  Apocalyptist  comes  at  once  to 
that  which  was  of  supreme  moment  in  the  Christian  anticipa- 
tion of  Antichrist,  his  complete  annihilation  by  the  Messiah. 
The  warrior  Messiah  appears  here,  followed  by  the  hosts  of 
heaven,  to  meet  Antichrist,  who  has  gathered  his  armies  at 
Harmagedon  for  the  battle  of  the  great  day  of  God  (16i*'  i^). 
The  Messiah,  true  and  faithful  to  his  character  as  the  deliverer 
of  his  people  and  the  destroyer  of  their  great  enemy,  his  eyes 


XX.  7-XXII.  5]     CONTENTS   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  287 

flashing  with  avenging  fire,  comes  forth  with  tokens  of  certain 
victory ;  he  rides  upon  a  white  horse,  the  sharj)  sword  of  his 
irresistible  word  with  which  he  will  slay  all  his  antagonists  is 
seen,  his  garments  are,  as  it  were,  in  anticipation  stained  with 
their  blood;  the  armies  that  follow  him  ride  on  white  horses 
and  are  clad  in  white  robes,  symbolical  of  victory.  His  many 
crowns  and  the  name  written  on  his  mantle  proclaim  him  King 
of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  19^i~i6_  ^3^  jj^  certain  anticipa- 
tion of  the  victory  over  Antichrist  and  of  the  slaughter  of  his 
hosts,  and  in  a  spirit  of  terrible  vengeance,  an  angel  summons 
the  birds  of  prey  from  all  quarters  of  the  heaven  to  feast  on 
the  carnage  of  the  battle  now  to  follow.  The  Seer  then  comes 
to  the  actual  conflict  upon  which  all  events  since  the  outpour- 
ing of  the  sixth  and  seventh  bowls  have  been  converging.  He 
sees  the  hostile  hosts  in  array,  but  gives  no  description  of  a 
battle ;  nothing  is  said  of  the  clash  of  armies,  or  of  a  hard- 
won  victory ;  in  fact  nothing  of  the  kind  enters  into  the  con- 
ception ;  all  is  achieved  in  an  instant  by  the  miraculous  power 
of  the  warrior  Messiah.  The  two  leaders  are  seized  and  hurled 
down  to  the  lake  of  fire,  and  all  the  hosts  are  slain  by  the 
sword  from  the  Messiah's  mouth,  vv.  17-21.  (4)  The  auxil- 
iaries of  Satan,  that  is,  Rome  and  the  imperial  power,  Anti- 
christ and  his  adjutant  the  false  prophet,  together  with  all  the 
kings  of  the  earth  with  their  armies,  these  all  have  been  re- 
moved in  the  events  culminating  in  the  battle  of  Harmagedon. 
Now  Satan  himself  robbed  of  his  power  is  seized  by  an  angel, 
fettered,  and  imprisoned  in  the  abyss  for  a  thousand  years. 
At  the  same  time  the  martyrs  are  raised  from  the  dead  and 
reign  with  Christ  over  the  earth  throughout  this  period,  undis- 
turbed by  Satan.  In  striking  contrast  with  many  apocalyp- 
tists,  who  with  an  exuberance  of  sensuous  figures  dwell  upon 
the  delights,  the  luxuriance,  and  the  glories  of  the  messianic 
age,  our  prophet  describes  the  blessedness  of  the  saints  in  a 
single  sentence  of  masterly  reserve :  they  reign  with  the 
Messiah  and  have  the  immediate  access  of  priests  to  God  and 
Christ,  XX.  1-6 

The  md.     XX.  7-XXII.   5.     (1)  The  destruction   of   the 
nations  in  their  last  assault  upon  the  citadel  of  God's  people, 


288      CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  [XX.  7-XXII.  5 

and  the  final  doom  of  Satan,  vv.  7-10.  (2)  The  general 
resurrection  and  judgment,  vv.  11-15.  (3)  The  new  heaven 
and  the  new  earth,  and  God's  presence  with  his  people  in  the 
new  Jerusalem,  XXI.  1-8.  (4)  The  city  of  the  new  Jerusa- 
lem, XXI.  9-XXII.  5. 

(1)  After  the  long  era  of  messianic  peace  on  earth,  the 
powers  of  evil  are  again  let  loose  and  gather  all  their  forces 
for  a  final  assault  on  God's  people ;  the  profound  quiet  of  the 
millennial  lull  is  the  harbinger  of  the  outburst  in  which  the 
storm  gathers  up  all  its  fury  for  the  last  great  onset.  Satan 
released  from  his  imprisonment  goes  forth  to  the  four  corners 
of  the  earth  to  deceive  and  assemble  for  the  war  the  nations 
Gog  and  Magog,  in  which  are  embraced  under  a  symbolic 
name  all  the  tribes  of  men  hostile  to  God.  These  come 
thronging  up  in  countless  myriads  from  all  quarters,  covering 
the  face  of  the  whole  earth,  and  encompass  Jerusalem,  the  seat 
of  the  Millennial  Kingdom,  and  the  camp  of  the  saints.  But, 
as  in  the  battle  with  Antichrist  (19^***^),  so  here  also  there  is  no 
shock  of  armies ;  fire  comes  down  from  heaven  consuming  all 
the  hostile  hosts,  and  Satan  himself  is  cast  into  the  lake  of 
fire,  where  with  the  Beast  and  the  false  prophet  he  is  to  be 
tortured  forever,  XX.  7-10.  (2)  Satan  and  all  his  hosts 
being  now  forever  overthrown,  the  general  resurrection  and 
judgment  follow,  as  the  expected  sequel.  The  Seer  beholds 
a  great  throne  resplendent  in  the  light  of  divine  glory,  he  be- 
holds God  seated  thereon  as  judge,  before  whose  awful  majesty 
the  earth  and  the  heavens,  as  belonging  to  the  transitory,  flee 
away ;  only  the  eternal  remains.  All  the  dead  are  raised  and 
stand  before  the  throne,  the  books  are  opened  and  each  is 
judged  according  to  his  deeds.  All  whose  names  are  not 
found  written  in  the  book  of  life  are  cast  into  the  lake  of  fire. 
Death,  and  Hades  the  abode  of  the  dead,  are  personified  in  the 
scene,  and  as  the  last  enemy  to  be  overcome,  are  represented 
as  cast  into  the  same  place  of  unending  punishment  with  the 
others ;  death  exists  no  longer  as  a  terror  to  the  saints.  The 
reward  of  the  righteous  in  the  judgment  is  not  spoken  of  in 
this  passage,  XX.  11-15.  (3)  After  the  resurrection  and  the 
judgment,  but  one  step  remains  to  the  fulfillment  of  all.  The 
great  drama  of  the  world-ages  reaches  its  end  in  the  bringing 


XX.  7-XXII.  5]    CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  289 

in  of  the  new  heaven  and  the  new  earth.  The  present  earth 
and  heaven  have  passed  away,  and  the  Apocalyptist  sees  in 
their  phice  a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth ;  he  sees  also  the 
holy  city,  Jerusalem,  hitherto  standing  in  its  ideal  glory  before 
God  in  heaven,  now  descending  in  splendor,  as  a  bride  adorned 
for  her  husband,  to  the  new  earth  to  form  the  tabernacle  of 
God's  abode  among  men.  Here  will  be  perfected  the  union 
of  God  and  his  saints ;  they  will  be  his  people  and  he  will  be 
with  them,  he  will  take  from  them  death  and  all  sorrow  and 
pain,  he  will  give  freely  to  every  yearning  heart  the  water  of 
life,  he  will  satisfy  every  soul  athirst  for  God,  the  victor  in  the 
conflict  with  evil  will  walk  with  him  in  the  union  of  perfect 
fatherhood  and  sonship.  But  the  part  of  the  wicked  will  be 
the  lake  of  fire  and  the  second  death,  XXI.  1-8.  (4)  The 
holy  city,  which  in  XXI.  2  f.  was  announced,  in  passing,  as 
part  of  the  great  scene  of  the  final  renewal  of  all  things,  is  now 
in  XXI.  9-XXII.  5  described  in  detail.  The  prominence  of 
a  glorified  Jerusalem  as  the  center  of  God's  kingdom  in  famil- 
iar eschatological  expectations  makes  a  vision  of  this  charac- 
ter essential  in  a  full  revelation  of  the  End ;  and  the  Seer  con- 
ceives the  city,  which  had  hitherto  been  hidden  in  heaven,^  as 
now  coming  down  in  wonderful  splendor  to  form  the  seat  of 
God's  throne  and  the  shrine  of  his  abode  on  the  new  earth. 
The  city  as  it  presents  itself  to  his  vision  cannot  be  conformed 
to  an  imaginable  reality,  it  cannot  be  delineated  with  the 
measurements  and  conditions  of  structures  of  men's  building. 
It  is  a  divine  creation,  and  the  Apocalyptist  struggles  here  by 
the  use  of  symbols  and  marvelous  imagery  to  represent  its  vast- 
ness,  its  symmetry,  and  its  glorious  perfection.  His  vision  is 
much  influenced  by  Ezekiel  and  other  prophets.  He  is  carried 
away  in  an  ecstasy  to  the  top  of  a  high  mountain  whence  he 
beholds  the  city  coming  down  from  heaven  radiating  the  won- 
derful light  of  God's  presence,  vv.  9-11 ;  it  is  reared  on  the 
foundation  of  the  apostles,  the  gate-towers  of  its  high  walls 
with  their  angel  keepers  assure  entrance  to  all  the  tribes  of 
the  Israel  of  God  from  every  quarter  of  the  earth,  vv.  12-14 ; 
it  is  vast  in  its  boundaries  beyond  all  the  cities  of  men,  and  in 
its  perfect  symmetry  its  height  is   equal    to   its   length    and 

1  Cf.  p.  56. 


290  CONTENTS  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE      PCXII.  6-21 

breadth  —  it  reaches  up  to  God's  seat  in  the  heavens,  vv. 
15-17;  it  is  built  wholly  of  gold  and  precious  stones,  vv. 
18-21 ;  it  contains  no  temple,  for  it  becomes  itself  one  vast 
sanctuary  through  the  presence  of  God  and  the  Lamb ;  and 
because  of  the  light  of  that  presence  it  has  no  need  of  sun, 
or  moon,  or  lamp,  vv.  22-23 ;  the  divine  light  which  streams 
out  from  it  Avill  lighten  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  without 
ceasing  they  will  come  into  it,  as  into  the  temple,  to  offer  the 
homage  of  their  costliest  gifts,  vv.  24-26 ;  no  wicked  one,  but 
only  those  enrolled  in  the  Lamb's  book  of  life,  may  enter  in, 
V.  27 ;  the  water  and  bread  of  life  are  there,  for  from  the 
throne  of  God  and  the  Lamb  proceeds  a  life-giving  river,  along 
whose  banks  grows  in  countless  numbers  the  tree  of  life,  which 
yields  its  fruit  for  food  continually,  and  its  leaves  will  heal  the 
nations  of  all  deathful  diseases  of  the  soul,  XXII.  1-2 ;  there 
will  be  there  the  throne  of  God  and  the  Lamb,  before  which 
the  saints  will  offer  worship,  and  as  priests  in  the  immediate 
presence  of  God,  they  will  see  his  face ;  they  will  bear  the 
mark  which  shows  them  to  be  wholly  his ;  in  the  light  of  his 
presence  they  will  need  no  sun  nor  lamp ;  and  they  will  reign 
for  ever  and  ever,  vv.  3-5. 

The  Epilogue.  XXII.  6-21.  The  long  series  of  visions 
forming  the  revelation  announced  in  chapter  L  1  is  finished  in 
XXII.  5.  The  contents  of  the  roll  of  seven  seals  are  fully  re- 
vealed, reaching  their  final  chapter  in  the  description  of  the 
glory  and  bliss  of  the  saints  in  the  new  Jerusalem.  The  book 
proper,  which  the  Apocalyptist  is  bidden  to  write  (1^^)  is  ended, 
and  he  now  in  these  last  verses  appends  his  Epilogue,  between 
which  and  the  Prologue,  prefixed  in  the  first  chapter,  there  is  a 
clear  correspondence  in  form  and  matter.  ^  The  book  begins 
and  ends  as  an  epistle  (1*^,  22^^).  The  epistolary  introduc- 
tion and  conclusion  form  the  framework  into  which  is  set  the 
whole  message  contained  in  the  visions.  The  chief  purpose  of 
the  Epilogue  is  to  give  the  strongest  possible  sanction  to  the 
book  and  to  bring  its  message  home  to  the  hearts  and  con- 
sciences of  the  readers.  The  several  parts  of  this  paragraph 
are  loosely  connected;  the  thought   and   the    speakers  whose 

1  Cf.  p.  771. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY  291 

words  are  given  change  abruptly.  The  angel  who  talks  with 
the  Seer  in  the  vision  of  the  new  Jerusalem  (21^"^)  here  authen- 
ticates the  revelations  given  in  the  book,  v.  6  a;  the  Seer  him- 
self ajB&rms  the  revelation  to  have  been  given  by  angelic  agency 
at  the  bidding  of  God,  the  inspirer  of  the  prophets,  v.  6  6 ;  the 
Lord's  own  words  are  given,  with  his  own  voice  as  it  were  he 
proclaims  his  advent  near,  y.  1  a  —  the  central  thought  of  the 
book ;  the  Apocalyptist  declares  the  blessedness  of  those  who 
heed  the  prophecies  of  the  book,  v.  7  b.  The  author  of  the 
book  vouches  for  his  direct  personal  knowledge  of  what  is  re- 
corded therein  and  shows  how  the  angel  affirmed  his  prophetic 
rank,  vv.  8-9.  The  angel,  vv.  10-11,  the  Lord  himself,  vv. 
12-13,  and  the  Apocalyptist,  vv.  14-15,  announce  the  nearness  of 
the  advent  with  its  accompaniment  of  doom  and  reward.  The 
Lord,  again  speaking  with  his  own  voice,  proclaims  himself,  in 
his  office  as  Messiah  and  introducer  of  the  approaching  day  of 
God,  to  be  the  sender  of  this  message  to  the  churches,  v.  16 ; 
and  the  Spirit  and  the  Church  in  response  lift  up  their  prayer 
for  his  coming,  v.  17.  The  author  affixes  a  solemn  warning 
against  perversion  or  evasion  of  the  teaching  of  his  prophecy, 
vv.  18-19 ;  he  repeats  the  Lord's  promise  of  his  advent,  and 
utters  his  own  responsive  prayer,  v.  20  ;  he  then  closes  with  the 
usual  epistolary  benediction,  v.  21. 


VIII.     Permanent   and   Transitory   Elements   in   the 
Apocalypse  Distinguished 

It  has  been  shown  above  ^  that  the  purpose  of  the  Apocalypse 
as  immediately  determined  by  the  circumstances  of  the  period 
in  which  it  was  written,  and  its  essential  character  as  a  '  Tract 
for  the  Times,'  must  be  kept  constantly  in  mind  in  seeking  to 
ascertain  its  meaning.  And  as  we  read  it,  we  find  that  the 
writer  was  influenced  in  every  chapter  by  the  thoughts  and 
forms  characteristic  of  traditional  apocalyptic.  But  as  the 
centuries  advanced  beyond  his  time,  the  face  of  the  world 
changed.     Emperor-worship   (so  important  an  integral  factor 

ipp.  208  ff. 


292        THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

in  the  origin  and  contents  of  the  book),  with  all  it  represented 
as  regards  imperial  hostility  to  the  Church  passed  away,  gov- 
ernmental persecution  ceased,  Christianity  gained  a  footing  as 
the  recognized  religion  of  the  State.  What  seemed  the  para- 
mount dangers  to  the  Church,  when  the  Apocalypse  was 
written,  no  longer  existed.  The  question  then  arises,  has  the 
book  a  meaning  and  value  for  another  age,  our  own  for  example, 
in  which  the  circumstances  of  society,  and  the  needs  and  perils 
of  the  Church  are  very  different  ?  Has  it  a  meaning  that  can 
be  expressed  in  language  which  does  not  employ  the  concep- 
tions, imagery  and  terms  of  the  apocalyptic  writings  ?  The 
very  closeness  with  which  its  own  time  is  aimed  at  in  its  con- 
tents would  seem  to  render  it  irrelevant  to  a  time  altogether 
dissimilar.  No  doubt  as  a  document  of  a  bygone  and  most 
interesting  era  in  history,  it  is  of  extraordinary  value.  But 
what  is  its  practical  value  for  the  faith  and  conduct  of  another 
age  ?  The  question  is  complicated  by  the  fact  that  its  predic- 
tions, forming  as  they  do  the  principal  part  of  its  contents, 
were  to  a  large  extent  not  fulfilled.  Rome  was  not  destroyed, 
Nero  did  not  return.  Antichrist  did  not  appear,  the  millennium 
was  not  set  up,  the  End  with  its  stupendous  events  has  not 
come.  The  clue  to  the  solution  of  these  difficulties,  leading  to 
the  separation  of  a  permanent  element  from  the  temporary  and 
formal,  is  found  in  the  real  nature  and  characteristics  of  proph- 
ecy in  general. 

The  Apocalypse  as  a  tvork  of  prophecy.  The  office  of  the 
prophet,  in  abeyance  for  some  centuries  but  brought  back 
again  in  one  of  the  greatest  of  the  order,  John  the  Baptist,^ 
forms  one  of  the  established  ministries  for  the  '  building  up  of 
the  body  of  Christ. '  ^  But  while  there  were  prophets  in  the 
apostolic  Church  and  prophetic  elements  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment writings  generally,  the  Apocalypse  stands  alone  as  a  dis- 
tinctively prophetic  book.  Here  the  author  claims  the  name 
of  prophet  and  emphasizes  his  special  commission  from  God,  as 
the  bearer  of  an  inspired  message  to  the  Church  ;  ^  his  stand- 

iMt.  11".  1*. 

2Cf.  Eph.  35,  4",  1  Co.  1228,  14  passim,  Ac.  1532,  Rev.  166,  is-'o,  al. 

3  229,  10",  11.11.19,  226.8.16. 


INTERPRETATION  OF  PROPHECY        293 

ing  characterization  of  the  book  is  'words  of  prophecy.' ^  In 
keeping  with  these  claims  the  book  is  seen  to  be  parallel  in  its 
fundamental  character  with  the  Old  Testament  prophecies. 
All  alike  belong  to  a  time  of  stress,  or  special  emergency  ;  their 
message  relates  to  the  cause  of  God  as  one  with  the  cause  of 
his  people  in  the  crisis  of  the  age  ;  the  messengers  announce 
themselves  as  specially  commissioned  speakers  from  God. 
Their  prophecy  is  first  of  all  directed  to  the  spiritual  condition 
of  God's  people,  warning  them  of  their  duty  and  arraigning 
them  for  their  failures.  On  the  other  hand  it  encourages  their 
hopes  and  steadfast  activity  through  the  promise  of  triumph, 
which  God  has  in  store  for  them  in  the  near  future.  The  fact 
that  the  prophecy  of  the  Revelation  is  in  the  apocalyptic  form 
does  not  differentiate  it  in  its  essential  nature  from  those  of  the 
Old  Testament. 2  And  there  is  no  more  ground  for  question- 
ing the  reality  of  the  mission  from  God  in  the  case  of  our 
author,  than  in  that  of  these  older  prophets.  It  is  interesting 
to  notice  in  this  connection  that  the  author  does  not,  like  other 
apocalyptists,  deliver  his  message  under  an  assumed  name. 
A  true  prophet  came  in  his  own  person,  spoke  in  his  own  char- 
acter as  directly  sent  by  God  —  his  personality  was  important. 
And  so  the  writer  of  our  book  is  too  clearly  conscious  of  his 
missson  as  a  prophet  to  admit  of  his  putting  his  message  in  any 
anonymous  or  pseudonymous  form  ;  he  speaks  to  the  readers 
as  the  John  well  known  to  them,  while  he  is  careful  to  show 
his  credentials  attesting  his  true  prophetic  office.^ 

Certain  canons  of  prophecy  and  tlieir  application  to  the  Apocalypse. 
The  grouping  of  the  Revelation  in  this  broad  class  with  the  pro- 
phetic writings  of  the  Old  Testament  gives  certain  valuable  helps 
regarding  the  nature  and  form  of  the  message.  The  contents 
of  Old  Testament  prophecy,  the  character  of  its  predictions, 
and  the  light  thrown  in  that  epoch  and  especially  in  the  New 
Testament  age  upon  their  fulfillment  or  non-fulfillment,  enable 
us  to  deduce  a  few  simple  canons  for  the  right  understanding 
of  prophecy  in  general,  which  are  applicable  to  the  Revelation, 
and  are  of  the  utmost  value  in  solving  the  difficulties  mentioned 
above  and  in  determining  the  permanent  significance  of  the 
1 13,  22^' !»' 18-19.  2Cf.  p.  168.  3xi,9ff^  22«-'0-i6. 


294        THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

book.  (1)  The  contents  of  a  prophetic  message  are  determined 
by  the  circumstances,  the  needs,  and  the  dominant  religious 
conceptions  of  the  age  to  which  it  is  addressed  ;  for  tlie  mes- 
sage is  always  designed  to  accomplish  God's  work  in  a  par- 
ticular historical  situation.  It  is  true  that  underlying  all 
prophecies  are  certain  truths  regarding  the  character  of  God 
and  his  will  which  are  in  themselves  independent  of  historical 
circumstances.  But  these  are  always  apprehended  by  the 
prophet  through  the  media  of  the  conditions  of  his  own  time. 
Such  limitations  are  not  only  a  necessary  result  of  the  limita- 
tions of  all  human  agencies  employed  by  God ;  they  are  also 
essential  for  the  very  purpose  of  the  prophet's  mission,  which 
is  to  arouse  God's  people  to  their  religious  duty  in  the  special 
emergency  arising,  and  to  assure  them  of  God's  good  purpose 
for  his  kingdom  of  the  future.  In  the  Old  Testament  period 
the  prophecies  are  inseparably  bound  up  with  certain  political 
and  local  institutions  and  ideas ;  Israel  is  the  people  of  God 
and  beloved  by  him,  while  the  nations,  Edom,  Assyria,  Babylon, 
and  the  others,  are  his  enemies  and  hated  by  him  ;  '  I  have  loved 
Jacob,  but  Esau  I  hated'  (Mai.  1^);  Palestine  is  the  country, 
Jerusalem  the  capital  of  God's  kingdom  soon  to  be  established 
in  splendor ;  salvation  is  deliverance  from  the  oppressing  for- 
eign nations  ;  to  Israel  the  subject  peoples  of  the  earth  will 
pay  homage  ;  the  future  king  is  an  idealized  descendant  of 
David,  who  will  have  the  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  for  his 
possession  and  break  the  nations  with  a  rod  of  iron.  In  the 
course  of  Israel's  history,  with  its  varying  internal  conditions 
and  its  varying  relations  to  foreign  powers,  it  happens  that 
sometimes  one  of  these  factors,  sometimes  another,  comes  more 
to  the  front  in  the  national  life  and  becomes  the  predominant 
theme  in  the  prophecy  of  that  epoch.  '  At  one  time  the  idea  of 
the  congregation  of  Jehovah  appeared  as  the  ruling  idea  in  the 
contents  of  the  prophetic  consciousness,  at  another  time  the 
kingdom  of  God,  again  the  theocratic  kingship,  again  the  priest- 
hood, again  the  abiding  presence  of  God  in  the  temple  '  (Riehm 
130).  Now  these  ideas  are  not  with  the  prophets  figures  or 
allegories  of  a  coming  spiritual  kingdom,  of  the  Church  and  the 
Christian  life.  They  are  held  literally  and  form  an  essential 
part  of  the  subject   to  which    the    contents  of   the   prophecy 


INTERPRETATION  OF  PROPHECY  295 

relate.     But  in  the  light  of  later  history,  and  especially  of  the 
New  Testament  revelation,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  these  factors 
are  temporary,  that  they  do  not    form  part  of  the  ideal,  uni- 
versal, truth    contained  in    the  prophetic  message.     The  con- 
temporaries of    the    prophet  could   apprehend    the    permanent 
only  through    these    transitory  embodiments.      The  Christian 
reader  makes  the  distinction.      In  the  New  Testament  era  the 
change  in  the  idea  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  its  place,  its  people, 
its  destinies,  its  Savior  and  King,  brings  with  it  a  vast  change 
in  the  contents  of  prophecy ;   and  there  runs  through  the  New 
Testament  a  prophetic  element  conformed  to  these  Christian 
ideas.      It  is  not  necessary  to  illustrate  tliis  characteristic  of 
Christian  prophecy,  or  to  point  out  the  general   agreement  in 
this  respect  of  the  Revelation  with  the  other  books.     But  in 
the    New  Testament   also    the    same   law  holds    as   elsewhere 
regarding  the  contents  of    prophecy  —  the  topic    to  which    a 
prophetic  utterance  relates  is   determined  by  existing  condi- 
tions and  beliefs.     Now  the  gaze  of  the  apostolic  Church  was 
turned  intently  to  the  future  and  the   Lord's  return,  its  out- 
look was  eagerly  eschatological.      Therefore  its  fortunes,  its 
struggles,  fears,  and  hopes  were  viewed  from  the  standpoint  of 
its  eschatological  expectations.     The  elements  of  its  eschatology 
were  however  in  many  instances  suggested  by  Jewish  apoca- 
lyptic ideas  belonging  to  the  times  in  the  midst  of  which  Chris- 
tion  expectations  took  form.     Thus  it  comes  about  that  there 
appear  in   Christian   prophecy  factors    whicli,    however   much 
modified,  are  a  product  of  Jewish  eschatology.      Naturally  such 
elements  play  a  large  part  in  the  Revelation,  though  they  occur 
elsewhere  ;  compare  especially  the  eschatological  discourses  in 
the  Gospels,  also  2  Thess.  2i-io,  2  Pet.  S^-is.     Here  belong  in 
our  book  the  following:    the  prophecy  of  Antichrist  with  his 
demonic  powers,  his  world-wide  tyranny,  his  blasphemous  claim 
of  divinity ;  the  coming  of  the  warrior-Messiah  with  the  armies 
of  heaven  to  destroy  Antichrist ;    the  elaborate  programme  of 
pre-messianic  plagues  ;  the  representation  of  the  hostility  of  the 
world-monarchy  to  the  people  of  God  as  a   direct   agency  of 
Satan  in  his  warfare  against  God  ;   the  renewal  of  the  earth  and 
the  heavens ;  perhaps  other  prophecies  also  may  be  added  to 
this  class.    It  is  important  to  observe,  that  these  factors  consti- 


296  THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

tute  not  a  form  or  symbol  but  the  actual  contents  of  the  respec- 
tive prophecies.  They  are  the  historical  element,  that  which  is 
furnished  by  contemporary  thought  and  experience.  And  as 
such  they  are  to  be  distinguished  from  the  great  spiritual  truths 
of  God's  eternal  purposes  in  the  world,  his  mighty  control  of  the 
movements  of  human  society,  to  work  out  his  gracious  will  for 
the  sons  of  men.  These  latter  are  the  elements  of  permanent 
meaning  in  the  prophecy.  The  former,  as  springing  out  of  the 
accidents  of  contemporaneous  history,  as  the  media  through 
which  our  Prophet  seizes  his  divine  revelation,  may  safely  be 
regarded  as  circumstantial  and  transitory ;  like  tlie  national 
and  local  ideas  of  the  Old  Testament  prophets  they  do  not 
possess  final  validity.  The  remark  of  Davidson  (Hast.  lY. 
126)  is  especially  appropriate  here  :  '•  Prophecy  while  maintain- 
ing its  spiritual  principles  unchanged  from  age  to  age,  by  sub- 
stituting one  embodiment  of  these  principles  for  another  age 
after  age,  seems  itself  to  instruct  us  how  to  regard  these  em- 
bodiments and  constructions.  They  are  provisional  and  tran- 
sient. I'hey  sustain  the  faith  and  satisfy  the  religious  outlook 
of  their  day,  but  they  have  no  finality.' 

(2)  Many  predictions  of  the  prophets  were  not  fulfilled. 
The  central  significance  of  prophecy  is  found  not  in  the  pre- 
diction of  coming  events  of  history,  but  in  revealing  the  truth 
of  God.  Yet  since  the  truth  thus  declared  by  the  prophet 
always  has  its  bearing,  in  practical  and  moral  aspects,  on  the 
future  as  well  as  the  present  of  God's  purposes,  the  prophet  is 
also  a  foreteller.  And  his  predictions,  that  God  will  deal  with 
men  according  to  their  character  and  conduct,  are  unerringly 
verified.  The  profoundest  meaning  of  the  prophetic  message 
as  a  whole  is  fulfilled  in  Christ.  Also  important  historic 
events,  especially  of  the  near  future,  are  foretold ;  for  example, 
the  return  of  Israel  from  exile,  Jer.  29^"  **■ ;  the  deliverance  of 
Jerusalem  from  the  army  of  Sennacherib,  Is.  37^^ "^^  the  fall 
of  Babylon,  Jer.  50-51.  On  the  other  hand  the  instances  of 
unfulfilled  predictions  are  numerous.  Most  familiar  among 
such  are  the  announcements  of  the  great  eschatological  crises 
as  near,  and  the  pictures  of  the  reign  of  David's  son  in  an 
earthly  kingdom  of  glory,  over  a  people  enriched  with  every 
felicity.     Also  in  the  forecast  of   events  of   a  more  ordinary 


INTERPRETATION  OF  PROPHECY        297 

kind,  a  comparison  of  the  prophecies  with  subsequent  history- 
shows  the  hick  of  correspondence  to  be  frequent.  A  few  ex- 
amples will  suffice  :  the  Egyptians  were  not  carried  off  cap- 
tive by  the  Babylonians  (Jer.  46),  nor  by  the  Assyrians  (Is. 
20)  ;  the  Jews,  restored  from  exile,  did  not  gain  possession  of 
Edom,  Gilead,  and  Philistia  (Ob.  vv.  18-20)  ;  Judah  did  not 
take  captive  the  inhabitants  of  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Philistia 
(Joel  3'^-S)  ;  Tyre  was  not  laid  waste  by  the  Assyrians  and 
after  forty  years  restored  to  her  prosperity  to  consecrate 
her  wealth  to  Jehovah  (Is.  28).  The  announcement  in  many 
prophecies  that  the  great  events  of  the  End  wer6  near  is 
attributed  by  many  scholars  to  what  is  called  the  perspective 
character  of  prophecy ;  the  prophet  is  conceived  to  overlook  the 
intervening  ages  just  as  one  overlooks  the  low-lying  intervals 
in  a  landscape  and  views  a  distant  mountain  as  near.^  This 
simile,  however,  does  not  remove  the  actuality  of  the  error,  the 
observer  of  the  landscape  really  supposes  the  mountain  to  be 
near.  The  illusion  —  not  irreverently  may  we  call  it  so  —  in 
the  prophet's  case  seems  rather  to  spring  from  his  vivid  per- 
ception of  God's  presence  and  work  in  the  crisis  of  his  day ; 
he  sees  God  operating  mightily  in  the  great  world-movements 
taking  place,  he  sees  the  moral  connection  of  these  movements 
with  the  progress  of  God's  Kingdom,  and  forgetting  the  slow- 
ness of  moral  advance,  he  passes  inevitably  to  the  inference 
that  the  final  goal  is  now  about  to  be  reached. 

It  is  proper  to  observe  that  in  some  instances  the  failure  of  a  prediction 
is  apparent  rather  than  real.  It  is  sometimes  clear  that  the  fulfillment  of 
the  prophecy  was  conditional,  dependent  on  the  future  conduct  of  those  ad- 
dressed. Jonah's  unqualified  declaration  that  Nineveh  should  be  destroyed 
in  forty  days,  3*,  was  annulled  by  the  repentance  of  the  Nineyites.  Micah 
predicted  unconditionally  that  Jerusalem  should  be  plowed  as  a  field,  31^; 
but  Ilezekiah's  repentance  averted  the  fulfillment  of  the  words,  Jer.  26^^. 
This  conditional  character  in  certain  predictions,  which  though  uttered 
absolutely  were  intended  to  work  a  moral  change,  and  therefore  left  their 
fulfillment  in  suspense,  is  directly  asserted  by  Jeremiah,  IS^-i",  and  it 
doubtless  belongs  to  many  cases,  where  the  issue  does  not  correspond  with 
the  utterance.  Another  class  of  predictions  only  apparently  showing  error 
in  the  prophet  occurs  in  the  details  of  certain  prophetic  descriptions.  As 
in  similes  and  parables  the  essential  thought  is  often  for  the  sake  of  gTeater 

1  Cf.  Orelli,  33. 


298        THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

vividness  developed  by  features  having  no  separate  applicability  and  in- 
tended only  to  fill  out  the  picture,  so  the  prophecy  of  a  coming  event  is 
sometimes  given,  not  in  a  simple,  concrete  statement  of  the  fact,  but  in  an 
idealized  picture  drawn  in  detail  with  traits  suggested  by  ordinary  expe- 
rience. Thus  the  atrocities  and  devastation  foretold  in  the  prediction  of 
Babylon's  fall  in  Is.  13i''~i*  were  according  to  Babylonian  records  not  actu- 
ally realized,  but  they  are  such  as  often  occurred  in  the  sacking  of  a  city ; 
what  the  prophet  has  in  view  is  the  capture  of  the  city  in  a  siege,  and  he 
elaborates  'his  portrayal  of  it  by  the  use  of  these  common  accessories.  Simi- 
larly the  minute  geogTaphical  chart  of  the  Assyrian  march  against  Jerusa- 
lem, Is.  102*-32^  is  only  an  ideal  sketch  of  the  ways  open  to  such  an  army 
of  invaders.  The  predicted  ignominious  treatment  of  Jehoiakim's  dead 
body,  Jer.  22i9,  tW\  not  verified  by  the  event  (2  Ch.  36i0;  cf.  LXX.  36^), 
is  a  touch  taken  from  the  frequent  savagery  of  a  conqueror  and  is  added 
to  make  vivid  the  prophecy  of  the  king's  death.  But  while  it  is  necessary 
in  even  the  briefest  notice  of  the  fulfillment  of  prophecy  not  to  overlook 
these  classes  of  predictions  whose  non-verification  is  only  apparent,  yet 
these  constitute  only  a  small  number  in  comparison  with  those  which  must 
be  admitted  not  to  have  been  realized  in  fact. 

The  effort  to  avoid  a  supposed  difficulty  in  such  unfulfilled 
predictions  by  taking  them  as  figurative  or  allegorical  is  now 
generally  disallowed  by  scholars,  because  that  explanation  can 
be  applied  to  only  a  limited  number,  and  does  violence  to  the 
prophet's  evident  intention  to  be  understood  literally.  Equally 
indefensible  is  the  view  that  the  prophecies  in  question  look 
forward  to  a  time  yet  even  now  in  the  future,  when  they  will 
be  fulfilled.  The  very  nature  of  the  prophet's  message,  as 
addressed  to  a  need  in  a  crisis  actually  present  with  the  read- 
ers, would  make  inappropriate  an  announcement  belonging 
only  to  a  future  indefinitely  remote.  It  is  true  that  the  spirit- 
ual ideas  regarding  God's  purposes  and  his  dealings  with  men 
may  be  rea^zed  at  least  partially  again  and  again  in  the  course 
of  history  and  at  last  perfectly  in  the  End.  But  that  is  not 
what  the  prophet  evidently  means  in  foretelling  a  definite  con- 
crete event  as  about  to  come.  The  prophecies  regarding  As- 
syria, Babylon,  the  restored  glory  of  Jerusalem  and  Palestine, 
cannot  be  fulfilled,  because  the  circumstances  of  the  world 
which  are  presupposed  cannot,  we  may  undoubtedly  say,  arise 
again.  '  It  is  impossible  that  the  evolution  of  the  divine  pur- 
pose can  ever  again  be  narrowed  within  the  limits  of  the  petty 
world  of  wliich  Judah  was  the  center,  or  Egypt  and  Assyria 


INTERPRETATION  OF  PROPHECY  299 

the  extremes.  .  .  .  No  sane  thinker  can  seriously  imagine  for 
a  moment  that  Tyre  will  again  become  the  emporium  of  the 
world's  commerce,  or  Jerusalem  the  seat  of  universal  sover- 
eignty. The  forms  in  which  Isaiah  enshrined  his  spiritual 
hopes  are  broken  and  cannot  be  restored ;  they  belong  to  an 
epoch  of  history  that  can  never  return.'  Smith,  Prophets 
337. 

These  unfulfilled  prophecies,  however,  cause  difficulty  only 
when  we  conceive  the  prophet  to  speak  from  a  state,  in  which 
he  has  often  been  compared  to  a  musical  instrument  or  a  pen 
in  the  hand  of  another.  But  the  prophets  of  at  least  the  age 
of  written  prophecy  are  not  so  represented  in  the  Scriptures. 
Even  in  their  ecstasies  they  retain  their  consciousness  in  ac- 
tivity. What  St.  Paul  says  of  the  Christian  prophets  is  appli- 
cable to  all  :  '  The  spirits  of  the  prophets  are  subject  to  the 
prophets,'  1  Co.  14'^2.  They  are  not  moved  mechanically  in 
either  receiving  or  communicating  truth.  And  they  must  hear 
and  utter  God's  word  through  the  medium  of  forms  which  are 
intelligible  to  themselves  and  to  men  in  general.  That  which 
is  especially  revealed  to  them,  that  which  forms  the  true  con- 
tents of  their  divine  message,  consists  of  spiritual  truths  to  be 
declared  to  men  and  the  relation  of  these  to  the  exigencies  of 
the  time.  The  prophet  beholds  the  social  and  political  move- 
ments taking  place  about  him  in  the  light  of  the  revelation 
given  to  him.  His  supernaturally  quickened  perception  may 
sometimes  show  him  the  future  in  which  the  present  must 
issue ;  but  his  predictions  must  naturally  be  shaped  by  his 
present  national  and  local  circumstances,  since  it  is  through 
these  that  he  apprehends  his  special  revelation  from  God. 
While  the  final  issue  of  God's  will  and  purpose  is  made  unmis- 
takable to  him,  the  precise  manner  in  which  this  shall  be  ac- 
complished is  unknown  to  him  ;  often  it  could  not  be  ccmpre- 
hended  by  him  or  by  those  whom  he  addresses.  As  he  himself 
sees  the  future  in  the  aspect  of  an  issue  from  his  present,  so  he 
must  fashion  his  forecasts  with  this  limited  foresight.  There- 
fore while  his  prophecy  of  the  final  outcome  of  God's  will  is 
infallible,  his  pictures  of  future  historical  events  in  which  he 
looks  for  this  realization  of  the  divine  purpose  belong  to  his 
circumscribed  vision.     The  frequent  failure  of  such  historical 


300  THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

predictions  cannot  therefore  cause  surprise,  or  raise  real  diliti- 
culty  in  the  interpretation  of  prophecy. 

It  is  well  to  notice  the  attitude  of  the  prophets  themselves 
and  of  the  New  Testament  writers  toward  an  exact  literal  ful- 
fillment of  earlier  prophetic  utterances.  For  example,  the 
messianic  age  was,  according  to  the  predictions  of  Isaiah,  to 
follow  the  downfall  of  Assyria  ;  second  Isaiah  placed  it  after 
the  destruction  of  Babylon,  Daniel  after  the  overthrow  of  the 
Grseco-Syrian  power,  the  Revelation  a  short  time  after  the  fall 
of  Rome.  But  the  earlier  prophet  did  not,  because  of  the 
prediction  unverified  in  history,  lose  any  of  his  authority  with 
his  successors  as  an  inspired  messenger  from  God.  The  abid- 
ing truth  regarding  the  kingdom  of  God  revealed  through  the 
prophets  was  accepted  by  the  Church  of  the  New  Testament 
era  as  independent  of  the  local  and  temporal  details  given  in 
the  Old  Testament  writings.  It  is  clear  that  the  prophet 
himself  did  not  make  infallibility  in  his  historical  forecasts 
essential  to  his  office  as  the  trustworthy  announcer  of  the  word 
of  God.  This  is  seen  in  the  unconcern  with  which  the  prophets 
and  their  followers  recorded  earlier  utterances  which  were 
found  to  be  at  variance  with  after  events.  To  quote  again 
from  Robertson  Smith,  '  It  is  plain  from  the  very  freedom  with 
which  Isaiah  recasts  the  details  of  his  predictions  from  time  to 
time  —  adapting  them  to  new  circumstances,  introducing  fresh 
historical  or  poetic  motives,  and  canceling  obsolete  features  in 
his  older  imagery  —  that  he  himself  drew  a  clear  distinction  be- 
tween mere  accidental  and  dramatic  details,  which  he  knew 
might  be  modified  or  wholly  superseded  by  the  march  of  his- 
tory, and  the  unchanging  principles  of  faith,  which  he  received 
as  a  direct  revelation  of  Jehovah  himself,  and  knew  to  be 
eternal  and  invariable  truth'  (^Prophets  342). 

The  recognition  of  this  element  of  fallibility  in  certain  details 
of  prophecy  due  to  the  prophet's  necessary  relation  to  his 
present,  to  his  belief  that  the  eternal  ideals  revealed  to  him  are 
about  to  be  realized  in  forms  growing  out  of  the  great  world- 
movements  of  his  own  day,  furnishes  an  important  factor  in 
the  interpretation  of  the  Revelation.  The  prediction  of  the 
near  downfall  of  the  Roman  world-power,  the  graphically 
drawn  picture   of   the    destruction    of    the    imperial   city,  the 


INTB]RPRETATION  OF  PROPHECY  301 

accession  of  a  half-demonic  world-tyrant  (Antichrist)  who 
should  soon  be  destroyed,  and  the  immediate  setting  up  of  a 
millennial  reign  of  the  martyrs  with  Christ  on  earth,  are  pre- 
dictions which  history  has  not  veritied.  But  their  failure  can- 
not give  difficulty  in  the  study  of  the  Revelation,  as  a  book  of 
prophecy.  They  are  similar  in  origin  to  the  predictions  given 
by  the  Old  Testament  prophets  in  connection  with  the  great 
crises  of  their  time.  They  enshrine  great  truths  regarding  the 
kingdom  of  God ;  but  the  form  in  which  the  Apocalyptist  saw 
the  truth  realized,  the  form  in  which  he  has  clothed  his  revela- 
tion, is  derived  from  events  and  ideas  belonging  to  an  age  now 
past.  That  form  is  transitory,  the  truth  is  eternal.  We  now 
distinguish  the  one  from  the  other.  We  confidently  believe  in 
the  final  realization  of  the  divine  ideal  revealed  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  in  view  of  what  we  see  to  be  characteristic  of  prophecy, 
we  do  not  look  for  anything  like  a  literal  fulfillment  of  predic- 
tions shaped  by  the  facts  and  conditions  of  a  transient  period 
of  history. 

(3)  In  the  above  discussion  it  has  perhaps  been  made  suffi- 
ciently clear  that  the  function  of  the  prophet  is  not  that  of  a 
writer  who  shall  tell  beforehand  the  history  of  the  future.  But 
it  may  be  useful  to  speak  more  particularly  of  that  point, 
because  of  its  value  in  guarding  against  some  prevalent  misin- 
terpretations of  the  Apocalypse.  In  one  sense  the  propliet 
may  be  said  to  foresee  the  most  distant  end  ;  he  sees  the  certain 
triumph  of  God's  kingdom  over  all  the  powers  of  evil,  the  ac- 
complishment of  God's  purpose  of  goodness  for  his  children, 
but  he  does  not  know  the  time  — '  of  that  day  and  hour 
knoweth  no  man '  —  though  he  supposes  it  to  be  near  ;  nor  has 
he  any  vision  of  the/o/'m,  in  which  all  will  be  actually  realized, 
or  the  far-off  changes  which  must  first  take  place  in  the  world. 
Political  and  social  movements  of  the  remote  future  are  not  of 
interest  in  his  immediate  mission,  and  doubtless  could  not  be 
understood  by  him  or  by  those  to  whom  he  s]3eaks.  'The 
Spirit  of  God  can  give  certainty  to  the  prophet  concerning  the 
nearness  of  historical  details  only  in  the  case  of  those  which 
stand  in  some  immediate  connection  with  the  circumstances  of 
his  present,  not  concerning  those  in  which  this  is  not  the  case  ; 
because  for    the  apprehension  of    the  latter    there   is  entirely 


302        THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

wanting  in  the  prophet's  consciousness  every  point  of  contact 
which  makes  it  possible  for  the  apprehension  to  arise  '  (Riehm 
104  f.).  This  is  so  because  the  inspiration  of  the  prophet  does 
not  work  magically,  but  through  the  media  of  his  own  conscious- 
ness and  understanding.  And  so  while  definite  events  of  the 
nearer  future  closely  connected  with  his  present,  such  as 
those  mentioned  above  (p.  296),  are  foreseen  by  the  prophet, 
the  history  of  tli£  distant  future  in  which  the  cause  of 
God's  kingdom  must  meet  entirely  new  conditions  remains 
hidden.  The  operation  of  this  law  is  abundantly  illustrated  on 
the  one  hand  in  the  fulfillment  of  predictions  relating  to  persons 
and  kingdoms  in  the  Assyrian,  Babylonian,  and  other  ages;  on 
the  other  hand  in  the  absence  from  the  earlier  writings  of  pic- 
tures of  the  exact  historic  conditions  existing  in  the  New  Tes- 
tament era. 

The  principle  here  stated  of  the  prophet's  inability  to  foresee  incidental 
details  in  a  remote  future  appears  to  be  contradicted  by  a  considerable  gToup 
of  passages  found  in  the  Gospels.  It  is  there  said  of  some  act  of  the  Lord's, 
or  other  fact  recorded  in  the  narrative,  that  it  is  a  fulfillment  of  a  saying 
of  the  prophets ;  e.g.  Mt.  2^3,  4",  279^-,  Jno.  12^8,  1525.  Now  while  it  is  true 
that  the  meaning  of  prophecy  as  a  whole  is  summed  i;p  in  Christ,  yet  that  is 
quite  different  from  a  foresight  of  particular  occurrences  in  the  life  of  Jesus. 
Apart  from  those  prophecies  which  may  be  said  to  contain  general  intima- 
tions of  the  character  and  work  of  the  true  Messiah,  the  specific  Old  Testa- 
ment utterances  referred  to  in  these  passages  in  the  Gospels  were  not  origi- 
nally spoken  as  prophecies ;  e.g.  the  words  quoted  in  Mt.  2^5,  as  predicting 
the  flight  into  Egypt,  are  in  the  original  connection  (Hos.  ll^)  a  statement 
of  the  historic  fact  that  Israel  in  the  beginning  had  been  delivered  out  of 
Egypt ;  similarly  in  Jno.  S^^,  the  words  quoted  as  predictive  of  Judas'  base- 
ness in  betraying  the  Lord  were  uttered  by  the  psalmist  (4P)  in  the  midst  of 
a  bitter  experience  and  referred  to  a  familiar  friend  who  had  become  an 
enemy.  A  certain  verbal  parallelism  in  such  places  led  the  New  Testament 
writer  to  see  in  the  words  a  prophecy,  according  to  the  common  Jewish  view 
which  gave  to  every  utterance  and  event  recorded  in  the  Old  Testament  a 
meaning  of  unlimited  scope,  especially  a  prophetic  meaning.  The  relation 
of  such  utterances  to  their  occasion,  or  to  the  context  in  which  they  occur, 
was  entirely  disregarded.  It  is  of  course  evident  that  such  an  interpretation 
of  the  words  of  the  Old  Testament  is  not  helpful  in  determining  the  scope 
of  prophecy.  A  striking  contradiction  of  the  principle  of  limitation  here 
maintained  has  been  supposed  to  be  found  in  the  words  of  Zechariah,  9^, 
literally  describing  the  Lord's  entry  into  Jerusalem  just  before  his  passion 
(Mt.  21^~^).  Now  the  prophet's  words  are  a  pai't  of  his  picture  portraying 
the  Messiah  as  a  king  of  peace ;  in  a  figure  he  describes  him  as  coming,  not 


INTERPRETATION  OF  PROPHECY        303 

in  the  pomp  of  a  triumphal  procession  riding  the  war-horse,  but  in  the  lowly 
guise  of  one  who  rides  the  beast  of  peaceful  life.  But  Jesus,  conscious  of 
his  Messiahship  and  of  the  true  nature  of  the  Messiah,  here  deliberately 
appropriates  in  action  this  familiar  and  distinctive  characterization  of  the 
messianic  king,  just  as  on  other  occasions  he  applies  to  himself  delineations 
understood  to  be  messianic,  e.g.  Mt.  2430,  2664^  Lk.  ^^^^■,  T'^o-^s.  It  would  be 
contrary  to  all  analogy  to  suppose  that  Zechariah  foresees  this  detail  in  the 
Lord's  doings,  when  its  significance  has  already  been  abundantly  shown  in 
the  Lord's  teaching. 

The  importance  of  apprehending  this  law  of  limitation  in  the 
prophet's  vision  is  at  once  apparent  in  the  interpretation  of  the 
Apocalypse;  for  it  makes  the  fact  clear,  that  the  book  is  not  a 
prediction  of  the  great  movements  in  the  world  and  the  Church 
in  the  later  centuries  of  European  history,  or  in  the  centuries 
which  are  yet  to  come.  The  question  as  to  how  many  of  the 
seals  of  the  roll,  if  any,  have  yet  been  broken  in  the  world's  his- 
tory, the  attempt  to  find  pictured  in  the  visions  such  events  as 
the  rise  of  Mohammedism,  the  usurpations  of  the  papacy,  the 
Reformation,  the  great  European  wars,  or  to  identify  with  figures 
portrayed  in  the  book  well-known  historic  persons  ^  —  these  and 
many  like  inquiries  all  proceed  from  an  utter  misconception  of 
the  character  of  prophecy.  It  is  true  that  events  more  or  less 
parallel  with  the  scenes  here  described  have  occurred  in  history, 
and  it  is  quite  possible  that  others  even  more  closely  parallel 
may  occur  in  future  ages ;  yet  it  is  certain  that  these  are  not 
the  actual  events  which  the  Apocalyptist  sees  in  his  visions. 
Nor  are  we  justified  in  projecting  his  scenes  into  the  still  dis- 
tant future  hidden  from  him,  and  finding  in  his  visions  assurance 
that  there  will  yet  come  the  strange  figure  of  Antichrist ;  the 
awful  marvels  of  the  plagues  of  the  seals,  of  the  trumpets  and 
the  bowls ;  the  establishment  of  a  thousand  years'  reign  of  the 
martyrs  on  earth ;  the  hosts  of  the  world  marshaled  by  Satan 
in  person  for  battle  before  an  earthly  citadel  of  the  saints. 
What  the  book  does  assure  us  of,  as  a  genuine  work  of  prophecy, 
is  the  accomplishment,  under  other  forms  and  through  the  ages, 
of  those  eternal  purposes  of  God  regarding  his  kingdom,  which 
the  Apocalyptist  apprehended  and  proclaimed  under  the  forms 
here  used. 

1  See  p.  330. 


304        THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

The  prophecy  of  a  divine  intervention,  by  which  the  final  crisis  is  intro- 
duced, is  understood  by  many  scholars  to  belong  to  this  class  of  predictions 
whose  fulfillment  is  not  to  be  expected.  The  coming  of  God  and  Christ 
at  the  End  with  its  attendant  events  of  resurrection  and  judgment  forms, 
as  is  urged,  a  cataclysm  at  variance  with  the  evolutionary  process  of  his- 
tory known  to  us,  and  also  at  variance  with  the  teaching  of  Jesus  in  what 
is  assumed  to  be  the  original  form  of  the  parables  which  liken  the  King- 
dom of  heaven  to  growing  seed  —  first  the  blade,  then  the  ear,  then  the 
full-corn  — ,  to  the  grain  of  mustard  seed,  and  to  the  leaven  leavening  the 
three  measures  of  meal  (Mk.  4-'6ff-,  Mt.  l^i^^-^^).  Thus  the  catastrophic 
establishment  of  the  Kingdom  by  an  objective  coming  of  God  in  a  return 
of  the  Lord,  which  is  the  common  teaching  of  New  Testament  eschatology, 
is  referred  to  the  influence  of  traditional  apocalyptic  ;  and  the  idea  of  a 
spiritual  coming  extending  through  the  ages  is  substituted.  (For  the 
Lord's  teaching  in  these  parables  cf.  Holtzm.  Thenl.  L  287  ff.,  Mathews 
Mesg.  67  ff.,  Wendt  Teaching  I.  369  ff.)  But  as  regards  this  view  it  may 
be  said,  that  both  natural  science  and  history  show  the  two  processes,  the 
evolutionary  and  the  catastrophic,  not  to  be  mutually  exclusive ;  the  former 
is  often  only  the  preparation  for  the  latter.  So  the  New  Testament  views 
the  kingdom  of  God  in  two  aspects,  as  always  coming  and  on  the  other 
hand  as  yet  to  come  (cf.  p.  134).  We  have  not  suflicient  data  for  affirming 
positively  that  Christian  prophecy  is  wrong  in  attributing  the  final  estab- 
lishment of  the  kingdom  to  signal  acts  of  God's  intei-vention.  In  any 
event  the  question  as  to  God's  manner  of  working  out  a  result  in  a 
future,  which  seems  immeasurably  remote,  is  not  one  of  pressing  practical 
importance. 

The  Apocalypse  to  he  read  from  the  author^s  historical  ayid 
literary  standpoint.  If  the  principles  regarding  the  nature 
and  characteristics  of  prophecy  in  general  as  stated  above  are 
well  founded,  we  must  first  of  all  read  the  Apocalypse  his- 
torically as  we  read  for  example  an  epistle  of  St.  Paul.  The 
x\pocalyptist,  as  we  have  seen,  comes  with  his  message  to  the 
Church  in  the  great  crisis  beginning  near  the  end  of  the  first 
century,  when  the  very  existence  of  Christianity  was  threat- 
ened by  the  imperial  government,  when  the  emperor-worship 
was  coming  into  mortal  combat  with  Christian  v/orship,  and 
when  persecution  of  the  Christians  unto  death  appeared  immi- 
nent throughout  the  world.  The  Apocalyptist  saw  in  these 
movements  the  precursors  of  the  Last  Times,  as  did  the 
prophets  of  old  in  the  threatenings  of  the  Assyrians,  the  Baby- 
lonians, and  other  hostile  nations.  In  these  perils  he  sees  him- 
self sent  by  God  to  forewarn  the  Church,  to  exhort,  and  to  give 
assurance  of  the  future.     In  a  work  whose  subject  is    deter- 


TO  BE   READ  AS  A  WHOLE  305 

mined  by  these  circumstances  and  whose  literary  form  is 
shaped  largely  by  prevalent  conceptions  and  inherited  apoca- 
lyptic imagery  he  shows  that  the  long  conflict  between  God 
and  Satan  is  now  becoming  intense  in  the  warfare  waged 
against  the  Church  by  Satan's  agents,  the  Roman  emperors, 
that  it  will  continue  till,  like  the  hostile  world-monarchies  of 
old,  Rome  is  overthrown,  and  then  that  it  will  become  still 
more  intense  in  the  rule  of  Antichrist,  who  forms  but  the  sum 
and  culmination  of  all  that  was  most  cruel  and  impious  in  his 
forerunners,  the  emperors.  The  picture  in  conformity  with 
apocalyptic  tradition  shows  series  after  •  series  of  marvelous 
plagues  sent  upon  the  world  as  visitations  of  punishment  and 
warning.  But  over  against  all  this  terribleness  it  shows 
Christ,  ever  holding  the  Church  in  his  hand,  God  surely  work- 
ing out  his  sovereign  will,  Satan  overthrown,  the  saints  re- 
deemed in  the  eternal  blessedness  of  the  new  Jerusalem.  All 
this  the  Apocalyptist  has  worked  out  in  a  unified  composition 
of  Avonderful  power  and  majesty.  With  this  origin  and  these 
motives  in  mind  we  read  the  book  as  a  kind  of  drama,  or  crea- 
tion of  ideal  literature,  in  which  every  paragraph  has  its  mean- 
ing with  reference  to  the  outcome  of  the  whole.  There  are 
passages  which  are  remote  from  the  facts  of  history  and  nature, 
there  are  obscure  passages ;  but  it  is  not  difiicult  to  conceive 
the  Apocalyptist  to  be  using  all  these  as  contributing  to  the 
plan  of  his  book  and  to  his  purpose.  Thus  we  read  the  book 
entirely  from  the  author's  standpoint,  with  his  view  of  the  sig- 
nificance of  the  events  then  taking  place,  with  his  understand- 
ing of  the  marvels  and  imagery  of  the  book  as  factors  in  his 
drama,  with  his  anticipation  of  the  future.  As  regards  any 
particular  detail,  we  do  not  ask  what  event  in  future  history 
it  denotes,  but  rather,  adopting  the  author's  understanding  of 
it,  what  oftice  it  performs  in  the  plan  of  his  work  as  a  whole. 
The  book  is  thus  viewed  not  so  much  in  its  parts  as  in  its 
unity,  in  the  composition  of  which  the  author,  after  his  own 
manner,  not  ours,  has  chosen  and  disposed  all  the  factors  so  as 
to  bear  nearly  or  remotely  on  the  climax  of  his  theme  —  the 
faithful  people  of  God  brought  through  all  their  conflicts, 
through  all  the  assaults  of  Satan,  triumphant  into  the  everlast- 
ing kingdom.     An  effort  to  show  more  fully  the  Apocalyptist's 


306  THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

meaning  in  the  respective  parts  and  their  rehition  to  the  whole 
is  made  in  the  Commentary  ;  see  also  the  Summary,  p.  255  ff. 

The  permaneyit  prophetic  element  in  the  Apocalypse.  But 
while  we  read  the  Apocalypse  in  its  historical  and  literary  as- 
pects, we  read  it  chiefly  with  its  prophetic  character  in  view; 
for  as  a  prophecy  it  has  its  message  for  all  time.  The  condi- 
tions to  which  the  Apocalyptist  addressed  his  book  passed  away; 
certain  historical  predictions  failed.  But  there  is  no  failure  in 
God's  revelation.  What  was  given  to  the  Apocalyptist,  what 
is  given  to  us  in  the  book,  is  the  permanent  truth  enshrined  in 
its  transitory  forms ;  and  upon  this  depends  its  practical  useful- 
ness in  any  age,  its  own  or  ours.  It  would  be  presumptuous 
to  set  forth  as  complete  any  statement  of  this  underlying  truth  ; 
for  new  experiences  must  disclose  new  factors  in  a  divine  reve- 
lation. But  if  we  view  our  book  in  the  light  of  older  prophecies 
uttered  in  analogous  crises  and  in  the  light  of  the  general  teach- 
ing of  the  New  Testament,  we  can  broadly  summarize  its  lead- 
ing elements  somewhat  as  follows :  the  eternal  God  is  through 
all  the  movements  of  history,  through  all  the  course  of  the 
world's  empires,  through  all  the  ascendency  of  iniquitous  powers, 
surely  working  out  his  purpose  to  establish  his  reign  of  right- 
eousness, peace,  and  blessedness ;  the  warfare  waged  by  the 
people  of  God  against  evil  strongly  intrenched  in  power  must 
at  times  become  bitter  in  the  extreme,  demanding  steadfastness 
and  readiness  to  sacrifice  all,  even  life  itself,  but  God's  care  for 
his  own  is  unfailing,  they  are  sealed  for  a  final  deliverance  in  a 
new  and  divine  order ;  the  Church  is  in  the  safe-keeping  of  its 
divine  Head  who  is  ever  present  with  it ;  punishment,  warning, 
and  a  call  to  repentance  come  to  the  enemies  of  righteousness 
in  the  present  course  of  the  world,  but  in  the  end  all  opposing 
forces  of  evil  will  be  overthrown,  and  the  faithful,  redeemed, 
will  be  admitted  to  the  perfect  life  of  union  with  God  and  their 
Lord.  But  tliese  truths  and  whatever  else  of  divine  revelation 
is  given  to  our  Prophet  are  not  apprehended  by  him  in  this 
abstract  form.  As  they  were  intended  for  immediate,  practical 
use,  so  they  were  seen  and  communicated  concretely  in  connec- 
tion witli  their  time.  In  a  later  age,  our  own  or  one  yet  to 
come,  entirely  different  conditions  in  the  world  must  call  for  a 


PERMANENT  AND  TRANSITORY  ELEMENTS        307 

different,  though  perhaps  not  final,  representation  of  the  great 
truths  here  embodied.  The  practical  usefulness  of  the  Apocalypse 
becomes  apparent  in  these  permanent  elements  in  it.  Where- 
ever  in  the  condition  of  society  at  large,  of  the  Church,  and  of 
individual  life,  similar  spiritual  issues  are  involved,  there  these 
fundamental  truths  are  applicable  and  our  book  brings  its  prac- 
tical message.  The  Church,  whose  vision  reaches  across  the 
ages,  which  in  its  consciousness  of  an  endless  life  counts  a 
thousand  years  as  one  day,  must  always  find  encouragement 
and  inspiration  in  prophecies  of  the  new  Jerusalem,  far  off  as 
the  fruition  may  be.  But  the  hope  of  that  consummation  ceased 
to  be  a  power  felt  consciously  and  strongly  by  Christian  people 
in  the  events  of  their  time,  when  the  expectation  that  the  end 
was  near  passed  away.  With  most  Christians  of  to-day  the 
things  of  the  eschatological  kingdom  are  shadowy  and  rarely 
thought  of  except  in  the  vague  trust  that  in  some  far-off  seon 
evil  will  cease  and  good  will  reign  supreme.  If  the  message  of 
the  Revelation  is  to  be  used  as  a  frequent  source  of  practical 
help  in  the  present  course  of  the  world,  it  must  be  seen  to  be 
more  closely  related  to  the  conditions  and  emergencies  of 
familiar  experience.  But  this  help  is  to  be  sought  not  in  its 
supposed  prediction  of  present  events,  but  in  the  application  of 
its  permanent  truths  in  present  situations  to  which  they  are 
relevant.  In  other  words  the  book  must  be  used  as  we  use 
any  otlier  part  of  the  Bible.  We  read  these  first  of  all  histori- 
cally, having  in  view  the  precise  situation  addressed  and  the 
author's  meaning  as  intended  for  that  situation  ;  but  the  general 
truth  thus  apprehended  we  apply  to  all  other  cases  in  which  it 
is  seen  to  give  us  instruction  concerning  God's  will  and  our 
own  conduct.  We  draw  from  the  Revelation  its  practical  mes- 
sage as  in  the  use  of  the  epistles,  the  histories,  the  parables,  or 
any  other  parts  of  Scripture,  which  though  written  primarily 
with  reference  to  specific  circumstances  of  another  time,  yet  re- 
veal universal  truth.  This  is  not  the  place  to  speak  at  length 
of  the  practical  lessons  given  in  the  book ;  these  are  too  mani- 
fold and  must  vary  with  varying  contingencies.  A  few  illus- 
trations will  suflice  to  indicate  some  of  the  classes  of  practical 
applications  to  which  the  truths  of  the  book  properly  lend 
themselves.     In  every  fierce  conflict  between  good  and  evil  it 


308        THE  APOCALYPSE  AS  PROPHECY 

utters  its  twofold  message  of  threatening  and  encouragement 
to  the  combatants ;  to  the  warrior  wearily  fighting  for  the 
right  it  opens  a  wonderful  vision  of  God  enthroned  over  all, 
unfailingly  controlling  the  destinies  of  the  world  and  surely 
bringing  righteousness  to  a  final,  though  perhaps  long  delayed, 
victory.  In  all  the  perils  of  the  Church,  in  its  weaknesses  and 
its  strength,  in  all  the  calamities  threatening  it,  Christ  is  shown 
to  be  with  it,  walking  in  the  midst  of  its  candlesticks  and  hold- 
ing it  in  his  hand.  In  vast  catastrophes  and  disasters  falling 
upon  men  as  if  from  an  invisible  hand,  such  as  are  seen  in  the 
visions  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets,  and  the  bowls,  are  shown,  if 
not  direct  interventions  of  God,  at  least  symbols  of  divine  dis- 
pleasure and  revelations  of  an  appointed  cosmic  order  in  which 
natural  calamities  may  serve  a  spiritual  purpose.  The  book 
taken  as  a  whole  is  preeminently  one  for  times  of  stress,  in 
which  organized  government  with  all  its  civil,  military,  and  re- 
ligious powers  wages  war  upon  right,  as  the  Roman  emperors 
waged  war  upon  Christianity.  Perhaps  in  no  event  since  the 
age  in  which  the  Apocalypse  was  written  has  the  essential  char- 
acter of  its  great  conflict  been  more  nearly  paralleled  than  in 
the  world-war  of  the  present  century,  the  most  gigantic  struggle 
between  righteousness  and  governmental  iniquity  known  to 
history.  In  this  instance,  among  other  parallelisms  stands  out 
one,  in  which  even  the  form  is  in  part  reproduced,  the  appalling 
atrocities  committed  by  one  of  the  parties  to  the  war  in  its 
effort  to  destroy  Armenian  Christianity  —  atrocities  committed 
in  the  service  of  an  emperor  seeking  to  make  himself  a  world- 
ruler.  Not  that  the  Apocalyptist  is  for  a  moment  to  be  under- 
stood as  foreseeing  this,  or  other  historical  wars  of  later  times ; 
what  he  sees  is  one  form  of  the  war  of  might  upon  right ;  and 
whenever  that  war  arises  in  history,  his  revelation  of  God's  final 
arbitrament  is  directly  relevant.  To  take  another  illustration 
relative  to  movements  in  society,  the  book  brings  us  a  message 
of  assurance  in  one  of  the  most  common  and  disheartening  re- 
sults of  moral  conflict  —  the  triumph  of  wrong.  Here  the 
Apocalypse  shows  us  that  the  Beast  may  hold  sway  till  he  has 
filled  up  the  course  of  his  seven  heads,  that  Antichrist  may  ter- 
rorize the  world  to  the  end  of  his  reign,  yet  the  cause  of  right- 
eousness will  at  last  prevail ;  thus  it  strengthens  our  struggling 


PERMANENT  AND  TRANSITORY  ELEMENTS        309 

hope  in  the  progress  of  the  world.  If  we  venture  to  look  into 
the  future,  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  other  forms  of  conflict 
arising  in  the  control  of  society,  in  which  the  message  of  the 
book  Avill  apply.  We  have  ceased  to  expect  the  coming  of  Anti- 
christ as  a  ruler  holding  sway  over  all  the  earth  and  opposing 
God.  To  the  ancient  world  the  dreaded  power  hostile  to  God 
and  his  people  appeared  embodied  in  the  world-monarchs  of  the 
time,  and  naturally  the  climax  of  such  hostility  was  looked  for 
in  a  ruler  who  should  sum  up  in  his  own  person  all  the  might 
and  wickedness  of  his  predecessors.  That  expectation  has 
passed  away.  No  emperor  will  again  make  himself  a  world- 
dominating  power ;  no  government  will  set  itself  the  task  of 
exterminating  the  Church  throughout  the  earth.  But  great 
problems  of  social,  industrial,  and  humanitarian  right  may  arise, 
very  likely  bi'inging  righteousness  into  bitter  conflict  with 
tyranny  and  iniquity,  calling  for  our  Prophet's  exhortation  to 
courage  and  self-sacrifice  and  for  his  proclamation  of  divine 
wrath  and  doom. 

To  these  illustrations  drawn  from  conditions  in  society  and 
the  Church  at  large,  might  be  added  a  quite  different  class  of 
examples,  showing  the  practical  usefulness  of  the  book.  It 
brings  aid  to  our  vision,  so  dull  in  spiritual  things,  in  that  it 
stirs  our  religious  imagination  by  its  wonderful  picture  of  the 
glory  of  God  in  the  court  of  heaven,  of  the  majesty  of  the  as- 
cended Christ,  of  the  presence  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in  union  with 
the  Father  and  the  Son,  and  of  the  sublime  worship  which  the 
whole  universe  of  created  intelligences  offers  before  the  throne 
of  God  and  the  Lamb.  It  lightens  up  the  darkness  of  the 
world,  to  which  we  journey  through  death,  by  its  splendid 
visions  of  the  blessedness  of  the  saints  before  the  throne  and  in 
the  new  Jerusalem ;  for  though  these  visions  relate  to  the  final 
state  of  the  redeemed,  after  the  resurrection,  in  the  kingdom  of 
the  end,  yet  Christian  imagination  seizes  upon  them  as  in  some 
way  symbolizing  also  the  rest  and  peace  of  that  state  after 
death  which  St.  Paul  foresees,  when  he  speaks  of  '  having  a 
desire  to  depart  and  be  with  Christ,  for  it  is  very  far  better' 
(Phil.  123).  The  warnings  and  promises  of  the  seven  epistles 
touch  practically  the  daily  individual  life  in  a  wide  round  of 
perils   and   duties.     The  whole    portrayal  of    Satan's  warfare 


310  THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

against  the  Cliurcli,  his  devices,  his  mighty  power,  his  final 
doom,  since  these  represent  spiritual  facts,  can  be  legitimately 
brought  by  the  Christian  reader  into  a  practical  relation  to  his 
own  spiritual  experiences.  Even  the  three  great  series  of  mi- 
raculous visitations  may  furnish  him  with  a  symbol  of  the  dis- 
asters and  devastation  wrought  by  evil  in  the  soul,  and  of  the 
poignant  suffering  of  an  offended  conscience,  at  the  same  time 
a  symbol  of  the  wrath  that  remembers  mercy.  These  few  illus- 
trations can  serve  only  to  indicate  lines  along  which  practical 
uses  of  the  book  may  be  found.  When  once  we  distinguish  the 
permanent  religious  truths  given  in  it  from  the  transient  em- 
bodiment in  which  the  Prophet  apprehended  and  expressed 
them,  we  perceive  the  wide  range  of  their  applicability,  and 
the  book,  often  regarded  as  one  of  the  least  practical,  becomes 
one  of  the  most  practical  books  in  the  Bible. 


IX.  The  Theology  of  the  Apocalypse 

The  doctrine  of  Grod.  In  his  being  and  attributes  the  God  of 
the  Apocalypse  is  the  same  as  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament, 
though  attention  is  fixed  more  upon  certain  properties  of  his 
character  and  withdrawn  from  others.  He  appears  chiefly  as 
the  Jehovah  of  the  Old  Testament,  the  eternal  one,  the  al- 
mighty creator  and  ruler  of  the  universe,  the  righteous  judge, 
the  Holy  One,  whom  all  in  heaven  and  earth  must  obey  and 
worship.  He  is  not  distinctly  portrayed  as  the  God  who  '  so 
loved  the  world  that  he  gave  his  only  begotten  Son  ';  it  is  no- 
where in  the  book  said  '  God  is  love '  ;  he  is  not  in  specific 
words  declared  to  love  even  the  righteous.  If  we  read  the  book 
and  compare  it  with  other  parts  of  the  New  Testament,  view- 
ing only  the  most  outstanding  features  in  the  respective  repre- 
sentations, it  might  appear  to  belong  in  its  conception  of  God 
to  Hebrew  rather  than  Christian  thought ;  there  might  seem  to 
be  truth  in  the  statement  that  '  Its  doctrine  of  God  has  no 
exact  parallel  in  the  rest  of  the  New  Testament '  (Svvete 
cliv).  This  view  however  leaves  out  of  sight  certain  facts 
essential  to  a  comprehensive  estimate.  In  the  first  place  the 
book  is  not  concerned  with  the  preaching  of  the  gospel  and 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        311 

the  evangelizing  of  the  workl  —  in  which  God's  love  would  be 
emphasized  — -  rather,  it  transports  us  to  the  end  of  the  ages, 
and  the  last  attempts  of  Satan  and  his  agents  to  destroy  the 
work  of  God  in  his  children.  As  regards  God's  relation  to  the 
unchristian  world,  its  subject  is  the  retribution  which  righteous- 
ness must  inflict  upon  enemies  remaining  obdurately  antago- 
nistic to  God.  In  so  far  then  the  thought  is  concentrated  on 
one  aspect  of  God's  character,  to  the  incidental  disregard  of 
others.  Righteous  judgment  and  wrath,  from  the  nature  of 
the  case,  figure  chiefly  in  the  portrayal  of  God.  But  in  this 
the  book  does  not  differ  fundamentally  from  representations  of 
the  God  of  the  Last  Times  given  in  other  writings  of  the  New 
Testament.  The  difference  consists  in  the  greater  amplitude 
of  the  picture,  in  keeping  with  the  nature  of  the  book.  The 
character  of  God  as  manifested  in  the  end  is  set  forth  sum- 
marily by  St.  Paul  in  precisely  the  same  traits  ;  '  Or  despisest 
thou  the  riches  of  his  goodness  and  forbearance  and  long  suf- 
fering ?  .  ,  .  but  after  thy  hardness  and  impenitent  heart,  treas- 
urest  up  for  thyself  wrath  in  the  day  of  wrath  and  revelation 
of  the  righteous  judgment  of  God  ;  who  will  render  to  every 
man  according  to  his  works,  unto  them  that  are  factious  and 
obey  not  the  truth,  but  obey  unrighteousness,  shall  be  wrath 
and  indignation,  tribulation  and  anguish.'  Ro.  2*~^.  Similar 
are  the  representations  given  in  the  parables  of  the  wedding 
feast  (Mt.  22^'i2f),  of  the  ten  virgins  (Mt.  2,9^),  of  the  pounds 
(Lk.  19^^),  and  in  the  eschatological  discourse  of  the  Gospels 
(Mt.  24-^'^'*).  As  declaring  the  attribute  of  unrelenting  wrath 
against  the  obdurate  in  the  character  of  God  cf.  also  Jno.  S'^*', 
939,  1240,  1  Pet.  41'f-,  2  Pet.  2^-9,  Jude,  v.  15  ;  see  also  p.  160. 
In  the  second  place,  the  love  of  God  for  his  people,  and  his  re- 
lation of  fatherhood  toward  them,  though  not  declared  in  ex- 
press terms,  are  throughout  contained  in  his  attitude  toward 
them  and  his  acts  in  their  behalf.  It  may  be  remarked  that 
the  actual  word  love,  as  applied  to  God's  love  for  his  children 
or  mankind  at  large,  does  not  occur  in  the  Synoptists.  That 
idea  is  expressed  there  by  fatherhood,  e.g.  Mt.  5^^,  while  in 
the  Fourth  Gospel  the  latter  term  is  almost  wholly  displaced 
by  the  former  ;  but  in  both  the  fact  is  explicit  apart  from  the 
precise  words  used.     So  in  the  Apocalypse  the  loving  care  of 


312        THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

God  for  his  people  is  as  clearly  manifested  as  his  wrath  against 
their  enemies.  In  fact  his  righteous  judgment  inflicted  on  the 
latter  is  but  the  converse  of  his  love  for  the  former,  and  is  in 
effect  so  characterized;  cf.  11^^,  16^%  19^,  6^^-.  The  establish- 
ment of  the  perfected  kingdom  in  the  renewed  world,  to  which 
every  event  in  the  book  looks  forward,  has  for  a  part  of  its  pur- 
pose the  reward  of  those  whom  God  loves,  11^®,  22^.  And  this 
love  is  revealed  in  manifold  details  in  the  course  of  the  book. 
The  following  will  serve  as  sufficient  illustration  :  the  perfect 
oneness  of  God  and  Christ  in  all  the  moral  motives  exhibited 
in  the  book  makes  the  declared  love  of  Christ  for  the  saints 
(1^,  3''''",  cf.  312)  an  expression  of  God's  love.  God  protects 
and  delivers  the  saints  in  the  distresses  and  perils,  7^~^  J2^'"'^'*; 
he  will  release  them  from  all  sorrow  and  pain,  7^*^*-,  21^  ;  they 
shall  have  the  immediate  access  of  priests  to  his  presence  and 
shall  share  in  liis  throne,  1*^,  S^*^,  20'^  ;  they  shall  dwell  with  him 
and  he  with  them,  he  will  be  their  God  and  they  his  sons, 
21^' ',  22^.  But  more  than  this,  God's  compassion  even  towards 
his  enemies  is  not  without  trace  in  the  book  ;  see  pp.  554,  569. 
It  is  evident  then  that  the  difference  between  the  Apocalyptist 
and  the  other  New  Testament  writers  lies  not  in  an  essential 
difference  of  view  regarding  God,  but  in  the  emphasis  which 
the  very  nature  of  his  book  causes  him  to  lay  on  certain  aspects 
of  the  divine  character.  And  it  follows  that  we  cannot  hnd 
here  decisive  indicia  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  author's 
identity  with  any  other  New  Testament  writer. 

The  doctrine  of  Christ.  As  is  natural  in  a  book  of  the  Last 
Things  the  person  and  activities  of  Christ  are  chiefly  those  of 
the  risen  One.  Apart  from  his  function  as  the  bearer  of  testi- 
mony, that  is,  as  revealer,  which  is  a  general  term  compre- 
hending his  activity  after,  as  well  as  before,  his  resurrection, 
there  is  no  specific  reference  to  his  earthly  course,  except  to  his 
death.  But  the  book  stands  alone  in  its  vivid  revelations  of 
the  glorified  Christ.  While  its  doctrine  does  not  in  its  essen- 
tial significance  go  beyond  that  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  where 
the  divinity  of  the  Logos  and  the  eternal  glory  of  the  Son  are 
plainly  declared  (e.g.  1^*-,  17^)  or  beyond  the  teaching  of  Paul 
(e.g.  Col.  2^,  Phil.  2*^),  yet  nowhere  else  are  found  these  won- 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        313 

derful  scenes  revealing  to  the  eye  and  ear  the  majesty  of 
Christ's  ascended  state,  and  these  numerous  utterances  ex- 
pressing in  terms  applicable  to  (lod  alone  the  truth  of  his 
divine  nature  and  power.  He  is  seen  in  the  first  vision  in  a 
form  having  the  semblance  of  man,  yet  glorified  with  attri- 
butes by  which  the  Old  Testament  writers  have  sought  to  por- 
tray the  glory  of  God ;  his  hair  is  white  as  snow,  his  face 
shines  with  the  dazzling  light  of  the  sun,  his  eyes  are  a  flame 
of  lire,  his  voice  as  the  thunder  of  many  waters ;  he  announces 
himself  as  eternal,  as  one  who  though  he  died  is  the  essentially 
living  One,  having  all  power  over  death,  P^-is.  He  appears 
in  the  court  of  heaven  as  coequal  with  (lod  in  the  adoration 
offered  by  the  highest  hosts  of  heaven  and  by  all  the  world, 
56-14^  He  is  seen  coming  forth  on  the  clouds  as  the  judge  and 
arbiter  of  the  world,  I414-10.  Wearing  crowns  and  insignia 
which  mark  him  as  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords,  he  leads 
out  the  armies  of  heaven  to  the  great  battle  with  Antichrist, 
^911-21^  In  keeping  with  these  scenes,  attributes  and  preroga- 
tives understood  to  belong  to  God  only  are  assigned  to  him 
either  alone  or  as  joined  with  God ;  he  is  the  Alpha  and 
Omega,  the  first  and  the  last,  the  beginning  and  the  end, 
2213^  117^  2**  —  a  designation  which  God  also  utters  of  himself, 
1^,  cf .  Is.  44 '^,  48^2 ;  worship  is  offered  to  him  in  common  with 
God,  7^^  5^3  —  a  worship  which  angelic  beings  are  forbidden 
to  receive,  19^^;  doxologies  are  raised  to  him  as  to  God,  1*^; 
the  throne  of  God  is  his  throne,  the  priests  of  God  are  liis 
priests,  3^1,  22^,  20*^;  life  belongs  essentially  to  him  as  to  God, 
compare  1^^  with  4**'  i".  It  is  not  necessary  to  add  further  illus- 
tration of  the  divine  nature  attributed  to  liim  by  the  Apoca- 
lyptist.  In  some  instances  the  writer  might  seem  to  identify 
Christ  with  God  without  difference  of  person ;  and  for  the 
most  part  in  the  representations  mentioned  above  the  idea  of 
a  '  subordination '  of  the  Son  to  the  Father  seems  to  be  absent. 
But  it  is  certain  that  the  author  does  not  confuse  the  person 
of  Christ  with  the  person  of  God,  and  equally  certain  that 
no  Jewish  or  Christian  writer  thinks  of  a  plurality  of 
Gods.  On  the  other  hand  there  is  a  second  class  of  pas- 

sages which  must  be  brought  into  comparison  with  those  given 
above,  if    we    are    to    gain  a   full  view  of    the    Apocalyptist's 


314        THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

Christology.  Christ  is  designated  the  Son  of  God,  2^^ ;  God 
is  his  Father,  1^,  2^7,  3^-^  U^ ;  God  is  his  God,  S'^'^';  he  re- 
ceives his  power  to  rule  from  God,  2^'' ;  the  revelation  which 
he  sends  through  the  Prophet  he  receives  from  God,  1^  The 
problem  presented  by  these  two  conceptions  of  Christ,  appar- 
ently irreconcilable,  is  that  which  appears  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment generally.  In  the  Fourth  Gospel  two  distinct  lines  of 
thought  are  dominant:  'The  Word  was  God,'  1^,  and  'The 
Father  is  greater  than  I,'  14^8.  So  with  St.  Paul ;  compare 
the  declaration,  '  being  on  an  equality  with  God,'  Phil.  2^,  with 
that  of  1  Co.  11^,  '  The  head  of  Christ  is  God.'  The  two  con- 
ceptions of  the  person  of  Christ  had  come  to  be  held  singly 
yet  clearly,  but  there  appears  as  yet  no  attempt  to  reconcile 
them.  The  idea  of  '  subordination  '  was  inseparable  from  the 
Lord's  incarnate  life  and  mediatorial  work ;  the  fact  of  his 
divine  exaltation  came  to  be  apprehended  in  that  process 
through  which  the  Spirit  guides  the  Church  into  truth.  The 
writers  of  the  New  Testament  are  prophets  of  a  spiritual  reve- 
lation, not  philosophic  theologians,  and  they  do  not  betray 
difficulty  in  holding  the  two  views  of  the  person  of  Christ  in 
conjunction,  without  a  clearly  defined  doctrine  of  unity.  But 
they  furnish  the  foundation  truths  upon  which  the  Church  at 
a  later  date  based  its  precise  definition  of  two  natures  in  one 
person. 

It  is  worth  while  to  notice  the  Apocalyptist's  use  of  personal 
names  in  designating  Christ.  In  the  prologue  and  the  epilogue 
(11-8^  226~2i^  he  uses  the  customary  names,  Jesus,  Jesus  Christ, 
or  Lord  Jesus.  In  the  body  of  the  work  (1^-225),  the  usual 
designation  is  the  Lamb.  Setting  aside  some  passages  where 
the  '  testimony  of  Jesus '  is  mentioned,  —  a  phrase  in  which 
reference  may  be  made  to  Christ  in  both  his  earthly  and  his 
heavenly  state  (19.2<icase^  12^7^  ;1412^  ^76^  ^910^  20^),  we  find  in  this 
part  of  the  book  the  name  Jesus  or  Christ  in  only  five  places 
^]^9, 1st  case^  1115,  1210,  20^'*^'"'^''*^)  and  in  these  reference  is  made 
to  the  risen  Christ.  Once  Lord  occurs  and  refers  to  the  earthly 
Christ,  11^.  In  all  other  cases,  28  in  all,  the  Laml)  is  used,  and 
almost  without  exception  (the  two  exceptions,  7i^  12ii,  are  per- 
haps not  really  such)  designates  the  risen  Christ,  though  in 
some  instances  allusion  is  at  the  same  time  made  to  the  redeem- 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        315 

ing  death  which  had  preceded  the  glorified  state  (5^'"'^-,  13*^). 
It  will  be  seen  then  that  the  standing  personal  name  which  the 
Apocalyptist  uses  for  the  glorified  Christ  is  the  Lamb.  This 
is  the  name  given  to  him  in  the  most  august  scenes.  As  the 
object  of  the  worship  ofi^ered  by  the  hosts  of  heaven  and  earth, 
chapts.  4-5 ;  as  the  unveiler  of  the  destinies  of  the  ages,  chapts. 
5-6  ;  as  one  enthroned,  before  whom  and  to  whom  the  redeemed 
render  the  praise  of  their  salvation,  7^*^-;  as  the  controller  of 
the  book  of  life,  13'^ ;  as  the  Lord  of  the  hosts  on  mount  Zion, 
14^;  as  the  victor  over  the  hosts  of  Antichrist,  17^'*;  as  the 
spouse  of  the  glorified  Church,  19";  as  the  temple  and  light  of 
the  new  Jerusalem,  21^  ^- ;  as  the  sharer  in  the  throne  of  God, 
22^,  —  Christ  is  called  the  Lamb.  Nowhere  in  the  occurrence  of 
the  name  is  there  evident  allusion  to  the  figure  of  meehness  arid 
ge7itleness  in  suffering.  But  when  the  thought  turns  back  to 
the  redemption  which  the  risen  Christ  had  previously  wrought 
by  his  death  and  to  the  results  of  his  death  in  the  victory 
gained  by  the  saints  and  in  their  spotlessness  before  God,  the 
Lamb  is  the  only  name  given  to  Christ  (5'''»•l^  71*,  12",  138). 
In  this  last  connection  the  figure  is  clearly  that  of  the  Lamb  as 
an  atoning  sacrifice,  and  is  parallel  with  what  is  probably 
the  correct  interpretation  of  the  words  of  the  Fourth  Gospel, 
'  Behold  the  Lamb  of  God,  that  taketh  away  the  sin  of  the 
world,'  Jno.  l-^'^e.  The  application  to  Christ  of  this  figure  of 
the  Lamb  as  an  atoning  sacrifice  is  not  common  in  the  New 
Testament ;  outside  of  the  passages  in  the  Revelation  and  the 
Fourth  Gospel  mentioned  above  it  occurs  only  once,  1  Pet.  l^^; 
the  thought  in  the  figure  of  the  paschal  lamb,  1  Co.  5'^  is  dif- 
ferent. The  representation  of  the  Messiah  as  a  lamb  in 
Enoch  90^8^  Test.  Jos.  19  is  not  parallel  with  our  author's  use  ;^ 
though  it  is  possible  that,  as  some  suppose,  there  may  have 
existed  in  popular  apocalyptic  a  portrayal  of  the  triumphant 
Messiah  under  the  figure  of  a  lamb.  Yet  it  is  altogether  im- 
probable that  there  could  have  been  connected  with  such  a  repre- 
sentation the  idea  of  a  redeeming  sacrifice.  Whatever  be  the 
source  of  the  application  of  the  figure  to  the  triumphant  Christ, 
whether  originating  with  the  Apocalyptist  himself,  or  adapted 
by  him  from  the  sacrifice  of  the  incarnate  Christ,  or  from  some 

1  See  Com.  5^ 


316        THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

current  imagery,  the  scope  of  his  use  of  the  figure  as  a  whole  is 
significant  as  characteristic  of  his  mode  of  thinking  about  the 
person  of  Christ.  The  Lamb  is  the  Christ  in  the  highest 
exaltation  of  his  divine  glory  ;  he  is  likewise  the  Christ  who 
has  suffered  death  to  redeem  a  people  unto  God.  The  glorified 
Christ  and  the  Lamb  that  had  been  slain  are  not  thought  of 
apart  from  each  other  ;  and  the  Apocalyptist  is  not  conscious  of 
any  antinomy ;  there  is  no  trace  of  an  effort  to  introduce  a 
mediating  unity.  The  exaltation  viewed  as  a  reward  of  the 
humiliation,  as  in  Phil.  2^^-,  might  seem  to  be  hinted  at,  as  for 
example  in  the  words,  'As  I  also  overcame  and  sat  down  with 
my  F'ather  in  his  throne,'  3^^,  but  this  thought  is  not  brought  in 
anywhere  distinctly,  as  indicating  cause  and  effect. 

TJie  doctrine  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  The  Apocalypse  cannot  be 
said  to  present  essential  divergence  from  the  Pauline  Epistles 
and  the  Fourth  Gospel  in  its  doctrine  of  the  Spirit,  though  his 
operations  are  not  so  much  emphasized  in  our  book,  nor  made  so 
specific.  The  same  problems  arise  here  regarding  the  personal- 
ity of  the  Spirit,  and  his  relations  to  God  and  Christ.  The 
Spirit  appears  to  be  conceived  as  a  person,  and  as  such  to  be 
distinguished  from  God  in  the  invocation  of  grace  and  peace 
from  him,  1^  also  in  the  seven  Spirits  before  the  throne  of  God, 
4^,  and  perhaps  in  the  utterance  added  to  that  of  the  voice  from 
heaven,  14i^.  The  designation  seven  Spirits  for  the  one  Spirit 
is  due  to  the  symbolism  adopted  by  the  author  ;  see  Com,  1*. 
In  like  manner  the  distinction  from  Christ  is  seen  in  the  invo- 
cation ,  l*^-,  in  the  Spirit's  prayer  addressed  to  Christ  for  his 
coming,  22 1'^.  It  is  not  to  be  expected  that  the  personality  of 
the  Spirit  should  be  so  distinctly  conceived  and  expressed  as 
that  of  Christ  whose  incarnate  life  gives  force  to  the  idea  of  his 
person.  The  Apocalyptist's  conception  of  the  unity  of  the 
Spirit  with  God  and  Christ  is  shown  distinctly.  The  Spirit  is 
God's  Spirit,  3^,  4^,  5^.  He  is  also  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  Christ 
hath  the  seven  Spirits  of  God,  hath  the  seven  eyes  which  are 
the  seven  Spirits  of  God,  3^,  5*^;  at  the  close  of  each  of  the 
seven  epistles  Christ,  the  speaker,  though  naming  the  Spirit  as 
if  another  person,  identifies  him  with  himself  ;  the  words  which 
he  gives  as  his  are  called  the  words  of  the  Spirit.     This  con- 


THEOLOGY  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE        317 

ception  of  identity  and  yet  of  distinction  in  the  persons  of  (Jod, 
Christ,  and  the  Spirit  is  the  same  as  that  expressed  by  St.  Paul, 
Ro.  89~ii.  But  when  we  speak  of  the  processes  of  personifica- 
tion, identification,  and  distinction,  we  do  not  attribute  to  the 
author  the  completeness  and  precision  of  a  later  mode  of  think- 
ing. The  Apocalyptist  does  not  feel  difficulty  in  a  certain 
personalizing  of  the  Spirit,  as  distinct  from  God  and  Christ, 
while  holding  to  the  unity  of  God  ;  the  relation  of  his  concep- 
tions of  God,  Christ,  and  the  Spirit  to  one  another  and  to  the 
oneness  of  the  divine  being  presented  no  problem  to  his 
thought,  or  the  thought  of  that  age.  It  is  inconceivable  that 
he  should  have  viewed  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Spirit  as 
three  distinct  and  coordinate  Gods  ;  it  is  equally  clear  that  he 
placed  Christ  and  the  Spirit  in  an  order  above  the  highest 
angelic  beings,  above  all  created  existences.  These  truths  of 
religious  faith  which  the  Apocalyptist  held  singly,  without  the 
consciousness  that  there  was  needed  a  principal  of  unity,  took 
form  subsequently,  when  the  Church  entered  upon  the  task  of 
more  precise  theological  statement,  in  the  doctrine  of  the  three 
persons  in  the  unity  of  the  Godhead.  The  principal  office  of 
the  Spirit  spoken  of  in  the  Apocalypse  is  that  of  revealer  and 
inspirer.  The  ecstasies  in  which  the  prophetic  visions  are 
opened  to  the  seer  are  due  to  his  operations,  l^'',  4^,  17^,  211^. 
He  is  the  organ  of  Christ's  message  to  the  churches  in  the  seven 
epistles, '  Hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  unto  the  churches,'  chapts. 
2-S  passim;  and  the  same  thought  underlies  the  words  of  22^6, 
as  also  the  statement  regarding  God's  revelation,  22*5.  The 
Spirit  is  the  inspirer  of  the  prophets,  19^*^ ;  and  in  one  instance 
he  stands  as  the  intercessor  for  the  Church,  22 1'^,  cf.  Ro.  8^7. 
The  renewing  and  sanctifying  influence  of  the  Spirit,  made 
prominent  in  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  St.  Paul  (e.g.  Jno.  3^-^, 
7^*^-,  Gal.  5^^'),  is  not  directly  mentioned  in  the  Apocalypse. 
If,  however,  the  allusion  to  the  water  of  life,  22^'^",  be  inter- 
preted by  Jno.  7"*^-,  that  thought  may  be  contained  there. 


318  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 


X.    History  of  Interpretation 

Both  the  subject  matter  and  the  form  of  the  Apocalypse  are 
such  that  the  book  lends  itself  easily  to  various  methods  of 
interpretation.  The  author  is  commissioned  to  write  of  things 
which  shall  come  to  pass  after  the  date  of  his  writing  (1-^^) ; 
and  though  the  command  includes  also  things  belonging  to 
his  own  present,  '  the  things  that  are,'  yet  these  are  viewed 
chiefly  in  their  relation  to  the  future.  Prediction,  therefore, 
becomes  the  most  prominent  characteristic  of  the  book ;  and 
that  which  is  predicted  is  given  in  the  form  of  visions  unfolded 
in  an  intricate  series,  with  stupendous  imagery,  with  vast 
movements  in  heaven  and  earth,  with  strange  figures  passing 
across  the  scene,  with  typical  numbers  and  names,  and  with 
all  the  mysteriousness  of  the  unreal  world.  Very  rarely  does 
the  writer  translate  what  is  seen  into  the  language  of  plain, 
realistic  definition.  Naturally  then  there  is  great  room  for 
fanciful  explanations,  and  many  hard  questions  arise  regarding 
the  meaning  of  the  whole  and  its  several  parts  to  which  mani- 
fold answers  have  been  given.  Do  the  Seer's  visions  relate  to 
events  which  are  to  culminate  in  his  OAvn  immediate  future, 
or  does  he  survey  the  whole  destiny  of  the  Church  and  the 
world  as  it  is  unfolded  in  the  course  of  history ;  or  still  again, 
do  all  his  predictions  await  the  last  great  days  for  their  fulfill- 
ment? Are  the  events  foretold  to  be  understood  as  actual, 
visible  facts,  or  are  they  but  symbols  of  spiritual  truths  and 
experiences?  Do  the  visions  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets,  and 
the  bowls  give  three  parallel  representations  of  the  same  events 
(the  so-called  Recapitulation  exegesis),  or  do  they  form  a  con- 
tinuous series  each  leading  up  to  what  follows?  Is  the  reign 
of  the  thousand  years  a  kingdom  to  be  established  on  earth, 
or  is  it  only  a  spiritual  condition ;  did  it  begin  with  Christ's 
earthly  life,  or  with  the  conversion  of  the  Roman  empire,  or  is 
it  wholly  in  the  future?  •  Who  or  what  is  the  Beast;  is  he  a 
person,  a  world-ruler,  or  the  Roman  pontiff,  or  some  great 
heretic  and  enemy  of  the  faith,  or  is  he  only  the  personification 
of  all  wickedness  in  its  hostility  to  God  and  his  Church?  Are 
the  seven  heads  certain   great  historical  kings,  or   great   em- 


FIRST  FOUR  CENTURIES  319 

pires  that  have  succeeded  one  another  in  history,  or  are  they 
symbols  of  evil  forces  in  the  spiritual  world?  What  is  the 
significance  of  the  strange  numbers  employed?  Is  the  great 
harlot  the  city  of  Rome,  pagan  or  papal,  or  the  capital  city 
of  the  world-kingdom  at  some  future  period,  or  an  apostate 
Church?  These  are  some  of  the  questions  which  have  exer- 
cised the  ingenuity  of  interpreters  in  the  course  of  the  cen- 
turies, and  the  answers  given  have  been  determined  by  various 
influences,  especially  by  the  circumstances,  political  or  eccle- 
siastical, of  the  interpreter's  time,  by  his  general  attitude 
toward  the  interpretation  of  Scripture,  by  his  view  of  prophecy 
and  inspiration,  by  his  theory  of  the  critical  analysis  of  the 
book,  and  by  the  peculiar  characteristics  of  apocalyptic  litera- 
ture to  which  the  book  belongs.  No  attempt  is  made  here  to 
survey  the  vast  body  of  literature  which  in  the  course  of  time 
has  been  occupied  with  the  subject ;  it  is  rather  the  aim  of  the 
present  paragraph  merely  to  present  the  views  of  those  inter- 
preters who  have  most  influenced  their  own  and  later  times, 
and  thus  to  trace  in  a  brief  outline  the  more  important  steps 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  Revelation  through  the  different 
periods  of  its  history  and  in  its  different  systems. ^ 

(1)  The  first  four  centuries.  For  the  purposes  of  the  outline 
here  intended  it  is  convenient  to  group  together  the  interpre- 
ters of  the  first  four  centuries.  Like  '  every  scripture  inspired 
of  God '  the  Apocalypse  was  certainly  meant  to  be  to  those  to 
whom  it  first  came  '  profitable  for  teaching  ■"  (2  Tim.  S^^),  and 
so  the  writer  must  have  counted  on  its  being  understood  in  its 
chief  lessons.  Doubtless  the  readers  had  already  been  in- 
structed orally  in  such  eschatological  teaching  as  appears  in 
the  Gospel  record  of  our  Lord's  words,  and  in  the  epistles; 
and  if  so,  they  possessed  the  norm  guiding  them  to  the  general 
understanding  of  a  book  which  likewise  told  of  the  approach 
of  the  '  times  of  the  Gentiles,'  '  the  messianic  woes,'  and  of  the 
near  appearing  of  Christ  in  his  kingdom,  a  book  which  also 
warned    and    encouraged    the    Church    in    view    of    what    was 

1  On  the  history  of  the  interpretation  of  the  Apoc,  cf.  Liicke  II.  951  ft'., 
Bleek,  Vorlesungen  28  ff.,  Elhott,  Uorae  Apoc.  Vol.  IV.,  Bousset,  Kom.  49  ff., 
Charle.s,  Studieii  1  ff. 


320  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

coming  on  the  earth.  That  there  is  much  in  it  which  was  not 
nnderstood  by  them  or  misunderstood,  can  hardly  be  doubted, 
l)ut  the  monitions  to  preparedness  and  steadfastness,  the  reve- 
hitions  of  \\o])e  and  comfort,  were  clear ;  and  as  long  as  the 
eschatological  expectations  of  the  apostolic  age  continued 
active,  the  Church  was  not  altogether  far  from  the  author's 
thought  in  the  understanding  of  the  book ;  but  as  that  expec- 
tation died  away,  or  was  transformed,  the  Church  entered 
into  a  wilderness  of  wandering  in  its  conception  of  this  portion 
of  Scripture,  from  which  it  is  only  in  recent  years  escaping 
through  the  rise  and  rigorous  application  of  the  historical 
method  of  study  (cf.  p.  2). 

Justin  Martyr.  The  first  post-apostolic  writer  who  refers 
directly  to  the  Revelation  is  Justin  Martyr.  He  asserts  (Dial. 
c.  Tryph.  81)  that  it  teaches  a  literal  millennial  kingdom  of 
the  saints  to  be  established  in  Jerusalem,  and  after  the  thou- 
sand years  the  general  resurrection  and  judgment.  And  it 
is  evident  from  the  scope  of  his  argument  that  this  was  the 
common  view  in  the  middle  of  the  second  century.  In  this 
respect  at  least  he  takes  the  book  in  a  realistic  sense.  To  the 
other  prophecies  he  makes  no  allusion.  ^ 

Irenceus.  Although  Ireneeus  did  not  write  a  commentary 
on  the  Revelation,  he  makes  frequent  use  of  it,  giving  an  in- 
terpretation of  many  of  its  representations.^  Like  Justin  he 
finds  in  the  book  the  doctrine  of  chiliasm,  that  is,  of  an  earthly 
millennial  kingdom ;  Christ  will  come  and  after  the  conquest 
over  Antichrist  and  his  hosts,  will  set  up  his  kingdom  in  a  re- 
newed Jerusalem,  where  the  saints  will  reign  with  him  in 
blessedness  1000  years,  as  the  beginning  of  the  incorrupti- 
ble life  in  final  glory.  Then  will  follow  the  general  resurrec- 
tion, the  judgment,  and  the  renewal  of  the  world.  The  Beast, 
Antichrist,  is  a  person  springing  out  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  in 
whom  will  be  concentrated  all  world-power  and  all  apostasy  and 
hostility  to  God's  people.  While  in  the  mind  of  Irenceus  the 
Roman  empire  embodies  the  world-power  hostile  to  God,  and 
he  sees  its  dissolution  predicted  among  the  events  preceding 

1  The  supposition  based  on  Jerome  De  vir.  illiist.  0  that  Justin  and  Irenseus 
wrote  commentaries  on  the  Apoc.  is  generally  rejected.     Cf.  Liicke  II.  558  ff. 

2  See  especially  Adv.  Hoer.  V. 


FIRST   FOUR  CENTURIES  321 

the  advent  of  Christ,  he  does  not  identify  Antichrist  with  any 
known  Roman  emperor.  He  suggests  Aarett'o?,  Latinus, 
among  possible  exphmations  of  666,  the  number  of  Antichrist's 
name,  but  rejects  it  as  he  does  all  other  precise  names,  inter- 
preting the  number  in  a  highly  artificial  way  as  summing  up 
Antichrist's  essential  character.  The  series  of  plagues  that 
precede  the  End  he  takes  literally  of  visitations  similar  to 
those  sent  upon  Egypt.  As  a  rule  he  understands  the  book 
realistically,  yet  in  some  cases  a  purely  symbolical  interpreta- 
tion is  given ;  for  example,  tlie  four  Iviving  Creatures  about  the 
throne  of  God  symbolize  the  functions  of  Christ,  the  lion  his 
kingship,  the  calf  his  priesthood,  the  man  his  humanity,  the 
eagle  his  prophetic  office ;  the  number  four  determines  the 
number  of  the  (lospels.^  Irenteus  is  closely  followed  by 
Tertullian. 

Hippolytus  (bishop  of  Portus  Romanus,  died  285).  Like 
the  writers  just  spoken  of,  Hippolytus  is  a  chiliast,  but  he  placed 
the  millennium  in  a  comparatively  late  future,  in  the  year  500. 
He  takes  the  book  of  Daniel  as  the  norm  for  understanding  the 
Revelation.  The  first  beast  he  identifies  with  the  fourth  beast 
of  Daniel,  which  he  makes  the  Roman  empire.  One  of  the 
heads  will  be  wounded  unto  death  in  that  the  empire  will  be 
broken  up  by  the  ten  Kings;  it  will  then  be  healed  in  the  res- 
toration of  world-sovereignty  by  Antichrist.  Antichrist,  who 
was  represented  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  and  who  will  come 
out  of  the  tribe  of  Dan,  will  reign  3|  years,  persecuting  the 
Church  and  putting  to  death  the  two  Witnesses,  the  fore- 
runners of  the  parousia  (held  to  be  Elijah  and  Enoch)  ;  his 
number  may  represent  various  names ;  among  these  Aareti/o?  is 
especially  suggested  by  his  headship  of  the  restored  Latin 
sway,  but  the  true  meaning  is  a  mystery  only  to  be  understood 
in  the  future.  The  great  harlot  and  Babylon  are  Rome.  The 
woman  with  child  is  the  Church  continually  bearing  through 
preaching  the  word  of  God,  her  flight  into  the  wilderness  is 
the  flight  of  the  Church  from  the  persecutions  of  Antichrist,  the 
two  wings  of  the  eagle  given  to  her  are  faith  in  Christ  who 
stretched  out  his  two  arms  on  the  cross.  Victorinus  (bishop 
of  Petavium,  martyred  about  303).     The  commentary  of  Victo- 

1  III.  11. 


322  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

riiius,  long  known  in  two  much  worked-over  recensions,  has  re- 
cently been  recovered  in  what  is  generally  accepted  as  a  genuine 
form.i  As  yet  only  the  concluding  part  has  been  published,^ 
but  this  is  sufficient  to  show  the  author's  standpoint.  He  un- 
derstands the  Revelation  in  a  literal,  chiliastic,  sense.  He  places 
its  date  in  the  reign  of  Domitian,  the  sixth  ruler  reckoned  from 
Galba.  Some  time  after  Nerva,  the  seventh,  at  a  time  still  in 
the  future  for  Victorinus,  Nero  will  return  from  the  dead  as 
the  eighth.  This  Nero  redivivus  is  the  Beast  and  Antichrist, 
and  his  coming  is  near  at  hand.  The  persecutions  of  Victorinus' 
time  belong  to  the  sixth  seal ;  with  the  seventh  will  come  the 
End.  The  plagues  of  the  bowls  do  not  follow  those  of  the 
trumpets  in  a  continuous  series,  but  are  parallel  with  these,  that 
is,  they  recapitulate  these  in  another  form.  The  two  witnesses 
are  Elijah  and  Jeremiah ;  the  144,000  are  Jews  who  in  the  last 
days  will  be  converted  by  the  preaching  of  Elijah ;  the  woman 
fleeing  into  the  wilderness  symbolizes  believers  fleeing  from  the 
hosts  of  Antichrist.  The  second  beast,  the  false  prophet,  will 
cause  the  image  of  Antichrist  to  be  set  up  in  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
salem. The  commentary  of  Victorinus  is  the  first  among  extant 
commentaries  to  use  the  Nero  redivivus  myth  ;  and  its  theory 
of  recapitulation^  recognizes  a  difficulty  in  the  formal  composi- 
tion, and  offers  a  solution  adopted  by  many  later  writers. 

Origen.  It  will  be  seen  that  with  all  the  writers  named  above 
the  earthly  messianic  kingdom  at  a  date  not  too  far  distant  is  a 
dominating  factor.  The  Revelation  is  taken  literally.  Like 
the  Jewish  apocalypses  with  which  it  has  so  much  in  common, 
it  is  understood,  as  in  fact  it  was  primarily  intended  to  be,  a 
source  of  comfort  and  encouragement  in  a  time  of  fierce  perse- 
cution. Naturally  this  aspect  of  it  could  not  be  overlooked, 
but  was  rather  kept  alive  as  long  as  the  Roman  empire  was 
hostile  to  Christianity  and  bent  on  its  extinction.  But  over 
against  this  realistic  understanding  of  the  Revelation,  there 
were  influences  leading  to  an  entirely  different  conception  of 
its  nature.     The  growing  force  of  Greek  thought  in  the  Church 

1  Discovered  by  Haussleiter  in  the  Codex  (Jttoboiiianus  Lat.  3288  A. 
-  Haussleiter  in  Theol.  Literaturblatt  1895. 

*  Viz.  that  the  events  do  not  all  form  a  continuous  series,  but  some  scenes  re- 
capitidate  the  events  of  other  scenes ;  cf.  i).  318 


FIRST  FOUR  CENTURIES  323 

was  opposed  to  the  literalism  of  Jewish  cipocaly})tic,  and  the 
passage  of  the  centuries  without  tlie  appearance  of  the  Lord  to 
set  up  the  looked-for  king-doni  led  to  an  effort  to  Und  a  non- 
literal  meaning  in  the  prophecies.  Also  the  opposition  to  the 
heresy  of  Montanism,  which  made  great  use  of  the  Apocalypse 
and  gave  extravagant  form  to  its  millennial  teaching,  caused  it 
to  be  either  rejected  or  differently  interpreted.  Thus  a  spiritu- 
alizing or  allegorizing  exegesis  arose.  The  leader  in  this  was 
Origen,  the  vehement  opponent  of  Millenarianism.  A  prom- 
ised commentary  of  his  on  the  Revelation  seems  never  to  have 
been  written,  but  his  understanding  of  it  can  be  seen  from  his 
theory  of  the  interpretation  of  Scripture,  and  from  his  treatment 
of  certain  passages  of  the  book  found  in  his  writings.  He  lays 
down  the  principle  that  the  true  meaning  of  prophecy  is  to  be 
found  only  by  going  beyond  the  literal  and  historical  sense  to 
the  spiritual ;  and  he  says  specifically  of  the  Apocalypse  that 
the  mysteries  hidden  in  it  can  be  understood  only  in  this  way. 
His  whole  interpretation  of  the  book  is  therefore  spiritual  rather 
than  literal.  At  a  definite  period  the  Lord  will  come,  not  visi- 
bly, but  in  spirit,  and  establish  his  perfected  kingdom  on  earth. 
The  time  of  his  advent  will  coincide  with  the  coming  culmina- 
tion of  evil  in  the  person  of  Antichrist,  a  future  world-ruler,  a 
child  of  Satan.  The  imagery  of  the  visions  is  to  be  taken  alle- 
gorically ;  for  example,  the  seven  heads  of  the  dragon  are  seven 
deadly  sins,  the  ten  horns  are  serpent-like  powers  of  sin  which 
assail  the  inner  life,  the  roll  with  seven  seals  is  the  Scriptures, 
whose  meaning  Christ  alone  can  unseal ;  the  warrior  whose  name 
is  the  Word  of  (lod,  issuing  upon  a  white  horse  from  the  opened 
heavens,  is  Christ,  who  opens  heaven  by  giving  the  white  light 
of  truth  to  those  who  receive  him.  Methodms  (bishop  of  a 
see,  probably  Olympus,  in  Lycia,  early  in  the  fourth  century). 
This  same  spiritualizing  procedure  appears  also  in  Methodius. 
He  accepts  a  millennial  period,  as  a  preparation  for  the  final 
blessedness,  but  the  visions  are  taken  allegorically.  The  woman 
with  child  is  the  Church  bearing  children  into  spiritual  life, 
and  since  the  true  life  of  these  is  with  the  Spirit  in  heaven, 
they  are  removed  from  the  assaults  of  the  dragon,  the  devil. 
Methodius  expressly  denies  that  the  woman's  child  can  be 
Christ.     The  seven  heads  of  the  dragon  are  the  chief  sins,  the 


324  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

fallen  stars  are  false  teachers  who  are  fallen  from  the  faith,  but 
claim  knowledge  of  heavenly  things. 

Ticonius  (the  exegete  of  the  Donatists).  With  the  reign  of 
Constantine  and  the  conversion  of  the  Roman  empire,  Rome 
and  a  Roman  emperor  could  no  longer  be  regarded  by  the 
Church  as  the  beast  of  the  Apocalypse  and  Antichrist,  On 
the  other  hand  the  persecution  of  the  Donatist  heretics  by  the 
Catholic  Church  led  the  adherents  of  that  sect  to  find  these 
antichristian  powers  in  the  rulers  of  what  was  viewed  as  a 
worldly  and  corrupt  Church.  The  Donatists  were  of  the  true 
Church  and  as  such  were  persecuted  by  the  Satanic  powers 
foretold  in  the  Revelation,  that  is,  by  the  Catholic  hierarchy 
supported  by  the  world-power.  In  these  circumstances  ap- 
peared near  the  end  of  the  fourth  century  the  epoch-making 
commentary  of  the  Donatist  Ticonius,  a  work  followed  in  its 
method  even  by  many  orthodox  scholars.  Ticonius'  com- 
mentary has  not  been  preserved  by  itself,  but  the  principal 
parts  of  it  are  recovered  through  its  use  by  later  writers.^  His 
interpretation  is  throughout  spiritualistic,  he  explains  nothing 
by  the  events  and  circumstances  of  the  age  of  the  Apocalyptist. 
The  millennial  kingdom  and  the  millennial  reign  of  the  saints 
are  realized  in  the  Church,  between  the  first  coming  of  Christ 
and  the  second  ;  Christ  was  the  '  strong  man '  who  in  his 
earthly  appearance  laid  hold  of  Satan  and  bound  him  for  a 
thousand  years.  Antichrist  is  sometimes  conceived  imper- 
sonally, as  the  personification  of  the  sum  of  evil  powers  present 
in  the  world  ;  again  he  is  represented  as  a  definite  historical 
person,  who  in  the  last  days  will  be  set  by  Satan  over  his  king- 
dom in  its  war  upon  the  true  Church.  The  time  will  come 
when  the  true  Church  will  be  separated  from  the  false  in  the 
sight  of  men  ;  then  Antichrist  will  appear  and  continue  his 
great  persecution  3^  years.  The  two  Witnesses  symbolize  the 
Church  preaching  Christ  in  the  two  Testaments.  The  Beast  is 
the  world-power,  the  seven  heads  are  the  sum  of  all  the  kings 
of  the  earth ;  the  head  wounded  unto  death  and  restored  forms 
an  eighth  head,  who  is  one  of  the  seven  and  symbolizes  the  cor- 
rupt priesthood,  which  is  of  the  world  though  claiming  not  to 

1  The  chief  sources  for  it  are  Beatus,  Priniasius,  Pseudo- Augustine,  and  Bede. 
On  Ticoniiis  cf.  Bousset,  Kom.  5(3  ff.,  Swete  CCV.  f. 


FIFTH  TO  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY  325 

be  such;  Jerusalem  is  the  symbol  of  the  Church,  as  Babylon  is 
the  symbol  of  the  antichristian  world.  Ticonius  is  followed 
by  Augustine,^  in  his  spiritualizing  method,  though  the  latter 
in  the  application  of  the  method  avoids  the  heresies  of  the 
Donatists.     Both  writers  adopt  the  recapitulation  theory. ^ 

(2)  From  the  ffth  to  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century.  What  is 
here  made  the  second  period  in  the  exegesis  of  the  Apocalypse 
is  characterized  throughout  the  greater  part  of  it,  by  the  pre- 
dominating influence  of  Ticonius  and  the  spiritualizing  method, 
with  some  following  here  and  there  of  Victorinus  and  the 
realistic  interpretation.  But  in  the  latter  part  of  the  period 
the  course  of  events  brought  up  again  the  chiliastic  expecta- 
tion, though  in  a  much  modified  form.  Two  commentators  of 
the  sixth  century,  Andreas  in  the  East  and  Primasius  in  the 
West,  who  wrote  extended  works  on  the  Revelation,  served  as 
agents  transmitting  the  influence  of  Ticonius  and  others  of  the 
earlier  period  to  the  following  centuries. 

Andreas  (bishop  of  Csesarea  in  Cappadocia),  author  of  the 
fullest  and  best  known  of  the  Greek  commentaries,  defines  his 
method  as  that  of  Origen ;  the  threefold  sense  which  he  finds 
in  Scripture  is  (1)  the  literal  or  historical,  (2)  the  figurative 
or  moral,  (3)  the  spiritual  or  mysterious,  which  contains  the 
mysteries  of  the  future,  expressed  in  symbols.  He  makes  the 
last  predominant  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Apocalypse, 
though  he  sometimes  refers  the  symbols  and  imagery  histori- 
cally to  the  time  of  the  Apocalyptist,  The  kingdom  of  1000 
years,  as  with  Ticonius  and  Augustine,  begins  with  Christ's 
earthly  life  and  will  continue  till  the  knowledge  of  him  is 
everywhere  extended,  the  number  of  years  being  symbolical  of 
completeness  and  multitude.  The  first  resurrection  is  the 
believer's  rising  from  spiritual  death ;  Babylon  represents,  not 
Rome,  but  the  sum  of  the  world-powers ;  the  temple  is  the 
Christian  Church,  On  the  other  hand,  Andreas  adopts  in 
many  cases  the  realistic  interpretation  ;  Antichrist  will  arise 
from  the  tribe  of  Dan  and  fix  the  seat  of  his  rule  at  Jerusalem ; 

1  Augustine  did  not  write  a  commentaiy  on  tlie  Apocalypse,  but  interpreta- 
tions of  parts  of  it  are  given  in  his  writings,  cf,  especially  De  civ.  Dei  20,  7  ff. 

2  For  this  theory  see  p.  322. 


326  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

Andreas  mentions  several  names  and  attributes  as  explanations 
given  of  {)()6,  but  rejects  them  all,  holding  the  number  a  mys- 
tery not  to  be  understood  till  Antichrist  comes ;  he  rejects  the 
reference  of  the  wounded  head  to  Nero ;  the  seven  heads  are 
seven  historical  empires  of  which  Rome  is  the  sixth,  Constanti- 
nople the  seventh ;  the  two  Witnesses  are  Elijah  and  Enoch ; 
the  first  five  seals  relate  to  the  past,  the  remaining  seals  and 
the  trumpets  and  the  bowls,  to  the  future. 

Primasius  (bishop  of  Hadrumetum  in  Africa)  follows  yet 
more  closely  than  does  Andreas  the  spiritualizing  method  of 
Ticonius,  purged  of  its  Donatistic  errors.  He  says  expressly 
in  his  preface,  that  he  is  guided  by  Augustine  and  Ticonius ; 
from  the  latter  he  introduces  long  excerpts.  The  general  pro- 
cedure of  his  exegesis  consists  in  finding  the  abstract  and  uni- 
versal in  the  concrete  ;  reference  to  historical  events  or  persons 
is  for  the  most  part  wanting,  though  some  realistic  interpreta- 
tions also  occur ;  e.g.  Antichrist  is  with  him  a  person  who  will 
come  out  of  Dan,  the  two  Witnesses  are  Enoch  and  Elijah,  the 
four  angels  standing  at  the  corners  of  the  earth  are  the  king- 
doms of  Assyria,  Media,  Persia,  and  Rome,  The  commentaries 
of  other  writers  in  the  first  half  of  this  period  follow,  often 
through  the  influence  of  Primasius,  often  directly,  the  leading 
of  Ticonius  with  a  blending  of  earlier  interpretations.  There 
are  differences  in  the  explanation  of  details,  but  there  is  no 
independence  of  traditional  methods.  An  exception  occurs 
in  Berengaudus,  a  ninth  century  commentator.  He  interprets 
the  first  six  seals  as  covering  the  time  from  Adam  to  the  rejec- 
tion of  the  Jews  in  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  ;  the  first  six  trumpets 
are  the  preachers  sent  by  God  from  the  beginning  of  biblical 
history  down  to  the  latest  defenders  of  the  Church,  the  seventh 
trumpet  represents  the  preachers  who  will  come  in  the  time  of 
Antichrist ;  the  horns  of  the  beast  are  the  barbarian  tribes  who 
destro3^ed  the  Roman  empire.  But  in  many  other  cases  Be- 
rengaudus follows  closely  his  predecessors.  He  does  not  ap- 
pear to  have  exerted  influence  on  the  course  of  interpretation, 
though  he  may  be  said  to  have  anticipated  the  principle  of  the 
later  system  which  found  in  the  Revelation  prediction  of  the 
future  history  of  the  Church  and  the  world. 

Joachim  (Abbot  of  Floris  in   Calabria,   died  1201)   made  a 


FIFTH  TO  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY  327 

really  new  departure  in  the  interpretation  of  the  Apocalypse  at 
the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  expressing  a  change  of  view 
wrought  by  the  course  of  history  and  the  character  of  the  age. 
From  the  time  of  Ticonius  and  Augustine  it  had  been  a  belief, 
nearly  universal,  that  the  kingdom  of  the  thousand  years  began 
with  the  earthly  appearance  of  Christ,  or  with  his  resurrection 
and  ascension  ;  Satan  had  been  '  bound,'  that  is,  his  power  had 
been  in  part  restrained,  but  he  was  not  destroyed,  Antichrist  and 
antichristian  powers  were  still  at  work  constantly  in  the  world; 
at  the  end  of  the  millennial  period  a  final  manifestation  of  evil 
in  personal  form  would  take  place,  with  all  its  enmity  toward 
the  Church.  Therefore  as  the  ten  centuries  neared  their  end, 
a  general  unrest  and  fear  seized  society.  Satan  was  about  to 
be  loosed  for  the  last  great  conflict,  the  time  of  dread  persecu- 
tion was  at  hand,  after  which  would  come  the  judgment  and  the 
end  of  the  world.  The  critical  period  however  passed  by,  nei- 
ther Antichrist  nor  the  Lord  appeared,  nothing  occurred  in  the 
experience  of  the  Cliurch  or  the  world  in  which  Christians  could 
see  their  expectations  and  fears  realized.  This  undisturbed 
passage  of  the  time  of  expected  crisis  produced  first  of  all  a 
change  of  view  in  regard  to  the  meaning  of  the  thousand  years. 
Augustine  centuries  before  had  taken  it  as  symbolical  of  an  in- 
definite period,  and  this  understanding  of  it  now  became  gen- 
eral. But  the  expectations  which  had  been  so  actively  aroused 
were  not  at  once  allayed;  great  interest  in  the  coming  of  the 
Last  Days  continued,  escliatological  thought  was  busy.  The 
Lord's  appearance  was  believed  to  be  not  far  off,  and  this  fore- 
boding was  soon  intensified  by  the  condition  of  the  Church 
itself,  which  now  entered  on  a  period  of  unconcern  and  self- 
content.  Relieved  as  it  was  from  fear  of  the  sufferings  believed 
to  be  predicted  for  the  time  now  past,  secure  in  its  imperial 
domination,  it  beheld  in  its  present  state  the  fulfillment  of  the 
promises  of  millennial  glory.  Naturally  deterioration  and 
worldliness  followed  as  the  result  in  both  official  administration 
and  individual  moral  life.  Devout  observers  saw  in  these 
forces  at  work  in  the  Church  the  presence  of  Antichrist  and  his 
agents.  Such  a  predominance  of  evil  could  not  continue,  —  in 
its  very  presence  lay  the  presage  of  the  End  as  near.  The  fore- 
most writer  to  interpret  the  Revelation  in   this  direction  was 


328  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

Joachim  of  Floris.  Like  Ticonius  he  views  many  of  the  proph- 
ecies as  referring  to  his  own  time.  He  divides  the  history  of 
the  world  into  three  periods,  that  of  the  Father,  the  Old  Testa- 
ment period,  that  of  the  Son,  the  New  Testament  period,  still 
continuing  in  Joachim's  time,  that  of  the  Holy  Spirit  soon  to 
come  ;  the  last  is  the  time  of  peace  and  glory,  when  Christ  will 
appear  again  on  earth  —  the  millennium  again  conceived  as 
future  and  not  already  begun  ;  the  number  of  years,  however,  is 
not  taken  literally.  This  coming  age  would  be  the  time  of  the 
'  contemplative  life,'  realized  in  perfected  monasticism.  A  new 
order  of  monks,  an  order  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  would  arise  which 
would  '  refresh  all  the  earth  as  streaming  rain.'  Joachim  divides 
and  subdivides  the  Apocalypse  in  an  artificial  manner,  and  in  ex- 
plaining the  different  divisions  uses  the  recapitulation  method. 
In  one  part  the  Beast  is  Mohammedism,  which  received  a  deadly 
wound  in  the  Crusades  but  revived  again  partially  from  time  to 
time  and  is  fully  restored  in  the  person  of  a  Saracen  king  ;  in 
another  part  the  Beast  is  the  devil.  Of  the  seven  kings,  five  of 
whom  are  fallen,  the  sixth  is  apparently  Saladin,  the  seventh  is 
Antichrist,  after  whose  overthrow  by  Christ  the  millennial  king- 
dom will  be  established ;  at  the  end  of  the  millennium  the  hosts 
of  Antichrist,  which  had  fled  to  the  remotest  regions  of  the  earth, 
would  return  to  their  assault  and  be  destroyed ;  then  would 
come  the  judgment  and  the  consummation.  The  false  prophet 
represents  the  heretics  of  the  time.  Joachim  did  not  attack 
directly  the  Pope,  but  the  general  corruption  of  the  Church, 
which  he  believed  would  be  restored  to  its  primitive  purity  and 
simplicity  through  monasticism.  In  his  view,  the  '  papacy  in  its 
true  ideal  belonged  to  the  foundation  of  the  Church ;  it  was 
antichristian  only  in  its  worldliness.'  ^  Joachim's  influence  was 
powerful  in  the  years  immediately  following,  especially  with 
the  Franciscans,  who  held  him  as  a  prophet,  and  in  their  con- 
flict with  the  Pope  carried  his  interpretation  of  the  Apocalypse 
to  an  extreme.  Passages  expressive  of  the  later  thought  were 
interpolated  into  his  writings,  books  were  pseudonymously  at- 
tributed to  him.  There  arose  in  these  years  a  widely  spread 
belief  that  the  world  was  entering  on  the  Last  Days,  a  belief 
doubtless  not  wholly  due  to  Joachim's  influence,  but  fostered 

1  Lucke  II.  1010. 


FIFTH  TO  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY  329 

by  it  and  finding  expression  in  his  writings.  The  demand  foi- 
the  reformation  of  tlie  Church  was  growing,  and  the  Apocalypse 
thus  interpreted  became  a  powerful  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
the  leaders  of  this  movement.  The  Pope  in  his  struggle  with 
the  emperor,  Frederick  II.,  had  declared  him  to  be  the  Beast  ris- 
ing out  of  the  sea  with  names  of  blasphemy  on  his  head  ;  and 
the  opponents  of  the  Pope  were  quick  to  retort  that  the  latter 
was  the  Antichrist  foretold  in  the  Apocalypse.  With  the 
followers  of  Joachim  and  with  all  who  set  themselves  against 
the  corruption  of  the  Church  and  the  hierachy  it  became  an 
axiom  that  the  Pope  was  the  Beast,  the  Antichrist,  and  that 
papal  Rome,  or  the  Roman  Church,  was  the  woman  sitting  on 
the  scarlet-colored  beast.  Their  destruction  was  foreseen  as 
near,  many  reckoned  the  year  or  the  decade.  Thus  there 
entered  into  the  study  of  the  Revelation  a  conception  which, 
untenable  as  it  is,  dominated  the  exegesis  of  the  book  for  cen- 
turies and  continued  almost  down  to  the  present  generation. 
Bousset  observes  with  justness  that  '  The  history  of  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Apocalypse  runs  on  from  the  fourth  century 
into  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  chiefly  under  tlie  influence  of 
two  works,  the  commentaries  of  Ticonius  and  Joachim  of  Floris.'  ^ 
Nicolas  of  Lyra  (teacher  of  theology  at  Paris,  died  1340). 
Near  the  end  of  this  period  there  appeared  for  the  first  time  in 
a  fully  developed  form  another  view  of  the  predictions  of  the 
Apocalypse,  which  was  destined  to  be  widely  adopted  in  the 
following  centuries,  the  view  which  regarded  them  as  forecast- 
ing the  whole  course  of  the  Church's  history.  Though  steps  had 
been  taken  in  this  direction  by  earlier  interpreters,  a  systematic 
and  comprehensive  application  of  the  idea  appears  first  in  Nic- 
olas of  Lyra.  Abandoning  the  theory  of  recapitulation,  he 
finds  in  the  course  of  the  book  prediction  of  a  continuous  series 
of  events  from  the  apostolic  age  to  the  final  consummation. 
The  seals  refer  to  the  period  extending  into  the  reign  of  Domi- 
tian ;  in  the  later  parts  are  predicted  the  Arian  and  other 
heresies,  the  spread  of  Mohammedism,  Charlemagne,  the  Cru- 
sades, and  other  historical  details  ;  the  millennium  is  already 
present;  Satan  is  to  be  loosed  and  return  again  with  his  hosts; 
then  will  come  the  End. 

1  Koin.  82. 


330  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

(3)  From  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  to  the  present 
time.  The  centuries  here  named  may  be  taken  as  forming  a 
single  group  in  our  survey,  because  of  the  presence  of  certain 
well-marked  characteristics  through  the  period  taken  as  a 
whole.  On  the  one  hand  the  principles  of  interpretation 
which  emerged  in  the  latter  part  of  the  former  period  are  the 
dominant  rule  with  the  larger  number  of  writers  quite  into 
the  nineteenth  century ;  on  the  other  hand,  parallel  with  this 
course  of  opinion,  there  arises  and  grows  through  these  years 
another  movement  which  issues  in  the  rigorous  historic  method 
of  to-day  —  the  method  which  most  interpreters  now  recognize 
as  alone  legitimate.  We  have  seen  above  the  rise  of  the  view 
that  the  Revelation  is  a  prophetic  epitome  of  the  whole  history 
of  the  Church  and  that  important  parts  of  it  are  directed 
against  the  Roman  Church  and  the  papacy.  This  antipapal 
aspect  of  it  dominates  a  large  part  of  the  literature  of  the  re- 
formers and  the  reformed  Church  down  to  quite  recent  times. 
'  The  reckoning  of  the  thousand  years'  kingdom  from  the 
birth  of  Christ  or  his  death  and  the  founding  of  the  Church, 
or  from  Constantine,  as  also  the  reference  of  the  Antichrist  of 
the  Apocalypse  to  the  papacy,  gradually  became  a  part  of 
Protestant  orthodoxy.'  ^  Roman  interpreters  following  the 
manner  of  their  opponents  easily  identified  the  Beast  and 
Antichrist  with  Luther  and  other  leaders  in  the  Reformation 
struggle,  and  the  False  Prophet  with  the  Protestant  sects.  In 
applying  the  prophecies  of  the  book  to  the  course  of  history 
different  writers  according  to  their  taste  or  time  have  seen 
different  events  and  persons  foretold.  Place  is  found  in  the 
visions  for  the  subsequent  course  of  the  Roman  empire,  for 
the  invasions  of  the  Goths  and  other  barbarian  tribes,  for  the 
Turks  and  their  conquest  of  Christian  lands,  for  the  Crusades, 
the  wars  of  the  Reformation,  the  French  revolution,  and  also 
for  great  historic  figures,  e.g.  Constantine,  Luther,  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  Napoleon,  and  so  on  with  endless  variety,  as  the 
phases  of  history  changed  and  the  fancy  of  scholars  dictated. 
With  some  the  recapitulation  theory  is  adopted,  each  of  the 
two  series,  the  trumpets  and  the  bowls,  repeating  and  making 
clearer  the  series  of  the  seals ;  but  generally  the  three  series 

1  Liicke  II.  1018. 


FROM  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  331 

are  viewed  as  unfolding-  a  continuous  history.  The  precise 
reckoning  of  future  times  and  dates  has  fascinated  many 
minds  and  has  been  carried  out  in  elaborate  computations. 
The  mathematicians  Napier  and  Whiston  fixed  the  date  of  the 
End,  the  former  between  1088  and  1700,  the  latter  at  1715, 
which  he  afterwards  changed  to  178-4:  and  again  to  a  later 
date.  Not  so  much  a  distinct  system  of  interpretation  as  a 
special  form  of  this  contimions-historical  theory  is  that  of  Au- 
berlen  (185-1)  and  his  followers,  who  see  in  the  Apocalypse  the 
prediction  not  of  the  historical  details  of  the  future,  but  of  the 
decisive  epochs  and  the  spiritual  forces  active  in  the  progress 
of  the  Church  through  its  conflict  with  the  world.  The  fan- 
tastic character  of  much  of  the  work  belonging  to  the  whole 
school  of  interpretation  here  spoken  of  should  not,  however, 
obscure  the  great  service  of  many  of  its  adherents  in  gram- 
matical, philological,  and  archaeological  investigations  and  in 
acute  exegesis.  Over  against  these  two  '  leading  motives  '  — 
the  forecasting  of  the  future  history  of  the  Church  or  the 
world,  and  the  reference  of  certain  parts  to  the  corruptions  of 
the  Roman  Church  ^ — which  run  through  this  period,  there 
appears,  develops,  and  culminates  that  method  of  interpretation 
which  approaches  the  Apocalypse  and  seeks  to  get  at  its  mean- 
ing from  the  facts  and  circumstances  of  the  writer's  own  time. 
A  special  impulse  in  this  direction  was  given  by  the  effort  of 
writers  of  the  Roman  Church  to  oppose  the  antipapal  interpre- 
tation almost  universal  with  Protestant  scholars. 

Riheira.  The  first  writer  in  this  movement  was  the  learned 
Spanish  Jesuit,  Franciscus  Ribeira,  who  published  his  commen- 
tary late  in  the  sixteenth  century.  His  position  was  deter- 
mined by  a  return  to  the  early  Christian  fathers.  With  him 
the  first  five  seals  relate  to  the  age  from  the  preaching  of  the 
Apostles  to  the  persecution  under  Trajan  ;  with  the  sixth  seal 
the  Apocalyptist  turns  to  the  End,  with  which  all  the  rest  of 
the  book  is  concerned ;  from  his  own  time  and  the  nearest 
future  his  vision  passed  over  to  the  Last  Days  with  no  proph- 
ecy of  intervening  events.  The  two  Witnesses,  Elijah  and 
Enoch,  Anti.hrist  originating  in  Dan,  the  destruction  of 
Babylon-Rome  belong  to  the  End.  The  deadly  wound  of  the 
Beast  healed  represents  Antichrist's  imitation  of  Christ's  death 


332  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

and  resurrection.  Bousset  rightly  says  of  Ribeira  and  his  im- 
mediate Jesuit  followers  that  '  they  labored  with  a  comprehen- 
sive learning,  with  a  knowledge  of  the  fathers  and  the  history 
of  the  exegesis  of  the  Apocalypse,  such  that  their  works  are 
not  yet  antiquated.'  ^ 

Alcasar,  also  a  Spanish  Jesuit,  in  a  work  of  great  fullness 
(1614)  divides  the  Apocalypse  into  three  parts,  and  develops 
the  theory  that  the  first  and  second  parts  (chapts.  5-11  and 
chapts.  12-19)  refer  respectively  to  the  conflicts  of  the  Church 
with  Judaism  and  the  heathenism  of  the  Roman  world,  while 
the  third  part  (chapts.  20-22)  predicts  the  victory  and  rest  of 
the  Church  in  the  thousand  years'  kingdom  which  began  with 
Constantine  and  will  continue  till  the  end  of  the  world.  In 
the  first  four  seals  the  beginnings  of  the  gospel  movement  are 
pictured,  then  in  the  sixth  seal  passing  over  to  the  year  70  and 
the  Jewish-Roman  war  the  Seer  describes  the  deliverance  of 
the  Christians  (chapt.  7),  the  calamity  visited  upon  the  Jew- 
ish nation  (chapts.  8-9),  their  rejection,  the  opening  of  the 
Church  to  the  Gentiles  and  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  with 
the  conversion  of  a  remnant  of  the  Jews  through  the  two  Wit- 
nesses slain  and  risen,  that  is,  the  Church  rising  out  of  its  per- 
secution to  a  higher  life  (chapts.  10-11).  The  second  part 
opens  with  the  birth  of  the  Gentile  Church  from  the  Jewish, 
the  man  child  born  of  the  woman,  and  the  persecution  under 
Nero  (chapt.  12).  The  vision  of  the  bowls  carries  on  the 
story  of  the  progress  of  the  gospel  in  overcoming  the  Roman 
world,  the  last  chapter  in  which  is  formed  by  the  conversion 
of  the  empire,  Constantine  being  the  strong  angel  who  binds 
Satan.  Beyond  this  general  conception  of  the  age  closing 
with  Constantine,  there  is  in  Alcasar  no  use  made  of  the 
method  spoken  of  above  which  finds  in  the  Apocalypse  the 
future  history  of  the  Church ;  that  is,  he  finds  in  the  book  no 
prediction  of  world-history  beyond  the  time  of  Constantine, 
when  the  millennium  began.  His  work  is  the  first  to  attempt 
a  complete  exposition  of  the  entire  premillennial  part  of  the 
book,  as  a  connected  and  advancing  whole  falling  within  the 
Apocalyptist's  age  and  the  centuries  immediately  following. 
It  becomes  therefore  important  in  the  growth  of  a  truly  scien- 

1  Kom.  92. 


FROM  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  333 

tific  method  of  exegesis,  in  spite  of  its  l"ie([ueiit  luisapprehen- 
sion  of  symbols  and  other  details. 

Later  writers,  following  in  the  direction  of  these  interpreters 
who  interpreted  the  book  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Apocalyp- 
tist's  time,  have  become  increasingly  numerous  in  the  progress 
of  biblical  study,  till  it  may  be  said,  unquestionably,  that  they 
hold  the  ascendency.  The  advance,  however,  to  a  consistent 
and  comprehensive  use  of  the  method  has  not  been  made  di- 
rectly ;  many  of  its  followers  have  joined  with  it  an  allegoriz- 
ing, or  a  church-historical  interpretation.  Grotius,  the  leader 
among  Protestant  scholars  who  first  adopted  the  principles  of 
Ribeira  and  Alcasar,  agrees  with  the  latter  in  his  general 
analysis  of  the  Apocalypse  into  the  three  parts  mentioned  above, 
with  their  respective  themes,  but  he  admits  into  his  interpre- 
tation more  departures  from  the  Apocalyptist's  time,  finding  in 
the  book  prophecy  of  details  in  the  reign  of  Constantine  and  of 
events  of  universal  history.  His  commentary  (1644)  exerted 
great  influence,  and  in  addition  to  its  philological  and  archae- 
ological learning,  it  is  significant  as  the  first  among  Protestant 
works  to  confute  the  reference  of  the  Jieast  to  the  Pope,  and  as 
the  first  to  call  in  question  the  imity  of  the  Apocalypse, ^  a  sub- 
ject which  assumes  great  importance  among  later  interpreters. 
Some  adherents  of  his  school  ^  limited  the  prophecies  in  their 
main  significance  to  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  a  broader 
application  of  the  method  has  generally  prevailed.  The  theory 
of  Eichhorn  (1791)  is  especially  interesting  in  its  treatment  of 
the  book  as  a  great  historic  poem  picturing  in  dramatic  form 
the  victory  of  Christianity  over  Judaism  and  heathenism,  sym- 
bolized respectively  in  Jerusalem  and  Rome.  In  the  course  of 
the  succeeding  years  a  gradual  advance  in  criticism,  in  correct 
exegetical  procedure  and  in  the  accumulation  of  illuminative 
material  has  definitively  established  the  theory  that  the  meaning 
of  the  Revelation  is  to  be  sought  through  the  circumstances  of 
the  writer  and  the  readers,  and  the  directly  practical  purpose  of 
the  book.  In  this  agree,  in  spite  of  important  differences  in 
other  respects,  most  scholars  of  recent  times. 

This  latest  interpretation  of  the   Revelation  has  been  pro- 

1  Cf.  p.  224. 

2  Abauzit  1733,  Hardouin  1741,  Harenberg  1759,  Zullig  1834-40,  al. 


334  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

foundly  affected  by  two  facts  which  have  been  recognized  only 
within  modern  times,  but  which  are  very  important  among  the 
circumstances  originally  shaping  the  book  and  so  entering  as 
large  factors  into  its  study  according  to  the  historic  method. 
(1)  The  book  is  now  seen  to  belong  to  the  somewhat  large  class 
of  apocalyptic  literature  and  to  have  taken  much  in  its  form 
and  matter  from  this  source.  Liicke's  monumental  work  was 
the  first  to  exhibit  with  fullness  this  group  of  writings  and  the 
relation  of  the  Revelation  to  them.  And  the  application  of 
these  results  has  revolutionized  the  interpretation  of  much  in 
our  book.  (2)  The  critical  study  of  unity^  with  the  generally 
accepted  view  that  the  Apocalyptist  made  more  or  less  use  of 
other  writings,  whether  combining  these  somewhat  mechanically, 
or  working  them  over  and  fitting  them  into  a  carefully  ar- 
ranged design,  or  presenting  them  in  a  redaction,  has  given  a 
new  aspect  to  the  exegesis  of  certain  parts,  if  not  the  whole. 

One  other  mefJiod  of  interpreting  the  Revelation  should  be 
mentioned  in  our  outline  of  this  period  —  that  which  conceives 
the  Seer  throughout  his  book,  or  through  all  except  the  first 
three  chapters,  to  have  been  looking  across  the  intervening  ages 
to  the  time  even  for  us  still  in  the  future  and  to  have  spoken 
only  of  the  Last  Days  as  thus  viewed.  Ribeira,  as  seen  above, 
understood  the  Apocalyptist  to  pass  over  in  the  sixth  seal  to  the 
time  of  tlie  End.  This  view  of  the  Spanish  scholar  was  taken 
up  and  applied  to  other  parts  of  the  book  in  the  last  century  by 
Maitland  (1826),  Kliefoth  (1874),  and  some  others;  some  un- 
derstood the  seven  epistles  to  be  addressed  to  the  actual  historic 
churches  of  the  writer's  time,  others  take  them  as  picturing  the 
various  conditions  of  the  Church  throughout  its  earthly  course, 
and  still  others  refer  even  these  to  the  eschatological  era.  This 
system  of  interpretation  has  not  gained  a  large  number  of  ad- 
herents. 

Classification  of  different  methods  of  interpretation.  The  dif- 
ferent interpretations  of  the  Apocalypse,  spoken  of  above,  have 
Ijeen  grouped  into  three  systems,  which  most  English  and 
American  expositors,  following  Davidson's  Introduction,^  have 
designated  (1)  the  preterist,  which  sees  the  chief  prophecies  of 

1  Vol.  III. 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  METHODS  335 

the  book  fulfilled  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  and  the  fall 
of  the  Roman  empire.  (2)  The  continuous-historical^  according 
to  which  the  book  embraces  important  conditions  and  move- 
ments in  the  history  of  the  Church  and  the  world  from  the 
writer's  age  to  the  end  of  time.  (3)  T\\q  futurist^  which  places 
the  events  foretold  entirely  in  the  Last  Days.^  A  better  desig- 
nation of  these  groups,  at  least  of  the  first  and  third,  is  that 
current  among  German  writers:  (1)  zeitgeschichtlich,  contem- 
j) or ary -historical^  (2)  kirchengeschiehtlich,  chnrch-histoi'ical,  or 
weltgeschichtlich^  world-historical,  (3)  endgeschichtlich,  eschato- 
logical.  Such  a  classification,  however,  is  not  to  be  carried 
out  on  rigidly  fixed  lines,  for  most  of  the  interpreters  combine, 
at  least  to  some  degree,  elements  belonging  to  different  sys- 
tems. As  already  pointed  out,  futurists  take  some  parts  as 
directly  historical,  preterists  transfer  parts  to  the  Last  Days, 
adherents  of  the  world-  or  church-historical  method  assign  parts 
to  each  of  the  other  systems ;  in  other  words  the  different 
theories  are  not  in  practical  application  made  mutually  exclu- 
sive throughout.  And  in  fact  the  nature  of  the  book  is  such 
that  no  one  of  the  systems  taken  in  its  narrow  limitations  to 
the  exclusion  of  the  others  can  give  a  just  conception  of 
the  Apocalyptist's  meaning.  Every  apocal3^ptic  writing  is 
grounded  in  the  present  and  the  past,  but  at  the  same  time 
looks  forward  to  the  future.  But  not  much  argument  is 
needed  to  show  that  neither  the  continuous-historical,  nor  the 
absolute  futurist  method  can  be  adopted  as  the  determining 
rule  in  the  study  of  the  Revelation.  The  book,  as  shown  by 
its  opening,  especially  the  letters  to  the  seven  local  churches, 
and  by  its  close,  is  addressed  to  the  needs  of  a  definite  historic 
community,  its  message  is  first  of  all  meant  directly  and  dis- 
tinctly for  that  community.  Its  contents ,  then  cannot  be 
understood  to  consist  principally  of  pictures  of  medieval  and 
modern  history,  or  of  predictions  of  an  eschatological  era  re- 
moved from  the  readers'  present  by  indefinite  ages.  Also  the 
true  conception  of  prophecy  ^  forbids  us  to  seek  here  the  de- 
tails of  future  history.  On  the  other  hand  in  the  use  of  what 
is  certainly  the  correct  method,  the  contemporary -historical,  two 

1  Davidson  himself  makes  a  fourtli  class,  that  of  the  'extreme  futurists,'  who 
refer  the  first  three  chapters  also  to  the  last  time  2  cf.  p.  301. 


336  HISTORY  OF  INTERPRETATION 

mistakes  have  often  been  made  :  (1)  the  ignoring  of  a  truly 
prophetic  character  in  the  book,  which  gives  to  it  a  spiritual 
outlook  not  realized  within  the  limits  of  the  history  of  the 
Roman  empire ;  (2)  the  effort  to  extend  too  widely  the  inter- 
pretation of  symbolical  language  by  circumstances  of  the 
writer's  era. 

While  the  method  followed  in  the  present  commentary  is,  as 
already  indicated,  the  contemporary-historical,  a  more  precise 
designation  would  be  apocalyptic-prophetic,  for  the  work  is  here 
regarded  as  possessing  the  marks  of  what  it  claims  to  be  (cf. 
pp.  292  f .),  the  message  of  a  prophet  sent  by  God  and  guided  by 
the  Spirit,  as  truly  as  e.g.  are  the  eschatological  passages  in 
St.  Paul's  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians.  But  in  both  matter 
and  form  the  prophecy  is  apocalytic.  The  prophet's  thought 
here  moves  in  a  realm  akin  to  that  of  the  whole  class  of  apoca- 
lyptic writings,  and  his  manner  as  regards  the  general  scope 
of  his  work,  its  formal  disposition,  and  its  language  and  sym- 
bols, is  determined  by  this  generic  relation.  This  view  of  the 
book  does  not,  however,  withdraw  it  from  the  category  of 
writings  which  are  to  be  studied  after  the  historic  method ; 
quite  the  contrary,  it  emphasizes  the  necessity  of  that  method, 
for  prophecy  and  apocalyptic  are  addressed  first  of  all  to  the 
particular  wants  of  the  time  in  which  they  originate ;  they  not 
only  reflect  the  circumstances  of  their  day,  but  their  meaning 
and  true  use  can  be  apprehended  only  by  approaching  them 
from  the  standpoint  of  their  origin.  At  the  same  time  the 
genuine  prophetic  character  of  our  book  removes  it  from  the 
class  of  purely  artificial,  literary  apocalypses ;  and  even  if  it 
be  seen  that  the  author  has  made  use  in  some  cases  of  earlier 
apocalyptic  documents,  it  is  not  hard  to  conceive  that  he  has 
introduced  such  as  a  means  for  the  elaboration  of  his  wonder- 
ful visions,  giving  them  a  meaning  suited  to  the  great  purpose 
of  his  work. 


CIRCULATION  AND  CANONICITY  337 

XI.    Early  Circulation  of  the  Apocalypse  and  Its 
Recognition  as  Canonical  i 

No  other  writing  of  the  New  Testament  can  claim  in  com- 
parison with  the  Apocalypse  more  abundant  and  more  trust- 
worthy evidence  that  it  was  widely  known  at  an  early  date. 
It  is  also  shown  beyond  question  to  have  been  recognized  from 
an  early  time  in  a  part  of  the  Church,  and  by  certain  fathers  in 
all  parts  of  the  Church,  as  belonging  in  the  category  of  author- 
itative Scriptures.  Many  of  the  witnesses  to  these  facts  specify 
also  the  name  of  the  author.  But  the  question  as  to  his  person- 
ality, whether  he  be  St.  John  the  Apostle  or  another  John,  need 
not  complicate  the  inquiry  of  the  present  paragraph,  in  which 
it  is  not  fundamental.  That  question  can  be  best  considered 
separately.  2  A  rapid  circulation  of  the  Apocalypse  from  the 
outset  would  be  favored  by  two  circumstances  :  it  was  directly 
addressed  to  seven  churches  and  each  of  these  would  be  likely 
to  obtain  a  copy  of  a  message  sent  specifically  to  itself  from  a 
prophet  and  teacher  well  known  to  it,  and  of  evident  authority. 
But  it  was  also  seen  to  be  a  message  to  the  whole  Church,^  and 
its  predictions  and  promises  related  to  Christians  everywhere  in 
the  perilous  times  upon  which  the  Church  was  now  entering. 
As  it  was  heard  when  read  in  the  Asian  congregations,  it  must 
have  stirred  the  profoundest  emotions,  and  eventually  copies  of 
it  could  hardly  fail  to  be  carried  afar  in  the  busy  intercourse  of 
Asia  Minor  with  the  world. 

The  Apostolic  Fathers  contain  no  certain  trace  of  acquaint- 
ance with  the  book.  Some  scholars  have  thought  to  find  rem- 
iniscences of  it  in  Ignatius,  Barnabas,  and  Hermas.  But  the 
parallelisms  occur  in  ideas  which  the  Apocalypse  has  in  com- 
mon with  earlier  known  writings,  or  are  too  remote  to  furnish 
evidence  of  acquaintance.^  The  silence  of  these  writers  does 
not  however  prove  their  ignorance  of  the  book ;  they  have  in 
general  no  occasion  to  quote  it.     Possibly  in  the  case  of  Hermas 

1  Cf.  Zahn  Geschichte  d.  Neutest.  Kanons ;  Grundriss  d.  Geschichte  etc.  ; 
Forschungen  zur  Geschichte  etc.  ;  Westcott  On  the  Canon  of  the  N.  T.  For  a 
survey  of  testimony  cf.  Lticke  II.  516-657.  A  convenient  summary  is  given  by 
Alford  Rev.  Prolegomena  198-220 ;  Speaker's  Com.  Rev.  406-426  ;  Bousset 
Kom.  19-31  ;  Swete  CII-CXIV.  2  See  pp.  343  f£.  »  See  Com.  1^. 

4  Cf.  Zahn  GK.  I.  954  f. 


338  CIRCULATION  AND  CANONICITY 

and  The  Teaching  of  the  Twelve  Apostles  we  might  expect 
some  echo  of  it,  since  they  speak  particularly  of  the  Last  Things  ; 
but  the  absence  of  such  reminiscence  from  these  writings  is  far 
from  convincing  evidence  that  the  book  had  not  yet  reached 
Rome,  or  the  home  of  The  Teaching.  A  few  years  later,  testi- 
mony to  the  book  becomes  direct  and  unquestionable.  The 
earliest  witness  comes  from  the  near  vicinity  of  some  of  the 
churches  to  which  the  book  was  addressed.  Papias^  bishop  of 
Hierapolis  in  the  early  part  of  the  second  century,  called  by 
IrensBus  a  companion  of  Polycarp  (of  whom  Irenseus  himself 
was  a  younger  contemporary)  and  a  man  of  olden  time,  ap)(^aLo<; 
avrip}  knew  the  book  and  accepted  it  as  inspired.  His  testi- 
mony is  not  preserved  in  his  own  words,  but  Andreas  in  his 
commentary  on  the  Apocalypse,^  in  which  he  shows  that  he  had 
used  the  writings  of  Papias  among  many  other  earlier  writers, 
reports  him  as  bearing  witness  with  Irenasus,  Methodius,  and 
Hippolytus  to  the  inspiration  of  the  Apocalypse.  Most  scholars 
are  agreed  that  there  is  no  ground  to  question  the  accuracy  of 
Andreas'  report  of  Papias.  Justin  Martyr^  who  became  a 
Christian  c.  133,  tarried  at  Ephesus  c.  135,  and  wrote  his  Apol- 
ogy c.  150,  and  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho  155-160, ^  bears  un- 
questionable testimony  in  the  words  (JDial.  81),  'A  certain  man 
among  us  whose  name  was  John,  one  of  the  Apostles  of  Christ, 
prophesied  in  a  revelation  made  to  him,  that  those  who  believe  in 
our  Christ  would  spend  a  thousand  years  in  Jerusalem,  and  that 
after  this  the  general  .  .  .  resurrection  of  all  would  take  place 
and  a  judgment.'  Also  his  language  regarding  Satan  (^Apol. 
I.  28),  '  The  prince  of  evil  demons  is  called  a  serpent  and  Satan 
and  the  devil  as  you  can  learn,  by  examination,  from  our  writ- 
ings'  alludes  plainly  to  Rev.  12^,  20^.  For  other  passages 
showing  Justin's  use  of  the  Apocalypse  see  Zahn,  CiK.  I.  531  ff. 
Irenceus,  born  in  Asia  Minor,  probably  at  Smyrna,  c.  130-135, 
presbyter  and  bishop  at  Lyons  (Gaul),  in  his  great  work  Against 
the  Heresies,  written  181-189,*  often  quotes  the  Apocalypse, 
sometimes  as  the  work  of  '  John  a  disciple  of  the  Lord,'  some- 
times '  John,'  without  nearer  definition,  as  a  person  well  known  ; 
in  one  place  (V.   30)  he  cites  it  as  '  the  Apocalypse '  without 

1  Euseb.  H.  E.Y.  20.  2  See  p.  325. 

3  Cf.  Harnack,  Vhron.  284.  ••Cf.  ibid.  723. 


CIRCULATION  AND  CANONICITY  339 

any  limiting  designation,  showing  thus  that  the  book  was  fa- 
miliar to  all.  He  mentions  '  ancient  copies,'  thus  showing  its 
early  circulation.  He  speaks  of  objections  to  the  Gospel  but 
nowhere  of  opposition  to  the  Apocalypse.  The  Epistle  of  the 
Churches  at  Vienne  and  Li/ons^  written  c.  177  to  their  brethren 
in  Asia  Minor  and  Fhrygia  in  the  persecution  under  Marcus 
Aurelius,  shows  acquaintance  with  the  Apocalypse  in  a  number 
of  places,  and  in  one  instance  speaks  of  it  as  Scripture.  Most 
of  this  epistle  is  preserved  in  Eusebius,  MJE.  V.  1  f.  Melito, 
bishop  of  Sardis,  one  of  the  churches  addressed  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse, a  prolific  writer  and  an  active  personality  in  the  affairs 
of  the  Church  in  Asia  Minor,  wrote  a  work  on  the  Apocalypse 
c.  175.  Only  the  title  is  preserved  (Euseb.  IV.  26),  but  the 
fact  that  such  a  work  was  written  attests  the  importance  at- 
tached to  the  Apocalypse  at  the  time.  ITieophilvs^  bishop 
of  Antioch  (in  Syria)  in  the  latter  part  of  the  second  cen- 
tury, used  the  Apocalypse  as  doctrinal  authority,  appealing  to 
it  in  opposition  to  the  heresy  of  Hermogenes.^  Tertidlian 
of  Carthage,  at  the  end  of  the  second  and  the  beginning  of 
the  third  century,  quotes  extensively  from  the  book,  and 
appears  to  know  of  no  objection  to  it  except  that  of  Marcion 
(see  below).  The  version  which  he  used  in  his  quotations 
agreed  essentially  with  the  Vulgate  of  later  date ;  it  may  there- 
fore be  reasonably  argued  that  that  version,  since  it  retained  its 
hold  on  the  Church,  was  one  supported  by  ecclesiastical  use. 
'  Everything  tends  to  show  that  the  Apocalypse  was  acknowl- 
edged in  Africa  from  the  earliest  times  as  canonical  Scripture ' 
(Westcott  267).  Both  Clement  of  Alexandria^  contemporary 
with  TertuUian,  and  Origen,  also  of  Alexandria,  a  younger  con- 
temporary of  Clement  and  the  leading  early  critic  of  the  canon 
of  Scripture,  followed  the  common  tradition  of  the  Church  in 
accepting  the  book  as  canonical.  The  Muratorian  Canon,  a 
fragment  belonging  to  a  date  near  the  end  of  the  second  cen- 
tury ,2  giving  so  far  as  it  is  preserved  a  list  of  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  which  at  least  the  western  church  held  to  be 
canonical,  includes  the  Apocalypse. 

This  summary  of  testimony,  which  is  far  from  exhaustive, 
will  show  that  the  Apocalypse  within  a  little  more  than  a  cen- 

1  Euseb.  H.  E.  IV.  24.  2  Cf.  Zahu  GK.  II.  1-143,  Westcott,  214  ff. 


340  CIRCULATION  AND  CANONICITY 

tury  after  its  appearance  became  known  in  all  parts  of  the 
Church  and  was  widely  held  to  be  a  work  of  inspired  author- 
ity. But  this  general  acceptance  was  not  undisputed.  The 
earliest  opponent  was  Marcion,  whose  career  as  a  religious 
teacher  at  Rome  began  c.  140.  He  rejected  the  Apocalypse. 
But  he  rejected  also  all  the  Johannine  writings  and  the  other 
books  of  the  New  Testament  except  ten  Pauline  epistles  and 
the  Pauline  Gospel,  his  recension  of  Luke.  His  rejection  of 
these  parts  of  the  New  Testament  rested,  not  on  historical 
ground,  but  on  divergence  from  his  dogmatic  tenets,  especially 
his  an ti- Judaism.^  Somewhat  later  the  so-called  Alogi  re- 
jected the  Apocalypse  and  the  Gospel.  The  ground  of  this 
rejection  seems  to  have  been  bitter  opposition  to  the  Monta- 
nists,  who  supported  their  millenarian  doctrine  and  their  ex- 
travagant belief  regarding  a  new  outpouring  of  the  Spirit  by 
appealing  to  these  books. ^  Stuart  (I.  337)  makes  an  apt  com- 
parison in  the  case  of  Luther :  '  the  leading  reformer  had  a 
warm  dispute  with  the  Romanists  on  the  subject  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  alone.  They  appealed  with  all  confidence  to  the 
epistle  of  James  as  deciding  against  him.  He,  unable  to  over- 
throw their  exegesis,  rejected  the  book  itself  and  called  it  in 
the  way  of  contempt  epistola  staminea.^  One  historical  argu- 
ment was  adduced  by  the  Alogi,  viz.  that  there  was  no  church 
at  Thyatira  and  that  therefore  an  inspired  Apostle  could  not 
have  written  the  epistle  addressed  to  that  church  (2^*^^).  But 
the  Apocalypse  itself  gives  evidence  that  one  existed  there  at 
the  time  of  the  book,  if  not  in  the  time  of  the  Alogi.  Who- 
ever the  author,  he  would  not  have  assumed  as  fact  a  thing 
known  to  all  to  be  erroneous.  According  to  Epiphanius  that 
city  was  a  center  of  Montanism.  In  sympathy  with  the  Alogi, 
as  a  zealous  anti-Montanist  the  Roman  presbyter  Caius  in  the 
time  of  Zepliyrinus  (bp.  199-217)  wrote  a  Dialogue  against 
the  Montanist  Proclus  in  which  he  attributed  the  Apocalypse 
to  Cerinthus.3  Caius  accuses  Cerinthus  of  attributing  to  the 
apostle    John    the    book    which    he    had   himself    fabricated.'* 


1  Cf.  Zahu  GK.  I.  585  ff.,  Westcott  318  ff.  2  cf.  Zahn  I.  223  ff. 

3  EiLseb.  H.  E.  III.  28. 

^  The  attitude  of  Caius  toward  the  authenticity  of  tlie  Apocalypse,  obscure 
in  the  passage  in  Eusebius,  is  made  clear  in  certain  Syriac  fragments  from  Hip- 


CIRCULATION  AND  CANONICITY  341 

Caius,  in  impugning  the  apostolic  origin  of  the  Apocalypse  in 
the  interest  of  anti-Montanisni,  reviews  the  book  and  finds 
various  discrepancies  between  it  and  other  parts  of  the  New 
Testament;  e.g.  the  signs  of  the  End  contradict  the  Lord's 
words  about  coming  as  a  thief  in  the  night. ^  A  more  charac- 
teristic example  of  Caius'  discrepancies  is  the  following :  hell- 
ish locusts  overrun  the  wicked,  but  the  Scripture  says  the 
wicked  shall  flourish  and  the  saints  shall  be  persecuted. 
Cains'  criticism  was  without  any  considerable  influence  in  the 
west ;  it  was  taken  up  and  refuted  by  Hippolytus,  his  contem- 
porary at  Rome,  a  zealous  defender  of  the  Apocalyjose  as  writ- 
ten Ijy  the  apostle  John. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  third  century  Dionysius  the  Great, 
bishop  of  Alexandria,  in  his  opposition  to  millenarianism  and 
apparently  influenced  by  Caius,  took  up  anew  the  question  of 
the  authenticity  of  the  Apocalypse ;  and  though  concluding 
that  the  John  who  wrote  it  was  not  the  Apostle,  he  neverthe- 
less accepted  it  as  divinely  inspired,  thus  retaining  its  canoni- 
cal authority.^  The  criticism  of  so  illustrious  a  figure  in  the 
Church  as  Dionysius  could  not  fail  to  exert  influence,  espe- 
cially in  Egypt  and  the  east.  Following  in  his  footsteps  Euse- 
bius,  the  historian,  bishop  of  Cfesarea  in  the  earlier  half  of  the 
fourth  century,  saw  a  second  John  as  the  author  of  the  book. 
The  rejection  of  the  apostolic  authorship  became  now  more 
frequent  in  the  east,  and  in  consequence  the  inspired  authority 
of  the  book  was  less  generally  accepted  there,  or  at  least  the 
testimony  to  its  wide  acceptance  is  less  certain.  Among  those 
who  either  distinctly  declared  against  it,  or  seem  to  have 
used  it  with  reserve,  were  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  Gregory  Nazian- 
zen,  Amphilochius  of  Iconium,  Chrysostom,  Theodoret.  The 
Peshitta,  the  vulgate  Syriac  version,  does  not  contain  it,  and 
its  presence  in  the  earliest  revisions  of  the  old  Syriac  is  due  to 
a  later  hand.  Similarly  the  earliest  forms  of  the  Armenian 
and  Egyptian  versions  seem  to  have  lacked  it.  But  on  the 
other  hand  in  common  with  the  whole  western  church  adher- 
ents of  the  traditional  view  are  numerous  in  other  churches 

polytus  published  by  Gwynn  in  Uermathena  1 888.     On  Cains  see  Zahn  GK   I 
222  ff.  ;  II.  973  ff. 

1  Cf.  pp.  147,  351.  2  For  his  argument  on  authorship  see  pp.  354  ff. 


342  CIRCULATION  AND  CANONICITY 

also,  e.g.  Ephrem  Syrus,  Basil  of  Csesarea,  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
Epiphanius,  Athanasius,  Cyril  of  Alexandria,  Didymus.^  It 
is  clear  that  the  canon  appearing  in  those  versions  which 
lacked  the  Apocalypse  was  not  regarded  as  a  final,  authorita- 
tive pronouncement  against  the  book.  No  synodical  authority 
of  the  Church  had  as  yet  set  forth  a  canon  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment ;  individual  opinion  was  restrained  by  no  external  in- 
fluence save  tradition  and  common  consent.  But  it  is  not 
difficult  to  account  for  the  rise  of  objections  to  the  Apocalypse 
in  this  j)eriod ;  and  it  should  be  noted  that  the  impugners  of 
the  book  did  not  appeal  to  the  testimony  of  early  history. 
The  age  of  persecution,  to  which  the  book  was  directly  ad- 
dressed, had  passed  by,  the  most  striking  prophecies  had  not 
been  fulfilled,  and  the  meaning  of  the  book  had  become  ex- 
tremely obscure  to  this  generation.  IMany  might  therefore 
hesitate  to  attribute  it  to  inspiration ;  probably  also  many  who 
have  left  in  their  writings  few  or  no  traces  of  using  it  may 
have  accepted  its  canonicity,  while  finding  it  for  the  reasons 
just  stated  less  available  than  the  other  books  of  the  New 
Testament  as  an  authorit}^  to  be  appealed  to,  or  to  be  quoted. 
The  absence  from  a  great  version  may  be  due  to  the  thought 
that  it  was  not  well  suited  to  reading  in  the  congregations, 
rather  than  to  a  disbelief  in  its  inspiration.  Versions  were 
primarily  works  of  gradual  growth,  and  designed  for  use  in 
public  service. 

The  first  action  relating  to  the  Scriptures  taken  by  a  synod 
is  that  of  the  council  of  Laodicea,  not  far  from  360.^  This 
was  an  assembly  of  certain  provinces  of  Asia  Minor.  It 
adopted  an  ordinance  forbidding  the  reading  of  uncanonical 
scriptures  in  public  worship.  And  in  the  list  of  canonical  books 
given,  the  Apocalypse  is  wanting ;  but  that  part  of  the  de- 
cree as  now  extant  is  not  generally  regarded  genuine,^  though 
probably  of  early  date.  The  third  council  of  Carthage  (397) 
adopted  a  decree  regarding  the  Scriptures  to  be  read  in  ser- 
vice, and  the  Apocalypse,  in  keeping  with  the  universal  opin- 
ion of  the  western  church  from  earliest  times,  was  included  in 
the  list    of    canonical  books.     The  council    of    Constantinople 

1  Cf.  Liicke,  628  ff.  2  cf.  Zahn,  OK.  II.  196  ;  Westcott  439  f. 

3  Cf.  Zahn  II.  193  ff.  ;  Westcott  445. 


AUTHORSHIP  343 

(the  Quinisextine,  692)  ratified  the  decrees  of  Laodicea  and 
Carthage,  notwithstanding  their  apparent  contradiction  as 
regards  the  inclusion  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  thus  the  book 
was  formally  acknowledged  a  part  of  the  New  Testament  of 
the  eastern  church.  But  the  action  of  the  various  councils,  it  is 
well  to  remember,  did  not  create  the  New  Testament  canon  ; 
it  only  registered  what  had  come  to  be  recognized  by  the  gen- 
eral consent  of  the  Church.  Neither  such  action  of  the  coun- 
cils, nor  the  opinion  of  the  Church,  thus  formally  recorded, 
could  settle  the  question  of  authorship,  purely  a  question  of 
historic  fact.  The  decision  thus  reached  could  only  declare 
the  conviction  of  the  Church  that  the  Apocalypse,  like  the 
other  books  of  the  canon,  is  the  work  of  one  who  has  here  re- 
corded truth  apprehended  through  the  influence  of  the  Spirit, 
truth  of  sj^ecial  authority  as  the  word  of  God.  The  fact  that 
a  part  of  the  Church  reached  this  recognition  so  slowly  can 
raise  no  doubt  as  to  its  verity.  A  part  of  the  Church,  the 
western,  was  slow  to  recognize  the  inspired  character  of  the 
epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  In  each  case  the  guiding  Spirit  of 
God  led  the  whole  Church  eventually  to  discern  the  revelation 
of  divine  truth  thus  given  to  it.  The  two  books  form  two  of 
the  richest  treasures  of  the  sacred  canon. 


XII.   Authorship  1 

Information  regarding  the  author  of  the  Revelation  must  be 
sought  first  of  all  in  the  book  itself.  The  book  is  in  the  form 
of  an  epistle,  the  writer  of  which  designates  himself  simply  as 
John  the  servant  of  Christ,  a  brother  who  is  one  with  the 
readers  in  the  persecution  of  the  time  and  the  Christian  hope 

1  Besides  commentaries,  encyclopedias  etc.,  see  among  recent  publications, 
Gutjahr,  Glauhwilrdigkeit  d.  irenaischen  Zengnisses,  etc.  ;  Schwartz,  Uebe?-  d. 
Tod  d.  Sohne  Zeb.,  in  the  Abhandlungen  d.  k'onig.  Gesellschaft  d.  Wissen.  zu 
Gdttinqen,  Phil.-Hist.  N.  F.  VII.  1904  ;  Badham,  Am.  Journ.  of  Theol.  1899, 
729  ff.  ;  1904,  539  ff.  ;  Clemen,  Ain.  Journ.  of  Theol.  1905,  643  ff.  ;  Bacon, 
Fourth  Gospel  in  Research,  etc.,  also  articles  in  Ribbert  Journ.  1903,  I.  510  ff.  ; 
1904,  II.  323  ff.  ;  III.  353  ff.  ;  Moffatt,  Introd.  to  Lit.  of  N.  T.  501  ff.  ;  596  ff.  ; 
Lightfoot,  Essays  on  the  Work  entitled  Supernatural  Religion;  Zahn,  Forsch. 
VI.  147  ff.  ;  Harnack,  Chron.  320  ff.  ;  651  ff.  ;  Corssen,  Warum  ist  d.  vierte 
Evang.  etc.,  in  Zeitschrift fur  Neutest.  Wissen.  1901  ;  J.  Weiss,  Offenbar.  155  ff.; 
Larield,   Die  beiden  Johan.  wn  Ephesus  ;  Chapman,  John  the  Presbyter,  etc. 


344  AUTHORSHIP 

of  the  kingdom,  1''*'",  22'^.  The  particular  John  meant  he 
nowhere  specifies.  Several  persons  bearing-  the  name  are  men- 
tioned in  tlie  New  Testament,  and  probably  others  were  known 
to  the  churches.  But  the  writer  assumes  that  his  name  needs 
no  definition ;  he  is  addressing  directly  the  churches  of  seven 
Asian  cities  where  he  is  well  known,  where  he  had  evidently 
labored  for  a  considerable  time,  for  he  is  familiar  with  the 
exact  circumstances  and  the  spiritual  condition  of  each  one  of 
the  congregations,  he  knows  the  events  of  their  past  history.  ^ 
Reports  regarding  a  church  might  be  brought  to  a  stranger, 
as  to  Paul  in  the  case  of  the  Colossians,  but  here  there  is  a  minute 
personal  knowledge  of  the  special  surroundings,  and  of  the 
present  and  past  experiences,  of  churclies  in  seven  important 
and  somewhat  widely  scattered  cities,  including  the  great  capi- 
tal city  of  Ephesus ;  and  it  is  clear  that  these  cities  are  not  tlie 
whole  field  of  the  writer's  labors,  they  are  chosen  out  of  a 
larger  number,^  and  together  represent  a  considerable  territory 
in  whicli  the  writer  had  for  some  time  gone  up  and  down  bear- 
ing witness  to  the  gospel.  He  does  not  enforce  his  message 
by  appealing  to  an  official  station  in  the  C!hurch,  if  he  held  any 
such,  as  St.  Paul  is  constantly  compelled  to  point  to  his  apos- 
tolic authority ;  and  yet  we  feel  that  there  is  throughout,  and 
especially  manifest  in  chapts.  1-3  and  in  the  epilogue,  22^' ^i^ 
the  tone  of  one  who  speaks  out  of  the  consciousness  that  he  is, 
and  is  acknowledged  to  be,  a  religious  leader  among  the  Cliris- 
tians  of  Proconsular  Asia,  and  that  lie  possesses  the  unques- 
tioned right  to  address  to  these  cliurches,  and  through  these 
to  others,  a  writing  to  be  read  in  their  public  assemblies.  He 
emphasizes  his  office  as  a  prophet,^  doubtless  because  of  the 
peculiar  character  of  this  message  as  differentiated  from  that 
of  his  familiar  preaching.  He  refers  to  his  sojourn  at  Patmos, 
which  if  due  to  banishment  was  already  known  to  tlie  readers, 
in  order  to  show  them,  as  the  prophets  and  apocalyptists  fre- 
quently do,  the  precise  circumstances  in  which  the  revelations 
were  given  to  lum.  He  is  now  no  longer  at  Patmos ;  *  he 
might  have  told  the  churches  by  word  of  mouth  about  his  vis- 
ions, but  he  is  conscious  of  the  divine  purpose  in  his  message 

1  Cf.  especially  2-'-5,  i'',  ly,  -'i,  310.  2  Cf .  p.  210.  3  See  pp.  292  f . 

4  See  Com.  P. 


AUTHORSHIP  345 

as  belonging  to  those  beyond  his  roach  in  both  space  and  time. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  book  to  indicate  that  he  does  not  con- 
tinue his  work  in  the  Asian  churches  after  his  departure  from 
Patmos.  He  reveals  everywhere  his  Jewish  nationality,  but 
not  a  Judaizing  tendency ;  his  mind  is  wonderfully  stored  with 
the  ideas  and  language  of  the  Jewish  prophets  and  apocalyp- 
tists,  his  (Ireek  is  often  that  of  one  who  is  thinking  in  the 
Hebrew  idiom,  yet  his  departures  from  correct  Greek  usage 
are  pretty  certainly  not  due  to  ignorance  ;  his  general  correct- 
ness and  his  Greek  vocabulary  show  him  to  have  possessed  an 
adequate  command  of  the  language.  As  a  Christian  his 
thought  does  not  in  its  fundamentals  differ  from  that  of  the 
other  writers  of  the  New  Testament,  though  in  some  aspects 
it  is  more  distinctly  developed.^ 

This  testimony  regarding  the  author  given  in  the  book  it- 
self is  against  the  view  held  by  some,^  that  an  unknown  writer 
or  editor  here  assumes  the  name  John.  It  is  argued  that  the 
extant  apocalypses  are  all  pseudonymous,  tiiat  the  authors 
have  antedated  their  books,  and  sought  to  give  them  authority 
by  the  assumption  of  a  great  name  of  the  past,  as  that  of 
Enoch,  Isaiah  etc. ;  the  inference  is  therefore  drawn,  that  the 
author  of  this  book  follows  the  custom  of  his  class.  And  this 
supposition  is  held  to  be  required  by  what  is  claimed  as  estab- 
lished facts,  viz.  ;  that  the  book  is  an  editorial  compilation  of 
various  apocalyptic  fragments,  and  that  no  John  is  known, 
neither  the  Apostle  nor  another,  who  suits  the  conditions  of 
authorship  presupposed  in  the  book.  In  answer  it  should  be 
said  first  of  all  that  the  Shepherd  of  Hermas  survives  as  an 
example  of  a  Christian  apocalypse  which  is  not  pseudonymous, 
and  further  that  our  Apocalyptist  shows  himself  too  strongly 
assured  of  his  own  inspiration,  as  one  of  the  now  restored  order 
of  prophets,  to  admit  of  his  assuming  another's  name  to  sanc- 
tion his  words. -^  As  regards  the  composite  structure  of  the 
Apocalypse  enough  is  said  elsewhere  of  the  presence  in  the 
book  of  a  single  personality  shaping  both  the  language  and 
the  thought  in  the  present  form,  whatever  use  he  may  have 

1  See  pp.  310  ff.,  163  f.,  350  ff. 

2  So,  Semler,  Volkmar,  Scholten,  more  recently  Weizsacker,  Wernle, 
Bacon,  al.  ^  See  p.  i!U8. 


346  AUTHORSHIP 

made  of  other  material. ^  The  theory  of  a  fictitious  John,  im- 
personating either  the  Apostle  or  the  so-called  John  the  Pres- 
byter, raises  difficulties  of  which  no  satisfactory  solution  is 
given.  The  advocates  of  a  pseudonymous  author  generally 
take  the  assumed  name  to  impersonate  the  Apostle ;  the  writer 
in  choosing  a  name  to  give  authority  in  his  book  could  find 
none  more  available  for  his  purpose  than  that  of  the  foremost 
John  known  to  the  Church.  But  if  at  the  time  when  the 
Revelation  was  written,  the  end  of  the  first  century,  the  Apos- 
tle was  really,  as  tradition  represents,  a  resident  among  the 
Asian  churches,  it  is  not  conceivable  that  another  would  have 
addressed  this  letter  to  them  in  his  name ;  nor  would  one  have 
ventured  to  do  so  in  the  years  soon  following  John's  death ; 
some  clear  evidence  would  be  needed  in  the  book  to  persuade 
surviving  contemporaries,  that  it  was  the  Apostle  himself  who 
was  here  speaking  in  a  posthumous  writing,  and  to  explain 
why  this  writing  had  not  appeared  before.  The  writers  of 
pseudonymous  apocalypses  leave  no  room  for  question  as  to 
these  points ;  Daniel  is  bidden  to  seal  his  book  to  the  time  of 
the  End,  S^e,  12^- ^  compare  also  2  Esd.  U^^  Enoch  l^. 
Nothing  of  the  kind  appears  in  the  Revelation.  So  far  as  can 
be  shown  by  any  designation  which  the  author  gives  himself 
he  might  be  another  John  as  certainly  as  the  Apostle,  and 
there  is  no  intimation  that  the  book  of  an  apostle,  now  dead, 
is  here  brought  to  light.  Especially  would  some  indication  of 
this  kind  be  needed,  if  there  were  in  the  younger  generation 
in  the  Asian  church  another  well-known  John  called  the  Pres- 
byter ;  see  pp.  362  ff .  On  the  other  hand  if  the  view  of  many 
recent  scholars  be  correct,  that  the  Apostle  had  been  martyred 
some  fifty  years  before  and  had  never  resided  in  Asia,  all  the 
more  certainly  would  a  writer  assuming  identity  with  him  be 
compelled  so  to  designate  himself  in  some  way,  and  to  explain 
the  late  appearance  of  the  book.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to 
point  out  that  these  considerations  are  of  equal  force  against 
an  unknown  writer's  use  of  the  name  of  John  the  Presbyter. 

Most  scholars  of  all  schools  of  criticism,  though  differing  as 
to  who  the  John  was,  are  agreed  that  the  book  was  not  pseu- 
donymous, that  it  was  written,  at  least  in  part,  by  a  John  well 
1  See  pp.  216  ff.  ;  also  paragraphs  on  Criticism  in  Com. 


AUTHORSHIP  347 

known  at  the  time  to  the  Asian  churches.  The  traditional 
view  that  the  author  was  John  the  Apostle  is  held  l)y  many 
recent  scholars.  ^  The  larger  number  of  present-day  critics 
identify  the  author  with  John  the  Presbyter ;  some  few  (e.^. 
Spitta)  with  John  Mark.  The  last  supposition  is  generally 
rejected,  since  there  is  nothing  in  the  New  Testament  or  early 
tradition  associating  Mark  in  this  way  with  the  Asian  church. 
Opinion  will  j)robably  remain  divided  between  John  the  Apos- 
tle and  John  the  Presbyter,  according  to  the  attitude  of  differ- 
ent minds  toward  evidence.  But  it  cannot  be  too  strongly 
emphasized  that  the  question  of  the  personality  of  the  author 
is  altogether  subordinate  to  that  of  the  canonicity  of  the  book 
and  its  religious  value. ^  Large  parts  of  the  Old  Testament 
scriptures  are  of  undetermined  authorship ;  not  only  the  his- 
torical books  are  such,  but  also  most  of  the  psalms,  portions  of 
the  prophets,  and  other  writings.  And  in  part  the  same  is 
true  of  the  New  Testament ;  'the  writers  of  a  third  of  the  num- 
ber of  books  are  not  announced  in  the  books  themselves,  and 
inquiries  regarding  their  personalities  are  far  from  reaching  a 
uniform  answer.  But  we  accept,  e.g.  the  priceless  epistle  to 
the  Hebrews  as  we  do  the  second  part  of  Isaiah,  each  from  the 
pen  of  a  great  unknown.  And  we  attribute  to  all  such  por- 
tions the  same  authoritative  character  as  to  the  rest  of  the 
Scriptures.  So  the  Revelation  has  come  to  us  declaredly  the 
work  of  a  Christian  j^rophet,  bringing  its  own  credentials ;  ^ 
and  the  Church  has  been  guided  with  common  consent  to  rec- 
ognize in  it  a  God-sent  message  of  spiritual  truths.  As  such 
the  sympathetic  reader  accepts  the  lessons  of  its  wonderful 
visions,  its  words  of  command  and  encouragement.  In  view 
of  these  facts  it  would  perhaps  be  sufficient  to  rest  the  ques- 
tion of  authorship  here.  Certainly  it  would  seem  that  the 
question  of  his  personal  identity,  as  not  involving  the  essential 
truth  of  a  part  of  our  New  Testament,  might  be  studied  with 
impartiality.  Unfortunately  one  cannot  follow  the  various  dis- 
cussions of  the  topic  with  the  conviction  that  such  has  been 
the  case.  In  the  following  brief  survey  of  the  subject  a  state- 
ment is  given  of  the  chief  arguments  which  have  been  offered 

1  So,  B.  Weiss,    Zahn,   Sanday,    Stanton,    Eeynolds,    Drummond,    Simcox, 
Batifol,  al.  2  See  pp.  337  ff.  3  Cf.  pp.  292  ff. 


348  AUTHORSHIP 

as  possessing  force,  and  some  comment  on  these  is  added. 
Two  questions  really  preliminary  to  the  inquiry,  the  personal- 
ity of  the  so-called  John  the  Presbyter,  and  the  tradition  of 
John  the  Apostle's  sojourn  in  Asia,  are  most  conveniently  con- 
sidered elsewhere  (pp.  362  if.,  366  if.)  ;  the  results  of  the  dis- 
cussion there  presented  are  taken  into  account  here. 

Early  testimo7iy  to  the    authorship   of  the  Apocalypse.  In 

estimating  the  trustworthiness  of  opinion  regarding  the  author- 
ship of  the  Apocalypse  in  the  early  years  of  its  circulation,  it 
is  necessary  to  take  into  account  especially  the  nature  of  the 
writing  and  the  extent  to  which  it  was  known.  It  was  not  an 
anonymous,  or  pseudonymous  tract,i  copies  of  which  were 
manufactured  in  a  statio  and  sent  out  to  the  public  through 
the  bibliopoke,  the  booksellers;  it  was  a  personal  letter  ad- 
dressed in  the  author's  unmistakable  name  to  those  churches 
in  which  he  was  well  known,  and  it  was  to  be  read  in  their 
assemblies.  Unquestionably  it  became  familiar  at  once  to  the 
Christians  in  the  capital  city  of  Ephesus  and  the  rest  of  the 
seven  cities.  And  the  hearers  all  knew  from  whom  the  mes- 
sage came,  as  certainly  as  did  the  Corinthians  in  receiving  a 
letter  from  St.  Paul.  Like  other  epistles  addressed  to 
churches,  it  must  have  been  read  repeatedly,  recalling  the  per- 
sonality of  the  writer,  whoever  he  might  be.  It  is  quite  con- 
ceivable that  a  book  like  the  Fourth  Gospel  might  not  be  so 
certainly  and  universally  associated  with  its  author ;  but  it  is 
hard  to  believe  that  a  message  so  personal  as  that  of  the  Reve- 
lation could  have  been  wrongly  attributed  at,  or  near,  the  time 
of  its  reception.  And  it  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that 
there  were  at  least  seven  copies  of  it  in  existence  soon  after  its 
first  transmission.  We  have  evidence  of  a  considerable  circu- 
lation not  long  after  it  was  written  in  the  reference  which 
Irenseus  makes  to  'all  good  and  ancient  copies.' ^  Irenseus 
himself,  in  his  younger  years  a  contemporary  of  many  of  a 
maturer  age  who  were  living  when  the  book  was  first  read  in 
the  churches,  could  hardly  speak  of  copies  as  ancient,  unless 
they  belonged  to  a  time  very  near  the  date  of  the  book.  And 
he  shows  also  that  discussion  had  arisen  in  those  earlier  years, 
1  Cf.  p.  345  f .  2  iiaer.  V.  30  ;  Euseb.  V.  8,  5. 


AUTHORSHIP  349 

before  the  time  when  lie  was  writing  his  work  against  the 
Heresies  (c.  185-1 90),  regarding  the  nnniber  of  the  Beast,  and 
that  appeal  had  been  made  to  those  who  had  seen  the  author 
face  to  face.  The  witnesses  appealed  to  could  not  have  been 
living  at  the  time  of  the  writing  of  the  book  against  the  Here- 
sies ;  the  dispute  then  must  have  been  of  earlier  date,  that  is, 
the  book  must  have  been  somewhat  widely  known  at  that  early 
date.  In  these  circumstances  it  would  not  be  easy  for  much 
uncertainty  or  confusion  to  arise,  within  this  period,  regarding 
the  personality  of  the  author.  We  know  from  everyday  ex- 
perience how  short  a  period  is  that  of  more  than  fifty  years  in 
our  knowledge  of  the  authorship  of  a  book,  which  has  made  a 
deep  impression  and  has  been  much  read  by  us.  Particularly 
is  this  true  of  a  writing  in  which  the  autlior  draws  special  at- 
tention to  his  words  by  declaring  his  personality.  We  must 
therefore  attach  weight  to  this  early  opinion  concerning  the 
authorshijj  of  the  Revelation,  if  it  is  clearly  expressed  and 
uniform. 

As  bearing  on  the  value  of  the  witness  of  Justin  Martyr, 
Papias,  and  Irenajus,  here  cited,  reference  must  be  made  to 
what  is  said  of  these  writers  respectively  on  pp.  338  f.,  and  to 
the  discussion  of  the  date  of  Irenseus  and  the  value  of  his  tes- 
timony given  on  pp.  308  ff.  The  earliest  testimony  recorded  is 
that  of  Justin,  who  lived  some  time  at  Ephesus,  the  center  of 
the  region  to  which  the  book  was  sent,  at  a  date  when  the 
generation  to  which  it  first  came  had  not  yet  passed  away. 
He  appeals  to  it  as  an  acknowledged  work  of  John  the  Apos- 
tle.^ Papias,  who  belonged  to  that  earlier  generation,  recog- 
nized the  book,  according  to  Andreas,  as  inspired,  but  we  have 
no  words  of  his  showing  to  whom  he  attributed  it.  It  is  a  fair 
presumption  from  the  manner  in  which  Andreas  refers  to 
Papias'  view  of  the  book,  that  he  regarded  him  as  agreeing 
with  his  own  opinion,  that  the  autlior  was  the  Apostle ;  ^  at  all 
events  if  Papias  had  expressed  a  divergent  opinion,  the  histo- 
rian Eusebius  would  certainly  have  stated  it,  since  he  is  eager 
to  establish  the  non-apostolic  authorship  and  uses  Papias'  book 
in  proof  of  the  existence  of  another  John,  the  Presbyter,  to 
whom  the  Apocalypse  might  be  attributed.'^  IrcuaniSy  who 
1  Dial.  c.   Tryph.  81.  "-  Cf.  p.  338.  »  Cf.  p.  362. 


350  AUTHORSHIP 

was  a  younger  contemporary  of  Papias  and  Justin  and  who 
had  ample  opportunity  for  knowing  the  opinion  prevalent  in 
Asia  from  the  beginning  of  the  century,  makes  frequent  and 
explicit  reference  to  the  Apocalypse  as  that  of  '  John  the  dis- 
ciple of  the  Lord,'  and  he  shows  distinctly  that  by  this  term 
he  means  John  the  Apostle.^  From  this  time  on  the  same 
testimony  appears  generally  in  the  fathers,  e.g.  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  Tertullian,  Origen,  etc.  Especially  valuable  is  the 
testimony  of  Origen  as  the  great  student  and  critic  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  New  Testament  books.  And  in  none  of  these 
authorities  is  there  argument  to  establish  this  authorship ;  it 
is  assumed  as  acknowledged. 

The  opponents  of  the  apostolic  authorship  in  the  second  cen- 
tury, Marcion  and  the  Alogi,  did  not  appeal  to  any  early  tes- 
timony. jNIarcion  accepted  only  the  Pauline  epistles  and  Luke, 
the  Pauline  Gospel.  The  Alogi  rejected  all  the  Johannine 
writings  because  the  Montanists  found  here  support  for  their 
doctrines.^  The  absence  of  any  historic  evidence  in  favor  of 
an  author  other  than  the  Apostle  is  shown  in  their  absurd  attri- 
bution of  the  Apocalypse  to  Cerinthus.  In  the  third  century 
Cuius.,  presbyter  at  Rome,  rejected  the  book  for  the  same  rea- 
son as  did  the  Alogi.  And  this  seems  to  have  been  the  motive 
that  led  Eusebius  in  the  fourth  century  to  attribute  it  to  John 
the  Presbyter.  Near  the  middle  of  the  third  century  Dionys- 
ius  of  Alexandria,  though  taking  it  as  inspired,  assigned  it  on 
purely  internal  grounds  to  a  John  other  than  the  Apostle,  pos- 
sibly John  Mark.  A  fragment  in  Eusebius,  H.U.  VII.  24  f., 
preserves  his  argument.  Holding  as  unquestionable  the  apos- 
tolic origin  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  the  Epistles,  he  argues 
that  the  Revelation  differs  from  these  in  characteristic  ideas 
and  terms,  in  language  and  grammatical  idiom,  and  also  in  the 
author's  naming  of  himself,  though  with  none  of  the  self-desig- 
nations used  in  the  Gospel.  The  substance  of  his  argument 
against  an  identity  of  authorship  in  the  two  books,  revived 
and  widely  adopted  in  modern  times,  is  shown  on  pp.  364  ff. 
The  presence  of  a  second  John  at  Ephesus  he  found  to  be  indi- 
cated in    the    fact    that  two  tombs  of    John  were    to  be  seen 

I  Cf.  p.  368.  2  cf.  pp.  340  f. 


AUTHORSHIP  351 

there. 1  Eusehius^  notwithstanding-  his  large  acquaintance  with 
the  earlier  Christian  literature,  was  evidently  unable  to  dis- 
cover any  tradition  of  a  non-apostolic  authorship  of  the  Reve- 
lation. So  much  external  testimony  to  the  personality  of  the 
author,  traceable  Sack  to  almost  contemporaneous  sources, 
is  found  in  the  case  of  almost  no  other  book  of  the  New 
Testament.  2 

Internal  Testimony.  When  we  turn  to  the  book  itself  and 
ask  what  evidence  it  furnishes,  that  the  John  who  wrote  it  was 
the  Apostle,  there  is  little  or  nothing  which  possesses  force 
enough  to  be  considered  decisive,  either  affirmatively  or  nega- 
tively. The  writer  does  not  designate  himself  an  apostle  and 
there  is  nothing  in  the  book  which  could  come  from  an  apostle 
only  ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  nothing  which  we  can  confidently 
say  an  apostle  could  not  have  uttered.  A  number  of  intima- 
tions are  pointed  out  as  against  identifying  the  author  with 
the  Apostle,  but  these  are  not  convincing.  They  are  as  fol- 
lows :  (a)  a  mark  of  subapostolic  authorship  is  seen  in  21^*, 
where  the  writer  speaks  of  the  apostles  quite  objectively,  as  a 
group  in  which  he  does  not  reckon  himself,  assigning  to  them 
the  dignity  with  which  a  later  generation  sees  them  clothed. 
And  he  takes  the  same  objective  attitude  toward  them  in  18^^ 
where  also  he  thinks  of  them  all,  it  is  said,  as  martyrs  already 
in  heaven.  But  it  will  be  seen  that  the  argument,  if  valid, 
would  exclude  the  author  from  the  number  of  the  prophets 
also ;  yet  he  emphasizes  his  place  among  these. ^  For  further 
answer  to  this  argument  see  Com.  on  these  passages,  (h)  An 
apostle  who  had  heard  the  Lord's  words  recorded  in  Mk.  13^^ 
could  not  have  written  this  book,  whose  very  plan  is  a  sche- 
matic computation  of  the  advent.  It  is  however  enough  to 
say  that  the  computation  of  the  time  of  the  End  is  no  more 
precise  in  the  Revelation  than  in  the  immediate  context  of  that 
passage  in  Mark,  that  is,  in  vv.  14-31 ;  nor  is  it  more  in  con- 
flict with  the  Lord's  words  than  is  that  passage.^  (c')  There 
is  nowhere  in  the  book  any  reminiscence  of  a  personal  knowl- 

1  On  Dionys.  cf.  Alford  210  ff.  ;  Simcox  Rev.  in  Camh.  Gk.  Test.  XXIII. 
ff.  ;  Swete  CIX.  f. 

2  On  the  absence  of  the  book  from  the  Syrian  canon  and  uncertainty  in  east- 
ern opinion  see  pp.  341  f.  3  gee  pp.  292  f.  *  Cf.  p.  149. 


352  AUTHORSHIP 

edge  of,  or  intercourse  with,  Jesus  in  his  earthly  life.  There 
is,  however,  no  appropriate  place  for  such  personal  reminis- 
cences of  the  author  in  a  series  of  revelations  in  which  the 
Christ  appears  only  in  his  ascended  majesty  and  the  glorj  of 
his  final  triumph.  Even  his  death  is  referred  to  only  in  its 
relation  to  his  great  victory,  and  the  victory  of  the  saints  in 
their  final  redemption.  It  might  be  queried  whether  memo- 
ries of  that  life  in  Galilee  would  not  furnish  to  many  critics 
a  mark  of  late  impersonation,  as  do,  for  example,  the  words  of 
2  Pet.  117-1*^.  (d)  The  words  of  14^  show  that  the  writer  was 
an  ascetic  and  therefore  unmarried ;  but  according  to  1  Cor. 
9^  all  the  apostles  were  married ;  the  author  then  cannot  be 
John  the  Apostle.  So  bizarre  a  piece  of  exegesis  would  be 
out  of  place  in  a  serious  survey  of  arguments,  if  it  were  not 
urged  by  critics  who  lay  claim  to  scientific  methods,  (e)  The 
apostle  to  whom  were  spoken  the  words  of  Mk.  10^*^,  'is  not 
mine  to  give,'  could  not  have  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  Christ 
the  promise  of  Rev.  3^1,  '  I  will  give  to  him  to  sit  with  me  in 
my  throne.'  Here  also  the  exegesis  is  at  fault.  The  latter 
passage  merely  individualizes  the  general  messianic  promise 
common  from  Daniel's  time  on,  Dan.  7^",  that  the  kingdom 
should  be  given  to  the  saints ;  the  former  declares  that  the 
place  of  honor  in  the  final  kingdom  does  not  depend  on  the  Lord's 
personal  favor,  but  is  already  prepared  by  God's  eternal  order- 
ing for  him  who  is  greatest  in  service,  v.  44.  (/)  One  who 
heard  the  Lord's  prophecy  of  the  destruction  of  the  temple, 
recorded  in  Mk.  13^,  could  not  have  written  Rev.  ll^,  declaring 
its  preservation.  But  with  equal  force  it  might  be  argued 
that  no  one,  whether  apostle  or  another,  could  have  written 
the  passage  in  the  nineties,  long  after  the  temple  had  been  de- 
stroyed. F'or  further  discussion  of  the  question  see  Com.  in 
loc.  (g}  The  author  seeks  to  give  his  message  the  weight  of 
his  name,  '  I  John,'  but  not  of  an  apostolic  rank.  He  calls 
himself  servant  of  Christ,  brother,  companion,  but  not  apostle ; 
whereas  Paul  though  using  the  former  terms  in  self -designa- 
tion, yet  in  nearly  all  his  epistles  announces  his  authority  as 
an  apostle.  Paul's  usage,  however,  was  not  a  norm  to  be  fol- 
lowed necessarily  by  another.  He  wrote  his  epistles  in  the 
exercise  of  his  apostolic  authority,  which  was  frequently  called 


THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE   FOURTH  GOSPEL      353 

in  question.  The  author  of  the  Revelation  Avrote  his  book  in 
no  such  circumstances ;  his  message  is  that  of  a  projjhet,  it  is 
that  character  which  he  emphasizes.  ^  It  is  shown  elsewhere 
(p.  368)  that  the  title  apostle  was  much  less  used  to  designate 
the  Ephesian  John  e.ven  by  those  who  distinctly  witnessed  to 
Ms  apostleship.  (A)  The  author  of  the  Revelation  is  versed 
in  the  scrijitures  and  apocalyptic  literature,  but  the  apostle 
John  in  his  trial  at  Jerusalem  was  perceived  (Ac.  4^^)  to  be  in 
the  Jewish  sense  'unlearned  and  ignorant.'  But  that  judg- 
ment of  the  council  was  leased  on  the  answer  of  Peter,  speak- 
ing for  both  himself  and  John,^  and  it  shows  no  more  rabbinical 
learning  than  might  be  possessed  by  a  member  of  any  Jewish 
family  devoutly  instructed  in  the  Scriptures.  It  is  question- 
able whether  the  Apocalypse  reveals  an  author  whose  knowl- 
edge of  the  Scriptures,  popular  apocalyptic,  and  rabbinical 
sayings  went  beyond  the  possible  attainments  in  such  a  family. 
We  need  not  discuss  here  Mk.  1^^,  Jno.  19^^,  18^*',  passages  often 
cited  to  show  that  John's  family  was  above  the  humblest  rank. 
From  this  survey  of  the  objections  urged  on  internal 
grounds  against  the  apostolic  authorship  of  the  Revelation,  it 
may  fairly  be  maintained  that  these  cannot  be  regarded  as  de- 
cisive, or  even  as  furnishing  strong  presumption  against  that 
authorship.  In  view  then  of  the  exceptional  force  of  the  ex- 
ternal evidence,  and  the  evidence,  discussed  at  length  below, 
in  favor  of  John's  activity  in  Asia  at  the  end  of  the  century,^ 
there  appears  a  reasonable  degree  of  probability  in  the  tradi- 
tion that  the  book  comes  from  the  Apostle.  In  the  contents, 
spirit,  and  impassioned  language  of  the  book,  there  is  much 
that  is  akin  to  the  vehement  '  son  of  thunder,'  who  would  call 
down  visible  judgment  from  heaven  to  consume  the  enemies 
of  the  Lord,  Lk.  9^* ;  and  herein  may  be  found  some  confirma- 
tion of  this  conclusion.  But  this  and  similar  features  in  the 
character  of  the  Apocalyptist  are  too  common  to  justify  any 
sure  inference. 

T7ie  Apocalypse  and  the  Fourth  Gfospel.  In  seeking  to  de- 
termine the  personality  of  the  Apocalyptist,  we  are  not  imme- 
diately  concerned   with    the    relation    of    his    book    to    other 

1  Cf.  pp.  292  f.  2  cf.  Ac.  115,  214,  312^  529.  3  cf.  pp.  366  ff. 

2a 


354      THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL 

writings  whose  authorship  is  not  certainly  settled.  Yet  in 
view  of  the  widely  accepted  tradition  which  assigns  both  the 
Fourth  Gospel  and  the  Apocalypse  to  one  author,  the  question 
is  properly  noticed  here.  In  the  third  century  Dionysius 
argued  on  internal  grounds  that  it  was  impossible  to  accept  iden- 
tity of  authorship ;  and  in  recent  times  his  argument  has  been 
taken  up  and  expanded  with  a  force  to  give  it  acceptance  with 
the  majority  of  present-day  scholars.  While  some  would  ac- 
cept the  Gospel  only  as  apostolic,  and  others  the  Apocalypse 
only,  still  others  deny  that  character  to  both.  No  candid  stu- 
dent can  fail  to  see  that  the  assumption  of  a  common  author- 
ship must  face  a  number  of  weighty  objections ;  and  one  may 
well  hesitate  to  assert  categorically  that  these  objections  are 
inconclusive.  We  are  accustomed  to  utterances  to  the  effect 
that  the  question  is  definitively  closed;  e.g.  'It  is  one  of  the 
most  certain  theses  of  New  Testament  science  that  not  another 
line  from  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  is  preserved  in  the 
New  Testament'  (Jiilicher  241).  Yet  in  examining  the 
grounds  upon  which  such  a  judgment  is  based,  the  impartial 
investigator  must  acknowledge  that  answers  to  these  objec- 
tions, and  counter-arguments  also  present  themselves,  though 
these  too  may  not  be  conclusive.  The  subject  presents  one  of 
those  questions  in  New  Testament  criticism  in  which  mental 
bent,  apart  from  the  bias  of  prejudgment,  is  chiefly  influential 
in  determining  the  conclusion  reached.  In  the  comparison  of 
the  two  books  the  Apocalypse  must  be  taken,  as  is  maintained 
throughout  the  present  commentary,  to  be  the  work  of  one 
author,  who,  whatever  use  he  made  of  apocalyptic  fragments 
and  other  material,  has  so  completely  adapted  these  in  lan- 
guage and  interpretation  to  his  purpose,  that  the  book  as  it  lies 
before  us  is  to  be  considered  in  so  far  a  unit.  The  differences 
between  the  Apocalypse  and  the  Fourth  Gospel  which  are  held 
to  preclude  identity  of  authorship  are  grouped  into  the  follow- 
ing classes. 

(1)  lAnguistic  differences.  Wliile  the  Greek  of  the  Gospel 
is  grammatically  correct,  that  of  the  Apocalypse  is  frequently 
ungrammatical,!  e.g.  a  nom.  in  apposition  with  other  cases,  or 

1  Cf.  p.  224. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL     355 

even  after  a  preposition,  as  utto  6  wv  koI  6  ■  rjv  Kal  6  ip')(^6fx,€vo'i, 
1^;  harsh  changes  of  construction  occur  and  hick  of  agree- 
ment, as  2^*5,  321,  11^' ^^  211^.  Hebraisms  are  more  frequent 
than  in  any  other  book  of  the  New  Testament.  Favorite  ex- 
pressions of  the  Gospel  appear  in  the  Apocalypse  either  not  at 
all  or  less  often,  or  in  a  different  sense;  and  vice  versa.^  These 
linguistic  differences,  many  of  them  not  perceived  in  a  transla- 
tion, but  appearing  in  almost  every  paragraph  in  the  Greek, 
are  so  striking  that  the  reader  in  passing  from  one  book  to  the 
other  feels  himself  almost  certainly  in  contact  with  a  different 
writer.  Although  these  peculiarities  have  been  exaggerated 
by  some  critics,  they  are  not  to  be  minimized,  certainly  not 
to  be  overlooked.  An  older  explanation  referring  grammatical 
and  similar  differences  to  different  ages  of  the  same  writer,  who 
learned  in  later  years  to  write  better  Greek  (Hort,  Westcott, 
a^.),  cannot  be  accepted  in  view  of  the  date  of  the  Apocalypse. ^ 
But  there  are  on  the  other  hand  counter  considerations  which 
must  be  noticed.  The  departures  from  correct  grammatical 
usage  are  not  due  to  ignorance ;  the  writer  shows  a  knowledge 
and  command  of  Greek  too  accurate  to  make  such  a  supposition 
tenable.  Beyond  question  both  books  come  from  writers,  or  a 
writer,  whose  mode  of  thought  and  native  speech  are  Hebraic ; 
and  that  this  Hebraic  manner  is  followed  more  closely  in  one 
book  than  in  the  other  may  conceivably  be  due  to  causes  other 
than  duality  of  authorship.  The  whole  character  of  an  apoca- 
lypse, a  type  of  writing  Jewish  in  origin,  contents,  and  manner, 
would  lead  us  to  expect  a  more  Hebraic  style  in  the  Revelation 
than  in  the  Fourth  Gospel,  which  is  a  theological  interpretation 
of  the  incarnate  life  of  Christ. ^  Moreover  as  the  Apocalypist 
in  the  selection  and  arrangement  of  his  matter  shows  careful 
observance  of  a  fixed  plan,  a  studied  handling  of  his  subject 
with  reference  to  the  production  of  a  drama  of  visions,  so  he 
may  be  conceived  to  have  adopted,  perhaps  half  unconsciously, 
a  diction  and  manner  which  .he  felt  to  be  more  consonant  with 
the  utterances  of  a  prophet  and  ecstatic. 

1  For  a  survey  of  linguistic  differences  see  Liicke  II.  662  ff.  ;  and  for  criticism 
of  Liicke,  Stuart  I.  377  ff.  ;  cf .  also  Speaker's  Com.  454  ff.  2  cf.  p.  206  ff. 

3  There  is  not  sufficient  warrant  for  the  supposition  frequently  advanced  that 
the  Apocalypse  takes  the  name  Jew  as  a  title  of  honor,  while  the  Fourth  Gos- 
pel takes  it  as  one  of  dishonor  ;  see  Com.  2^. 


356      THE  APOCALYPSE  AND   THE   FOURTH  GOSPEL 

The  Apocalyptist's  choice  of  the  form  'Iepowcr.aA->;/x  in  preference  to  'lepo- 
croXvfia,  which  is  used  in  the  Gospel,  seems  intentional  (see  Com.  2V°)  ;  so 
the  oft-recurring  dpviov,  Lamh,  to  the  exclusion  of  d/xvds,  the  only  form  else- 
where applied  to  Christ  in  the  New  Testament,  is  a  technical  term  con- 
sciously adopted  as  a  fixed  epithet  of  the  Christ  of  heavenly  glory  (cf.  pp. 
314  ff.).  Over  against  these  differences  between  the  two  books,  striking 
parallelisms  also  in  a  linguistic  respect  have  been  often  pointed  out  (cf. 
amono-  others  Bouss.  Kom.  Ill  f.).  Some  of  the  more  noticeable  of  these 
are  the  following.  Only  in  the  Johannine  writings  is  Christ  called  the  Word 
(cf.  Com.  1913).  jjis  designation  as  the  Lamb  is  more  strongly  emphasized 
in  these  writings  than  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament  (cf.  Jno.  l^''^-  ^^)  ;  in 
fact  precisely  this  designation  occurs  elsewhere  only  in  I  Pet.  l^^.  The  fig- 
ures of  the  water  of  life,  springs  of  water,  and  the  like,  are  conspicuous  here, 
cf.  Jno.  410  f-",  738,  Rev.  7",  216,  22".  For  the  figure  of  the  shepherd  cf, 
Jno.  10^«'-'26f-,  21^^^  Rev.  1^"^.  For  the  supersession  of  the  temple  cf.  Jno. 
421,  Rev.  2122.  Worthy  of  notice  is  the  agreement  of  Jno.  19^^  and  Rev.  1''  in 
the  form,  varying  from  the  LXX.,  of  Zechariah  12i°,  quoted  in  each  place 
in  connection  with  the  crucifixion.  The  emphasis  on  the  ideas  of  truth  and 
falsehood,  whether  taken  separately  or  in  contrast  with  each  other,  so  com- 
mon in  the  Gospel  and  1  Jno.,  appears  in  the  Apoc.  also,  though  the  words, 
aKr]6i.La  and  i/zewTT^s,  do  not  occur  in  the  latter  (cf.  Com.  2P).  aK-qdivo-i, 
true  to  the  ideal,  occurs  10  times  in  the  Apoc,  13  times  in  the  Gospel  and 
1  Jno.,  only  5  times  in  the  rest  of  the  New  Testament.  /xapTvpia  in  the 
sense  of  testimony  to  divinely  given  truth  is  very  frequent  in  the  Apoc, 
Gospel,  and  1  Jno.,  but  occurs  only  once  in  the  rest  of  the  New  Testament 
(Ac.  22'^).  vtKav  as  a  kind  of  technical  term  for  complete  victory  over  the 
world  and  Satan,  occurs  in  the  Apoc.  11  times,  in  the  Gospel  and  1  Jno. 
7  times,  not  in  precisely  the  same  way  elsewhere  in  the  New  Testament, 
Trjptiv  Tois  evToAas,  or  the  sing.,  in  the  Apoc.  twice,  in  the  Gospel  and  1  Jno. 
9  times,  in  the  rest  of  the  N.  T.  twice,  rrfpdv  tov  Xoyov,  or  the  plur.,  in  Apoc. 
4  times,  the  Gospel  and  1  Jno.  8  times,  not  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.  e/S/aato-rt 
twice  in  Apoc,  .5  times  in  the  Gospel,  not  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T. 

Parallelisms  such  as  are  pointed  out  above,  and  the  number 
could  be  considerably  increased,  furnish  strong  intimation  that 
the  Apocalypse,  if  not  from  the  same  author  as  the  Gospel  and 
1  Jno.,  arose  in  common  with  these  in  a  circle  that  was  domi- 
nated by  a  single  personality.  There  is  plausibility  in  the  sug- 
gestion ^  that  the  superior  smoothness  of  the  Greek  of  the  Gospel 
and  various  linguistic  differences  are  due  at  least  in  part  to  the 
employment  of  a  Greek  amanuensis.  Josephus  revised  portions 
of  his  work  in  this  way ;  Paul  wrote  most  of  his  epistles  l)y  the 
hand  of  another ;  and  there  is  force  in  the  supposition  that  the 
phraseology  was  sometimes  influenced  by  the  amanuensis.  In 
1  Cf.  Zalm,  Bin.  II.  G29. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL      357 

spite  of  the  marked  differences  in  language  and  stjde  it  would 
appear  that  the  Apocalypse  in  these  respects  is  more  closely 
akin  to  the  other  writings  called  Johannine  than  to  any  other 
books  in  the  New  Testament,  and  that  these  five  books  form  a 
group  bearing  clearer  marks  of  oneness,  in  the  aspect  under 
discussion  here,  than  do  any  other  New  Testament  writings  not 
professedly  from  the  same  author.  The  phenomenon  common 
in  literature  of  the  production  by  one  author  of  writings  differ- 
ing widely  in  diction  and  manner  must  cause  hesitation  in 
forming  a  decision  on  these  grounds  alone. 

(2)  Theological  differences,  (a)  The  God  of  the  Apocalypse 
is  chiefly  represented  as  the  creator  and  sovereign  of  the  uni- 
verse, enthroned  apart  in  majesty,  judging  the  world  in  wrath, 
not  in  mercy.  In  the  Gospel  he  is  the  Father  who  so  loved  the 
world  that  he  gave  his  only  begotten  Son.  In  the  one  book  he 
appears  as  the  Hebrew  God,  in  the  other  as  the  Christian.  For 
the  most  part  in  the  Apocalypse,  the  aspect  is  that  of  a  being 
to  be  worshiped  and  feared,  more  than  to  be  loved.  This  dif- 
ference, however,  is  due  to  the  respective  scopes  of  the  two 
books.  The  Gospel  seeks  to  give  the  complete  revelation  of  the 
character  of  God  as  manifested  in  the  incarnate  Son  ;  the  Apoc- 
alypse is  confined  chiefly  to  one  aspect  of  that  character,  that  of 
the  righteous  judge.  The  difference  is  that  between  the  whole 
and  a  part.  There  is  no  contrariety.  For  further  discussion 
of  this  point  see  pp.  310  ff.  (h)  The  Christ  of  the  Gospel  is  the 
revealer  of  God  to  men,  the  source  of  spiritual  renewal,  the 
meek  redeemer  who  lays  down  his  life  for  the  world.  In  the 
Apocalypse  he  is  the  mighty  messianic  prince  of  Jewish  ex- 
pectation, who  rules  the  nations  witli  a  rod  of  iron.  But  here 
again  the  comparison  is  made  from  a  partial  view.  In  the 
Apocalypse,  since  it  is  the  hook  of  judgment.,  he  is  preeminently 
the  victor  over  the  prince  of  this  world,  the  punisher  of  obdurate 
enemies,  the  rewarder  of  the  faithful.  But  there  appear  here 
also  and  frequently  the  features  predominant  in  the  Gospel 
characterization.  Christ  is  here  the  faithful  /xdprv<;,  tvitness, 
through  whom  the  Christian  possesses  the  fxaprvpia.,  the  testimony., 
God's  revelation  given  in  the  gospel;  cf.  l'■^  31^,  69,  12"- ^  19io, 
20*.      He  is  the  fountain  of  spiritual  life  for  all  who  thirst,  21*5, 


358      THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL 

22^'^.  He  is  the  Lamb  who  has  redeemed  men  by  the  gift  of 
his  life ;  cf.  1^  S^,  1^\  12ii,  14^.  Thus  the  highly  spiritualized 
conception  of  the  nature  and  functions  of  the  Messiahship  given 
in  the  Gospel  discloses  itself  in  the  midst  of  the  imagery  of  the 
Apocalypse.  On  the  other  hand  the  characteristics  most  con- 
spicuous in  the  apocalyptic  representation  are  not  wanting  in 
the  Gospel,  the  Gospel  of  severity  as  well  as  the  Gospel  of  love. 
These  are  implied  in  such  passages  as  2'^^~^%  5^'^~^^,  7^\  8^^~^^, 
939-41^  12^1,  1611 .  ggg  further  p.  160.  It  may  be  argued  with 
force  that  the  representations  of  the  Christ  in  the  two  books 
point  to  a  single  author  or  at  least  to  a  group  dominated  by 
one  mind.  For  the  two  representations  form  a  complement  of 
each  other  such  as  is  found  in  no  other  books  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament. In  the  Gospel  we  have  the  eternal  Son  who  has  laid 
aside  the  divine  glory  which  he  had  in  his  union  with  the  Father, 
and  has  become  incarnate  that  he  may  give  life  to  the  world ; 
in  the  Apocalypse  we  have  throughout  the  same  eternal  Son, 
returned  to  his  heavenly  majesty,  his  redemptive  work  accom- 
plished, and  at  the  end  of  the  ages  consummating  his  own  tri- 
umph and  the  triumph  of  his  people  over  the  powers  of  evil. 
The  Logos  become  flesh,  and  the  Lamb  (as  the  latter  is  used  in 
the  Apocalypse ;  see  p.  311  ff.),  ideas  which  completely  domi- 
nate their  respective  books,  are  correlative  conceptions,  each 
contains  the  other.  Not  only  does  the  portraiture  of  the  one 
book  presuppose  that  of  the  other,  but  also  it  is  only  in  these 
books  that  the  two  conceptions  are  developed  with  such  perva- 
siveness and  fullness.  And  it  is  only  in  these  two  books  that 
we  find  with  so  frequent  recurrence  the  Son's  '  subordination ' 
to  the  Father.i  The  view  that  the  writer  of  the  Fourth  Gospel 
who  had  a  definite  conception  of  how  the  Lord  spoke  on  earth 
could  never  have  represented  him  as  speaking  after  the  different 
and  sustained  manner  of  the  Apocalypse ,2  is  utterly  unwarranted 
in  the  case  of  one  who  had  witnessed  the  Transfiguration  and 
the  Ascension,  one  who  had  worshiped  the  Lord  in  the  awe- 
inspiring  appearances  after  the  resurrection,  ^  and  who  through 
many  years  of  the  life  in  the  Spirit  had  beheld  in  him  '  the 
Lord  of  glory.'  (c)  The  Spirit  is  represented  in  the  Apocalypse 
in  the  strange  form  of  the  seven  Spirits,  and  his  functions  are 
1  Cf.  p.  314.  2  J.  A.  Robinson,  al.  3  Cf .  Mt.  28i7,  Jno.  2I12. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL     359 

chiefly  those  of  the  producer  of  the  ecstatic  state  and  of  the 
mediator  of  revelation  and  prophecy.  He  is  not  spoken  of  as 
the  Helper,  or  as  the  agency  of  spiritual  life,  as  in  the  Gospel, 
though  the  latter  may  be  implied  in  22'- ^^  There  is  however 
no  actual  contradiction  between  the  two  books  in  the  doctrine 
of  either  the  person  or  the  offices  of  the  Spirit.  His  manifold 
operations  are,  to  be  sure,  made  less  conspicuous  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse ;  this  might  be  expected  in  a  book  more  concerned  with 
the  final  consequences  of  the  spiritual  life  than  with  its  agencies 
and  processes.  For  the  general  agreement  of  the  Apocalypse 
with  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament  in  the  doctrine  of 
the  Spirit  see  pp.  316  f. 

(3)  Eschatological  differences.  The  Gospel  is  almost  wholly 
concerned  with  the  present,  not  the  coming,  age.  It  speaks  of 
judgment,  resurrection,  the  coming  of  the  Lord,  eternal  life,  all 
as  spiritual  processes  occurring  in  the  present,  e.g.  S^^^^r^  14^^"^^. 
But  in  the  Apocalypse  these  terms  designate  instead  eschato- 
logical events.  In  this  is  seen  the  most  striking  difference  be- 
tween the  two  books ;  they  appear  to  be  separated  from  each 
other  by  the  widest  reach  of  religious  thought.  Yet  here  again 
it  is  quite  possible  to  mistake  an  apparent,  for  a  real,  diver- 
gence, or  at  least  to  overlook  the  proper  limits  of  the  difference. 
The  chief  factors  of  traditional  eschatology  which  form  the 
theme  of  the  Apocalypse  are  found  in  the  final  anticipations  of 
the  Gospel  also,  though  in  a  subordinate  relation.  And  on  the 
other  hand  the  form  of  judgment,  resurrection,  and  advent, 
which  are  conceived  in  the  Gospel  in  a  spiritual  way,  is  pre- 
supposed in  the  spiritual  relation  of  the  faithful  to  their  Lord 
in  the  present  life  as  pictured  in  the  Apocalypse. ^  In  both 
cases  it  is  a  matter  of  antecedent  and  consequence ;  but  in  the 
Gospel  attention  is  largely  fixed  on  the  former,  in  the  Apoca- 
lypse on  the  latter.  And  a  Christian  Jew  of  the  time,  even  the 
author  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  if  he  received  visions  of  the  Last 
Times  and  wrote  a  record  of  these,  must  have  been  dominated 
by  the  current  eschatology  inherited  from  Jewish  sources,  but 
christianized.  The  great  difficulty  lies  in  conceiving  an  author 
who  so  thoroughly  spiritualized  traditional  beliefs  as  does  the 
1  For  fuller  discussion  see  pp.  101  ff.,  163  f. 


360   THE  APOCALYPSE  AND  THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL 

Fourth  Eviingelist,  to  have  entered  so  fully  and  with  so  much 
sympathy,  as  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  does,  into  the  forms 
of  traditional  escliatology.  It  would  however  be  rash,  as  the 
history  of  literature  warns  us,  to  affirm  that  a  writer  might  not 
possess  so  great  versatility,  or  be  able  to  withdraw  himself  to  so 
great  a  degree  from  one  phase  of  a  subject  with  its  appropriate 
manner,  and  concentrate  himself  upon  another  and  the  manner 
belonging  to  it.  The  problem  involved  is  analogous  to  that  of 
a  dramatist's  power  of  vivid  characterization.  The  writer  of 
the  Apocalypse  shows  remarkable  versatility  in  the  production 
of  the  paragraph  of  the  seven  epistles,  which  in  its  immediate 
aim,  in  its  horizon  and  manner,  differs  so  widely  from  other 
parts  of  the  book  as  to  form  in  the  minds  of  many  critics  an 
argument  for  composite  authorship.  ^  Something  of  the  same 
facility  appears  in  his  readiness  in  combining  with  Jewish 
messianic  imagery  the  christian  doctrines  of  faith  in  Jesus,  and 
redemption  from  sin  through  his  blood.  A  similar  capability 
appears  in  the  Evangelist,  who,  while  retaining  in  a  measure 
current  eschatological  notions,  fixes  his  attention  chiefly  on  the 
corresponding  spiritual  processes  which  are  antecedent  to  those 
future  events  and  prepare  the  way  for  them.  A  writer  who 
accepted  so  unhesitatingly,  as  does  the  Evangelist,  the  literal 
application  of  utterances  of  the  prophets  to  Jesus'  history,^ 
could  hardly  have  rejected  every  form  of  visible  consummation 
of  tj:ie  future  pictured  by  the  prophets.  It  seems  certain  that 
he  is  not  seeking  so  much  to  displace  accepted  escliatology  as  to 
interpret  its  most  essential  character  as  beginning  to  be  realized 
in  the  present  spiritual  life.  A  striking  parallelism  to  this  aim 
followed  in  the  Gospel  is  seen  in  the  doctrine  of  Antichrist  in 
the  first  epistle.  The  common  belief  in  the  coming  of  the  great 
adversary.  Antichrist,  as  one  of  the  chief  events  of  the  Last 
Times,  is  evidently  not  denied,  but  it  is  pointed  out  that  his 
essential  work  is  already  begun  in  the  present  opposition  to 
Jesus  as  the  Christ ;  in  a  spiritual  sense  he  has  come  already,^ 
as  in  the  Gospel  the  judgment  and  resurrection  have  in  a  spir- 
itual sense  already  taken  place. ^ 

1  See  pp.  492  ff.  2  Cf.  1238-«,  1318,  17»2,  19^^,  so  37. 

3  Cf.  218.22,  43^  also  2  Jno.  7,  2  Thess.  2^. 

*  For  a  supposed  difference  between  Rev.  and  Jno.  as  regards  the  term  eternal 
life,  and  the  place  of  faith  and  works  in  soteriology  see  pp.  164,  163. 


THE  APOCALYPSE  AND   THE  FOURTH  GOSPEL      361 

Conclusion.  The  reader  who  takes  up  the  two  books  in  his 
Greek  Testament  in  immediate  succession  feels  inevitably  as  he 
passes  from  one  into  the  other  that  he  is  in  a  different  atmos- 
phere, that  the  language,  manner,  presuppositions,  and  outlook 
have  changed.  And  if  he  analyzes  the  difference  in  the  aspects 
spoken  of  above,  it  may  seem  impossible  to  attribute  the  writ- 
ings to  one  author.  Many  find  it  so.  And  yet  in  view  of 
what  may  be  said,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  way  of  explaining 
divergences  and  establishing  agreements,  the  question  comes  up 
with  force,  whether  the  subtler  aftinities  are  not  such  as  at  least 
to  make  the  attribution  of  the  books  to  one  author  supposable. 
At  all  events  we  may  reasonably  hesitate  to  consider  the  ques- 
tion definitively  settled  in  the  negative.  The  confident,  in  some 
instances  one  might  say  the  arrogant,  tone  of  utterances  often 
heard  to  the  effect  that  all  competent  critics  are  at  one  in  deny- 
ing a  unity  of  authorship,  is  certainly  not  warranted,  though  it 
is  true  that  most  present-day  scholars  hold  to  a  diversity  of 
authors.  To  say  nothing  of  many  scholars  of  the  more  con- 
servative school,  whose  critical  acumen  it  would  be  presumptu- 
ous to  deny,  a  number  of  critics,  who  are  remote  from  the 
suspicion  of  undue  deference  to  traditionalism,  accept  what  is 
essentially  equivalent  to  a  common  source.  Harnack  ^  '  con- 
fesses to  the  critical  heresy '  which  carries  both  books  back  to 
one  author,  to  be  sure,  on  the  supposition  that  the  Apocalypse 
is  a  working  over  of  a  Jewish  source  by  the  hand  —  not  that  of 
the  Apostle  —  from  which  the  Gospel  comes.  But  our  question 
here  is  oneness  of  authorship,  not  apostolicity.  J.  Weiss  ^  says, 
'  However  different  the  two  writings  may  be,  they  have  so  much 
in  common  that  it  must  be  said  that  the  same  circle  must  have 
shared  in  the  publication  of  both '  ;  and  commenting  on  the 
difficulty  in  supposing  writings  so  different  to  have  been  ac- 
cepted and  understood  by  the  same  readers  and  at  the  same 
time,  he  adds,  '  it  does  not  help  much  to  assign  the  two  writings 
to  different  authors.'  Weiss'  theory  that  both  books  are  redac- 
tions of  writings  of  John  the  Presbyter  does  not  concern  the 
present  discussion.  What  is  of  interest  here  is  that  he  finds 
upon  internal  evidence  that  both  books  in  their  present  form 
spring  from  one  source,  perhaps  one  person.  Bousset^  in  his 
1  Chron.  67;j.  2  Offenb.  IGO.  ^  Knm.  179  ;  cf.  also  En.  Bib.  I.  199. 


362  JOHN  THE  PRESBYTER 

survey  of  the  affinities  between  the  Apocalypse  and  the  other 
writings  called  Johannine  finds  these  so  clear  that  he  concludes 
the  books  all  originated  in  a  circle  which  stood  under  the  influ- 
ence of  one  person,  the  Asian  John,  who  in  Bousset's  view  is 
the  Presbyter.  Here  too  the  dominating  influence  of  one  per- 
sonality must  exclude  the  assumption  of  radically  divergent 
views  in  theology,  eschatology,  and  general  religious  outlook. 
Such  theories  of  the  books  come  nearer  to  the  assumption  of  one 
writer,  with  freely  working  amanuensis,  than  to  that  of  a  plu- 
rality of  writers  possessing  views  mutually  exclusive.^ 


XIII.     The  Two  Johns  of  the  Asian  Church 

A.  John  the  Presbyter.  The  interest  of  the  student  of  the  Apocalypse 
in  the  person  thus  designated  arises  from  the  fact  that  he  may  with  plausi- 
bility be  supposed  to  be  the  John  well  known  to  the  Asian  churches,  and 
the  author  of  the  Apocalypse,  if  there  are  found  insuperable  objections  to 
assigning  this  role  to  the  Apostle.  He  is  not  mentioned  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment. The  designation,  '  the  Elder,'  which  the  writer  of  1  and  2  John 
gives  himself,  assumed  by  many  to  refer  to  him,  lacks  as  necessary  for 
identification  the  addition  'John.'  The  term  there  used  is  entirely 
vague ;  it  might  be  given  to  an  apostle  (1  Pet.  5^),  it  may  be  official,  ap- 
plied to  one  holding  the  common  office  of  presbyter,  or  it  may  denote 
simply  superior  age  or  dignity.  It  is  evidently  a  designation  familiar  to 
the  readers  of  those  epistles,  but  if  it  were  meant  to  distinguish  the  winter 
from  another  of  the  same  name,  the  name  could  hardly  be  omitted.  There 
is  nowhere  in  the  literature  of  the  second  century  (not  even  in  Iren.  Hmr.  IV. 
27-32,  nor  in  Papias,  Euseb.  III.  39,  15)  evidence  of  the  use  of  the  term  as 
a  widely  known  substitute  for  the  proper  name  of  a  particular  individual. 
Where  foi;nd  it  refers  to  one  specified  in  the  context;  see  p.  373. 

Except  in  an  obscure  fragment  of  Papias,  preserved  in  Eusebius  H.E. 
III.  39,  no  mention  of  the  Presbyter  John  is  found  before  the  fourth  cen- 
tury. Eusebius  is  the  first  to  point  out  the  existence  of  such  a  person  as 
evidenced  by  the  fragment  which  he  preserves  from  the  introduction  to 
Papias'  book  entitled  Aoytwv  KvpiaKOiv  efr;y>;crets,  Interpretations  of  ntter- 
ances  of  the  Lord.  The  passage,  so  far  as  it  need  be  given  here,  reads 
thus :  et  8e  ttov  koi  7rap-qKo\ovdr]Kiji<i  ns  TOis  Trp€(j(3vTipoL'i  iXOoi,  tous  twv 
TrpecT^vTipiov  avcKpLvov  X6yov<i  •  tl  'AvSpe'as  rj  tl  IleTpos  eiTrev  r/  Ti  $tAt7r7ros  rj 
TL  ©oj/jias  -^  'laKw/iJos  t)  tl  'Iwdwrj?  rj  MarOato^  ^  Tis  erepos  TW  Tov  Kvpiov 

1  Tlie  present  commentator  ventures  to  say  that  his  earlier  conviction  of  the 
impossibility  of  maintaining  a  unity  of  authorship  has  been  much  weakened  by  a 
study  of  the  two  books  prolonged  through  many  years. 


JOHN  THE  PRESBYTER  303 

IMi6rjT(x)v,  a  T€  'AptcTTt'wv  Kal  6  TTpeafivrepos  Iwdvvq'i  oi  tov  Kvptov  [jutOrjTal 
Xeyovaiv ;  that  is,  according  to  the  interpretation  adopted  below,  But  fur- 
thermore, if  perchance  there  came  [to  me]  anyone  who  had  been  a  hearer  of  the 
elders,  I  was  wont  to  inquire  about  the  sayings  of  [these]  elders  reyarding  tvhat 
Andrew  or  ivhat  Peter  had  said,  or  what  Pliilip  or  what  Thomas  or  James,  or 
iL'hat  John  or  Matthew  or  any  other  of  the  Lord's  disciples  [had  said],  and  [I 
was  wont  to  inquire]  what  Aristion  and  the  presbyter  John,  the  disciples  of  the 
Lord,  [or  according  to  the  emendation  of  the  text  adopted  below,  the  disci- 
ples of  John']  are  saying.  The  passage  has  given  occasion  to  much  exegetical 
controversy,  which  can  be  taken  up  only  very  briefly  here.  (Among  the 
works  referred  to  on  p.  343  see  especially  Larfeld  and  Chapman.)  It  will 
be  seen  that  Papias  mentions  two  groups  of  persons  whose  words  he  sought 
to  get.  He  mai'ks  the  transition  from  one  group  to  the  other  by  the  rhe- 
torical variation  from  ■^  rt  to  a  re.  The  first  group  consists  of  apostles  in- 
cluding John.  The  designation  oi  tov  Kvpiov  fm-d-qTai  given  to  these  refers 
without  doubt  to  their  personal  relation  to  the  Lord  when  he  was  on  earth ; 
it  was  the  testimony  of  such,  handed  down  through  trustworthy  interme- 
diaries, which  was  of  value  for  the  purpose  of  Papias.  The  second  gToup 
consists  of  two  persons ;  one  Aristion,  not  an  apostle  and  not  known  to  us ; 
the  other,  called  the  presbyter  John.  Our  inquiry  is  concerned  with  the 
personality  of  the  latter.  He  has  quite  commonly  been  identified  with 
John  the  apostle,  because  he  is  here  called,  as  the  text  stands,  the  disciple 
of  the  Lord,  and  no  other  John  is  known  among  the  Lord's  personal  disci- 
ples in  the  New  Testament,  or,  apart  from  this  fragment  of  Papias,  in  the 
tradition  of  the  first  three  centuries.  The  difficulty  arising  from  the  repe- 
tition of  John's  name  in  the  second  group  is  in  the  opinion  of  many  explained 
by  a  difference  between  the  two  groups  as  regards  time  and  place.  Papias' 
first  mentioned  inquiry,  rt  eiTrcv  ktX.  was  meant  to  ascertain  the  testimony 
of  such  immediate  disciples  of  the  apostles  as  had  lived  long  in  Palestine 
and  had  had  opportunity  to  hear  many  apostles  all  of  whom  at  the  time 
when  the  inquiry  was  made  were  dead  except  John.  The  inquiry  spoken 
of  in  the  second  part,  a  re  Xiyovaiv,  sought  the  testimony  of  such  immedi- 
ate disciples  (not  all  necessarily  apostles)  of  the  Lord  as  were,  at  the  time 
when  the  inquiry  was  made,  still  living  and  in  Asia,  viz.  Aristion  and  John. 
The  difference  in  tense,  tlirev,  Xeyovcriv,  marks  the  distinction.  Papias  him- 
self may  have  heard  these  Asian  disciples,  but  he  seeks  the  report  of  others 
also  who  had  heard  them.  The  apostle  John  who  lived  on  in  Ephesus  till 
the  close  of  the  century  belongs  to  both  groups ;  hence  the  repetition  of  his 
name.  The  epithet  6  TrpecrfivTepos,  the  elder,  which  is  given  to  him,  is 
then  explained  as  a  title  of  honor,  distinguishing  him  from  others  because 
of  his  age,  or  as  an  official  title  to  mark  him  as  the  head  of  the  Asian 
church ;  cf .  Zahn,  Bin.  II.  220,  210 ;  Chapman  35  f.,  39.  Thus  a  distinct 
John  ceases  to  many  minds  to  be  a  reality.  John  the  Presbyter  is  called 
an  invention  of  Eusebius,  because  the  historian  was  the  first  to  interpret 
the  passage  in  Papias  as  witnessing  to  his  existence. 

But  if  Papias  had  in  mind  the  activities  of  one  and  the  same  John  at 
different  times  and  places,  he  could  hardly  have  chosen  langTiage  less  likely 


364  JOHN  THE  PRESBYTER 

to  convey  that  thought.  Without  some  more  distinct  note  of  the  Apostle's 
place  in  both  groups,  the  name  in  the  second  gToup,  especially  with  the 
added  6  TrpecrfSvTepo';,  must  inevitably  be  understood  of  a  different  person. 
Moreover  the  added  phrase,  oi  rov  Kvpiov  fxaO-qrai,  the  disciples  of  the  Loi'd, 
in  the  second  part  further  complicates  the  jjassage.  It  is  certain  that  the 
phrase  has  the  same  meaning  in  both  clauses,  an  immediate  disciple  of 
Jesus  himself,  such  as  were  the  apostles  and  others.  If  any  variation  were 
thought  of,  it  must  necessarily  in  some  way  he  indicated ;  but  of  this  there 
is  no  trace.^  And  after  the  preceding  words,  r]  rts  eVepos  twv  rov  Kvpiov 
[jiadrjTOiv,  or  ani/  other  of  the  Lord's  disci/jles,  which  summarily  include  all 
disciples  other  than  those  just  named,  the  repetition  of  the  designation  in 
this  clause  is  harshly  tautological.  If  emphatic  repetition  or  specification 
were  intended,  there  would  at  least  be  required  some  such  addition  as  kox 
eKclvoL,  these  also  disciples,  etc. 

A  chronological  difficulty  also  arises  not  only  in  identifying  the  second 
John  with  the  former,  but  in  denominating  the  second  group  personal  dis- 
ciples of  the  Lord.  The  present  Xiyova-iv,  are  saying/,  marks  the  disciples  of 
the  second  group  as  still  living  at  the  time  when  Papias  wrote.  The  pres- 
ent cannot  be  used  here,  as  often,  of  words  given  in  an  earlier  writing,  for 
the  reports  here  spoken  of  are  oral  —  this  fact  Papias  emphasizes  in  the  con- 
text. And  in  view  of  the  aor.  eiTrev  in  the  parallel  group,  this  cannot  be 
taken  as  a  historical  present.  It  is  true  that  Papias  in  both  clauses  is 
speaking  of  inquiries  made  in  the  past  (dveKpivov),  and  he  might  have  used 
lAeyov  instead  of  the  present,  but  he  thinks  of  the  witness  of  this  group  as 
still  living,  they  are  speaking  at  the  present  time  and  giving  the  same  testi- 
mony ;  they  furnish  an  apt  example  of  what  he  declares  most  valuable,  to. 
irapa  ^uxTrj^  <l>(Dvrj<s  Koi  p.tvovo-r]<;,  the  deliverances  of  a  living  and  abiding  voice. 
Now  the  date  of  Papias'  book  cannot  be  determined  with  certainty.  Zahn, 
Forsch.  VI.  112,  puts  it  with  probability  c.  125-130.  Harnack's  argument, 
Chron.  356  f.,  for  a  date  as  late  as  145-160  is  inconclusive.  But  even  if  the 
earliest  possible  date,  125  a.d.,  be  adopted,  the  Apostle  was  long  since  dead, 
as  were  all  the  other  personal  disciples  of  the  Lord. 

It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  there  is  some  textual  error  in  the  passage 
as  given  by  Eusebius.  Some  would  omit  the  words  altogether ;  so,  Haus- 
leiter,  Mommsen,  al.  Others  emend  them ;  e.g.  oi  twv  toS  Kvpiov  pn.dr]Twv 
fxadrjTaL,  Abbott ;  ol  rov  Kvpcov  /jLaOrjTW  p.a6y)TaL,  Renan ;  61  tovtwv  /iiaOrjTai, 
Bacon.  This  last  emendation  is  less  violent  in  form  than  the  others,  but  it 
would  make  these  two  men,  Aristion  and  John  the  Presbyter,  who  were  liv- 
ing in  the  year  125,  personal  disciples  of  those  just  mentioned,  that  is  of  a 
considerable  number  of  apostles,  one  of  whom  (James)  had  been  dead 
eighty  years,  another  (Peter)  and  perhaps  several  others,  at  least  sixty  years. 
The  most  probable  emendation  is  that  suggested  in  the  recent  work  (1914) 
of  Larfeld  (see  pp.  113-136),  with  whom  the  science  of  palaeography  and 

1  Utterly  without  foundation  is  Harnack's  interpretation  which  makes  the 
phrase  in  the  second  clause  refer  to  aged  Christians  who  had  come  from  Pales- 
tine, and  who  as  young  children  had  merely  seen  the  Lord  and  come  into  slight 
contact  with  him      Chron.  060. 


JOHN  THE  PRESBYTER  365 

diplomatics  is  a  specialty.  With  abundant  illustrations  drawn  from  Mss. 
and  inscriptions,  he  shows  the  methods  of  copyists  in  abbreviating  proper 
names  and  also  their  frequent  mistakes  in  reading  such  abbreviations.  He 
cites  the  use  of  Iwv  for  Iwavvow  in  the  late  usage  and  shows  the  probability 
of  its  use  in  early  times.  But  a>  in  the  Mss.  is  often  written  in  a  form  easily 
mistaken  for  co,  so  that  Iwti  is  confused  with  lcov.  And  ic.  is  frequently 
mistaken  for  k.  Thus  tcov,  wrongly  written  for  iwu,  abbreviation  for  Icoavvou, 
became  kov,  an  abbreviation  occurring  instead  of  kv  for  Kvpiov.  A  copyist 
who  had  just  written  in  the  preceding  clause  tov  kv  (=  Kvptov)  fxaOrjTiov 
might  easily  in  the  second  clause  mistake  iwv  (  =  Iwavvou)  for  kov  or  kv,  and 
write  TOV  kv  fjLaOrjTai.  The  abbreviation  kv  is  found  in  most  Mss.  of  Euse- 
bius.  It  is  concluded  then  that  what  Papias  wrote  was  oi  tov  Twavvov 
[jinOrjTat,  the  disciples  of  John.  In  the  text  thus  emended  the  art.  before 
'Icoavvou  may  mark  him  as  the  one  just  mentioned,  or  the  well-known. 
Larfeld's  reasoning  is  so  plausible  and  the  reading  so  completely  solves  the 
difficulties  of  this  much  disputed  passage,  that  we  may  accept  his  emenda- 
tion with  considerable  confidence. ^ 

If  this  be  the  correct  form  of  PajDias'  words,  the  two  persons  Aristion  and 
John  the  Presbyter  become  somewhat  less  shadowy.  They  are  younger 
contemporaries  of  John  the  apostle ;  they  are  spoken  of  in  a  way  implying 
that  they  are  known  to  the  unnamed  friend  of  Papias  to  whom  he  addressed 
his  book,  and  since  he  doubtless  intended  his  book  for  a  wider  circle  of 
readers,  presumably  the  Asian  chvirches,  they  are  probably  known  to  these 
also.  They  were  not  conspicuous  enough  to  have  left  a  great  impression  on 
the  churches,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  fact  that  there  is  no  mention  of 
them,  except  in  this  writing  of  Papias,  unless  it  be  true,  as  many  suppose, 
that  mvich,  or  all,  that  is  said  of  John  the  apostle  in  the  Asian  tradition 
should  be  referred  not  to  the  Apostle,  but  to  the  Presbyter,  the  two  being 
confused  in  popular  thought.  Aristion  and  John  are  specially  mentioned 
by  Papias  among  his  authorities  because  as  disciples  of  the  Apostle  they 
were  able  to  report  what  he  had  said.  The  title  Presbyter  given  to  John  is 
assumed  to  be  familiar  to  the  readers,  and  may  have  been  used  to  dis- 
tinguish him  from  his  master,  the  Apostle.  It  is  probably  the  official  term 
presbyter. 

The  term  ol  irpearjSvTepoL,  the  elders,  in  the  plu.,  as  used  in  the  passage  of 
Papias,  cannot  be  official,  for  presbyters,  found  in  every  church,  were  not  as 
such  personal  authorities  for  the  words  of  the  Lord's  apostles,  in  the  sense 
here  intended  by  Papias.  The  term  appears  to  be  a  standing  one  to  denote 
men  of  an  older  generation,  the  fathers,  who  were  looked  upon  as  authorita- 
tive witnesses  to  the  past.  It  occurs  often  in  Irenseus  and  later  writers. 
In  itself  it  might  include  the  apostles ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  was  so 
understood.  Irenteus  at  all  events  defines  his  use  of  it  by  the  added  words, 
disciples  of  the  apostles ;  e.g.  Hoer.  V.  5,  1  ;  36,  2.  And  Papias  also,  if  Lar- 
feld's emendation  be  adopted,  uses  it  thus ;  for  throughout  the  passage  cited 
he  is  speaking  of  what  his  visitors  reported  from  the  elders,  and  as  included 

1  Harnack  expresses  liis  approval  of  it  as  probable ;  Theol.  Lit.  Zeitung, 
May  23,  1914. 


366  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

in  such  reports  he  refers  to  what  they  told  of  the  words  of  Aristion  and 
John  the  Presbyter.  These  two  then  are  elders  in  the  sense  here  intended ; 
but  they  are  also  defined  as  disciples  of  the  apostle  John.  We  thus  obtain 
a  clue  for  the  interpretation  of  the  much  disputed  first  clause,  tl  'AvSpe'a? 
ktX.  Taken  by  themselves,  the  words  tl  .  .  .  fhre-v  ktX  would  most  naturally 
be  regarded  as  in  apposition  with  tovs  Aoyovs,  /  inquired  about  the  words  of 
the  elders,  i.e.  what  the  elder  Andrew  said,  etc.  Thus  the  elders  in  this  con- 
nection would  be  identified  with  the  apostles,  and  the  clause  is  interpreted 
so  by  many.  But  another  construction  is  possible,  which  makes  the  clause 
the  object  of  the  action  contained  in  Xoyovs,  I  inquired  about  the  woi'ds  of  the 
elders  in  reqard  to  the  sayings  of  Andrew,  etc.  The  elders  as  disciples  of  An- 
drew, Peter,  etc.,  were  the  proper  witnesses  of  the  sayings  of  these.  This 
interpretation,  required  in  the  emended  form  of  the  second  clause,  is  also 
free  from  chronological  difficulty.  If  the  apostles  here  named  are  the  elders 
meant,  the  visitors  to  Papias  to  whom  he  addressed  his  inquiries  would  be 
contemporaries  and  hearers  of  a  considerable  number  of  apostles,  some  of 
whom  had  been  long  dead  at  the  time  when  Papias  must  have  been  making 
his  inquiries  ;  cf .  p.  364. 

It  must  be  said  in  conclusion  that  the  sole  explicit  historical  evidence 
for  the  existence  of  John  the  Presbyter,  as  distinguished  from  the  Apostle, 
is  this  passage  of  Papias.  And  while  we  are  compelled  to  interpret  the 
passage  as  witnessing  to  his  existence,  yet  there  remains  the  extraordinary 
fact,  not  satisfactorily  accounted  for,  that  no  other  trace  of  such  a  person 
appears  till  about  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  when  Eusebius 
called  attention  to  the  significance  of  Papias'  language,  though  Papias'  book 
had  been  well  known  through  the  centuries,  when  the  Alogi  and  others 
were  seeking  for  a  non-apostolic  authorship  of  the  Johannine  Apocalypse, 
and  Dionysius  was  unable  to  find  any  evidence  of  a  second  John  in  Asia  to 
whom  to  attribute  it,  except  the  two  tombs  at  Ephesus ;  cf.  p.  350.  In 
view  of  these  circumstances  the  question  cannot  fail  to  arise  whether  the 
text  of  Papias  used  by  Eusebius  may  not  have  contained  some  other  error 
also  besides  that  discussed  on  pp.  364  ff. 


B.  The  tradition  of  John  the  AposUe  at  Ephesus.  Few  traditions  of  early 
Christian  history  have  been  held  to  be  more  certainly  authenticated  than 
that  of  the  abode  of  John  the  apostle  at  Ephesus  in  the  last  years  of  the 
first  century.  But  in  recent  times  there  has  been  raised  among  students  of 
the  Johannine  question  an  array  of  objections,  which  are  accepted  by  many 
as  conclusive  against  the  truth  of  the  tradition.  The  earlier  criticisms  of 
the  last  century,  those  of  Liitzelberger,  1840,  and  Keim,  1867,  were  generally 
disregarded,  as  not  outweighing  the  evidence  in  support  of  the  tradition. 
But  since  the  publication  of  the  De  Boor  fragments  in  1888  (see  below, 
pp.  381  ff.),  the  question  has  been  reopened  and  a  formidable  line  of  argu- 
ment presented  against  the  traditional  view ;  see  works  mentioned  on  p.  343. 
In  a  discussion  of  the  authorship  of  the  Apocalyjise  the  question  cannot  be 
avoided ;  since  if  it  be  shown  conclusively  that  the  Apostle  had  not  lived  in 


JOHN   THE   APOSTLE   IN   ASIA  367 

Asia  Minor,  the  book,  which  distinctly  connects  its  author  with  the  Asian 
church,  cannot  have  proceeded  from  his  hand.  It  should  be  added,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  even  if  it  were  certainly  proved  that  he  lived  at  Ephe- 
sus,  his  authorship  of  the  book  would  not  necessarily  follow,  since  the  work 
of  another  John  may  have  been  attributed  to  him.  And  it  is  not  amiss  to 
repeat  here  that  the  apostolic  origin  of  a  book,  however  important  in  some 
respects,  is  not  in  itself  of  such  fundamental  significance  that  the  value  of  a 
part  of  our  New  Testament  stands  or  falls  with  it  (cf .  p.  347).  It  would 
seem  then  that  the  question  of  an  Ephesian  residence  of  the  Apostle  might 
be  studied  without  exaggerating  or  minimizing  the  evidence  on  either  side. 

First  of  all  it  need  not  be  seriously  qviestioned  that  there  was  about  the 
time  to  which  the  Revelation  belongs  a  person  named  John,  whether  the 
apostle  or  another,  prominent  in  the  churches  of  at  least  seven  cities  of 
Asia  Minor.  The  book  itself,  which  as  seen  above,  pp.  344  f.,  cannot  be  re- 
garded pseudonymous,  bears  full  testimony  to  this  fact ;  and  even  if  it 
were  pseudonymous,  its  assumptions  must,  except  on  suppositions  that  do 
too  great  violence  to  the  structure  of  the  book  and  its  representations,  bear 
the  same  testimony. ^  Of  the  other  books  of  the  New  Testament  it  may 
be  said  that  the  attribution  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  and  the  epistles  to  a 
John  by  the  writers  of  the  following  generation,  since  the  books  bear  un- 
mistakable marks  of  Ephesian  provenience,  likewise  indicates  the  presence 
there  of  an  influential  person  bearing  the  name.  The  history  of  the  Acts 
does  not  come  down  to  so  late  a  date.  The  testimony  of  the  writers  of  the 
second  century  to  an  Asian  residence  of  the  Apostle,  which  will  be  spoken 
of  below,  even  if  mistaken  in  the  matter  of  personal  identity,  furnishes 
evidence  of  a  John  as  well  known  to  the  Asian  churches.  Accepting  then 
an  Asian  John,  and  in  spite  of  the  scantiness  of  evidence  (cf.  p.  366)  the 
presence  and  influence  of  John  the  Presbyter  in  the  Asian  church,  we  have 
to  ask,  Did  the  Apostle  also  live  and  labor  there,  or  was  this  true  of  the 
Presbyter  only,  who  erroneously  came  to  be  thought  of  as  the  Apostle  ?  It 
is  certain  that  only  one  of  the  name  could  have  been  prominent  there  at  the 
time  of  the  Apocalypse.  The  writer  attaches  no  distinguishing  epithet  to 
his  name,  there  is  for  the  readers  but  one  John  who  could  address  them 
thus  (cf.  pp.  344  f.).  If  this  was  the  Apostle,  and  if  the  other  John  was 
there,  the  latter  was  too  siibordinate  to  be  thought  of  by  any  one  as  the 
author  of  such  an  address  to  the  seven  churches.  But  if  this  John  was  the 
Presbyter,  then  the  Apostle  either  had  not  labored  there  at  all,  or  his  pres- 
ence and  influence  belonged  to  the  past ;  so  that  at  the  time  of  the  Revela- 
tion it  was  not  necessary  to  guard  against  a  possible  confusion  of  the 
author  with  him. 

It  is  convenient  to  take  up  first  the  evidence  in  support  of  the  Apostle's 

1  Prof.  Bacon,  who  rejects  the  tradition  of  an  Asian  John,  makes  the  sojourn 
at  Patmos  a  clever  fiction  of  the  pseudonymous  author  impersonating  the  Apos- 
tle ;  Patmos  was  near  enough  to  account  for  the  self-styled  Apostle's  addressine; 
a  book  to  these  churches  ;  it  was  remote  enough  to  forestall  any  objection  of 
the  readers  to  the  effect,  that  they  had  not  known  of  the  Apostle's  being  in 
their  vicinity.     Hih.  Journ.  1904,  vol.  2,  331. 


368  JOHN   THE  APOSTLE   IN   ASIA 

abode  in  Asia  at  the  time ;  but  this  must  not  be  allowed  to  prejudge  the 
argument,  to  be  considered  later,  which  is  adduced  against  the  tradition. 
The  New  Testament  furnishes  no  direct  evidence  upon  the  subject ;  see  fur- 
ther pp.  380,  390.  The  earliest  writer  of  the  second  century  who  makes  ex- 
plicit mention  of  the  Apostle's  sojourn  in  Asia  is  Irenseus.  His  references 
to  the  presence  there  of  one  whom  he  designates  '  John  the  disciple  of  the 
Lord '  are  so  definite  {e.g.  Euseb.  H.E.  TIL  28,  3  ;  IV.  14,  6)  and  his  allusion 
to  the  Apostle  in  this  designation  so  clear  (cf .  Euseb.  V.  8,  4 ;  24,  16,  Hcer. 
II.  22,  5,  non  solum  Jonnnem  sed  et  alios  apostolos ;  also  III.  3,  4)  that  no 
doubt  can  be  legitimately  raised  regarding  the  fact  of  his  testimony ;  the 
question  of  its  value  hinges  solely  upon  its  accuracy.  The  preference  for 
the  designation  disciple  instead  of  apostle  found  in  Irenaeus,  Papias,  and 
others  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  that  term  expresses  more  distinctly 
what  was  specially  insisted  on,  the  value  of  testimony  given  by  those  who 
had  learned  immediately  from  the  Lord  himself.  The  same  designation 
is  given  to  the  other  apostles  as  well  as  John.  Apostle  was  applied  in  some 
cases  to  those  who  had  not  been  of  the  original  twelve.  Ireneeus  makes 
his  reference  to  the  Apostle  clear  beyond  question.  There  is  not  the  slight- 
est force  in  the  contention  {e.g.  Bouss.  En.  Bih.  I.  198,  a  position  essentially 
abandoned  in  the  last  ed.  of  his  Kom.  46)  that  the  use  of  the  term  disciple 
by  Irenseus  indicates  reference  to  a  John  not  known  as  an  apostle;  cf. 
Chapman,  59  ff.  It  is  noticeable  that  disciple  is  the  word  always  used  in 
the  Fourth  Gospel ;  apostle  as  an  official  term  does  not  occur  there.  The 
sole  question  regarding  the  witness  of  Irenseus  is  then,  Is  it  correct  ?  The 
proof  of  his  error  is  regarded  by  many  critics  so  convincing,  that  they  un- 
hesitatingly set  his  testimony  aside.  He  is  conceived  to  have  confounded 
throughout  John  the  Presbyter  with  the  Apostle,  and  this  mistake  of  his 
is  thought  to  have  perpetuated  itself,  largely  through  his  great  influence, 
in  the  later  writers  of  that  and  the  following  centuries.  That  the  John  of 
whom  he  speaks  could  not  have  been  the  Apostle  but  must  have  been  the 
other  John  prominent  in  Asia  is  considered  certain  from  evidence  adduced 
for  the  Apostle's  martyrdom  at  an  earlier  date,  and  from  various  indica- 
tions that  he  could  not  have  been  prominent  in  Asia.  Irenfeus  then,  it  is 
contended,  is  the  real  source  of  this  tradition,  so  widely  current  and  ap- 
parently well  attested,  concerning  the  Apostle.  If  his  error  is  established, 
the  trustworthiness  of  the  tradition  is  held  to  be  destroyed.  See  works 
mentioned  on  p.  343. 

It  becomes  then  of  the  first  importance  in  our  inquiry  to  consider  the 
date  of  Irenseus  and  his  sources  of  irif or/nation,  as  bearing  on  his  credibil- 
ity. Irenseus,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life  presbyter  and  bishop  at  Lyons  in 
Graul,  was  probably  by  birth  an  Asiatic.  At  all  events  he  had  lived  for  a 
considerable  time  in  Asia  Minor  and  was  thoroughly  familiar  with  the 
church  there  and  its  traditions.  The  chronology  of  his  life  cannot  be  fixed 
in  detail,  but  some  intimations  point  clearly  to  approximate  dates  sufficient 
for  our  purpose.  His  great  work,  Against  the  Heresies,  was  written  between 
180  and  189  a.d.  We  have  from  somewhere  near  that  date,  either  before 
or  after,  a  part  of  a  letter  of  his,  important  for  our  inquiry,  written  to  Flo- 


JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN   ASIA  369 

riniis,  a  presbyter  at  Rome,  who  was  falling  into  the  error  of  Valentinianism 
(Euseb.  H.E.  V.  20).  In  this  letter  Irenfeus  speaks  of  his  relation  to  Poly- 
carp  in  a  way  which  gives  us  some  clue  to  the  probable  time  of  his  birth. 
He  says  that  while  a  boy,  Trats  In  wv,  he  was  wont  to  hear  Polycarp  in 
lower  Asia  discoursing  on  his  intercourse  with  John  and  others  who  had 
seen  the  Lord.  He  speaks  of  his  exact  remembrance  of  not  only  the  per- 
sonal appearance  of  Polycarp,  his  place  of  discoursing,  his  customary  entrance 
and  exit,  but  also  of  the  discourses  which  he  was  wont  to  deliver,  telling 
what  the  immediate  disciples  of  the  Lord  had  said  regarding  the  Lord's 
work  and  teaching.  This  teach  iiuj  of  the  Lord  as  reported  by  Polycarp 
Irenseus  says  he  so  accurately  understood  and  remembered  that  he  can  testify 
to  its  agreement  with  the  Scriptures.  And  it  is  this  teaching  which  he 
wishes  to  bring  back  to  the  remembrance  of  the  erring  Florinus,  who  had 
been  attending  the  lectures  at  the  same  time  with  Iren?eus.  It  is  to  be 
noted  also  that  throughout  the  passage  the  imperfect  tense  is  used  and 
other  expressions  showing  that  Irenaeus  is  speaking  of  hearing  Polycarp  for 
at  least  some  little  time.  He  may  perhaps  not  have  been  a  permanent  pu- 
pil of  his,  but  the  language  impHes  something  more  than  the  casual  hearing 
of  one  or  two  sermons,  as  some  would  contend.  Now  if  he  so  clearly  com- 
prehended and  remembered  the  Christian  teaching  which  Polycarp  was  re- 
porting, he  must  have  been  at  the  time  when  he  heard  Polycarp  a  person  of 
considerable  maturity.  What  he  here  speaks  of  is  quite  different  from 
stories  of  the  Lord's  miracles  for  example,  which  a  child  might  understand 
and  remember.  Therefore  when  he  speaks  of  himself  as  being  in  those 
days  a  hoy,  it  is  clear  that  he  uses  the  term  as  one  often  does  in  speaking  of 
early  years  from  the  standpoint  of  later  life  —  and  it  was  in  that  age  that 
Irenfeus  was  speaking  in  this  letter  to  Florinus.  The  broad  sense  in  which 
he  takes  the  word  he  makes  clear  by  his  context.  In  another  place  {Har- 
III.  3,  4)  he  uses  the  similar  but  looser  expression  iv  rfj  irpwrr]  rjfiwv  tjXlkio., 
In  our  earlii  age,  in  reference  to  the  time  of  his  seeing  Polycarp.i  Harnack's 
supposition  that  he  was  a  child  of  not  more  than  twelve  or  fifteen  years 
{Chron.  325)  is  utterly  at  variance  with  the  context.  What  he  says  of  his 
understanding  and  recollection  of  Polycarp's  discourses  would  justify  us, 
without  doing  violence  to  the  word  Trats,  in  supposing  him  to  have  been  at 
least  twenty  or  twenty-five  years  old.  Now  Polycarp's  martyrdom  occurred, 
as  most  agi-ee,  in  15.5  a.d.  (so,  Harnack,  Zahn,  ah).  AVe  may  therefore  safely 
place  the  birth  of  Irenppus  not  far  from  130  a.d.,  if  not  earlier,  (Zahn  dates 
it  115).  The  significance  of  so  early  a  date  in  relation  to  the  value  of  his 
testimony  will  appear  below. 

Harnack,  who  is  determined  at  all  hazards  to  eliminate  the  authority  of 
Ireneeus  from  the  Johannine  problem,  has  constructed  an  elaborate  argu- 
ment {Chron.  320  ff.)  to  show  that  as  regards  the  personality  of  the  John 

1  In  Soph.  Phil,  the  young  warrior  and  ship-commander  Neoptolenuis  is  regu- 
larly called  TTais,  boy.  In  Horn.  Od.  IV.  66-5,  Telemachus,  a  young  man  about 
twenty,  is  called  veos  irah,  a  young  boy.  Lightfoot,  Ignat.  I.  448,  points  out  in 
late  writers  numerous  cases  of  a  similar  term  applied  to  persons  of  thirty  or  more 
years. 

2b 


370  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

spoken  of  by  Polycarp,  Irenaeus  is  not  a  trustworthy  witness.  As  many 
critics  share  his  view  and  as  he  puts  the  case  against  Irenaeus  in  its  strongest 
form,  the  more  important  points  in  his  argument  are  here  summarized. 
They  may  conveniently  be  tabulated  as  follows,  criticism  of  the  respective 
points  being  reserved  till  the  conclusion,  (a)  Irenseus'  work  Against  the 
Heresies  was  completed  in  the  year  189.  (h)  The  lapse  of  Florinus  into 
Valentinianism  could  not  have  occurred  before  190;  for  Ireuagus  wrote  to 
the  Roman  bishop  Victor  urging  his  deposition  and  Victor's  bishopric  began 
in  190,  and  furthermore  Florinus  is  not  mentioned  in  Irenseus'  work  against 
the  heresies,  completed  in  189.  (r)  It  is  unlikely  that  a  Christian  60-70 
years  old  should  have  fallen  away  into  heresy,  (c/)  If  the  lapse  of  Florinus 
could  not  have  occurred  before  190,  and  if  at  the  time  of  the  lapse  he  could 
not  have  been  60  or  70  years  old,  he  must  have  been  born  as  late  as  120-130 
A.I),  (i?)  But  the  date  of  Florinus  gives  us  a  clue  to  that  of  Irenseus,  since 
he  must  have  been  younger  than  Florinus  by  ten  or  fifteen  years,  probably 
more.  For  in  his  letter  to  Florinus  he  says  elSov  yap  cre  Trais  In  wv  iv  rr} 
KaTO)  Actio,  irapa  IIoAuKa/aTrw  Xa/xTrpois  TrpdaaovTa  iv  rrj  /SacrtAtKj^  avXrj  /cat 
TTCipw/xevov  €v8oKLp.€LV  Trap  avT<2  (Euseb.  II. E.  V.  20,  5),  For  ichile  yet  a  boy  I 
saw  thee  in  lower  Asia  with  Polycarp  doing  hriUiuutly  in  the  royal  cnin-t  and 
striving  to  be  held  in  good  esteem  by  him.  The  language  implies  that  Florinus 
must  have  already  been  a  pupil  of  Polycarp  for  some  time  when  the  boy 
Irenseus  saw  him  ;  this  is  especially  implied  in  the  words  Xa/xTrpm  Trpdao-ovra 
iv  Trj  (SacnXiKT]  avXrj,  lit.  doing  brilliantly  in  the  royal  court.  The  words  are 
commonly  understood  to  mean  taking  a  conspicuous  position  in  the  royal  court, 
though  Harnack  does  not  say  what  precise  sense  he  gives  them,  (f)  If 
now  Florinus  was  born  near  130,  and  Irenteus  was  at  least  12  or  1.5  years 
younger,  the  birth  of  Irenseus  is  fixed  at  not  far  from  140,  probably  shortly 
before  142  (Chron.  329).  (g)  Irenseus  then  was  about  13  when  Polycarp 
died  (155  a.d.).  How  long  before  this  it  was  that  he  heard  Polycarp  in 
Asia  is  not  indicated.  This  conclusion,  that  he  was  a  young  boy  at  the 
time  alluded  to,  is  confirmed  by  the  added  words,  ravra  koI  rore  8ia.  to  lAeos 
Tov  6eov  TO  €7r'  ifjiol  yeyovo?  CTTrovSat'cDS  i^kovov  (Euseb.  V.  20,  7),  these  things 
even  then  through  the  mercy  of  God  bestowed  upon  me  I  listened  to  earnestly ;  he 
implies  that  it  was  only  through  the  special  mercy  of  God  granted  to  him 
that  a  boy  so  young  was  able  to  understand  the  discourses  of  Polycarp. 
(h)  It  cannot  be  urged  that  Irenseus'  knowledge  of  Polycarp's  words  about 
the  Apostle  rests  not  only  on  that  early  acquaintance  but  also  on  later  inter- 
course, since  the  possibility  of  any  supposed  later  intercourse  is  certainly 
excluded.  For  the  ardent  interest  which  Irenseus  felt  as  a  boy  in  Poly- 
carp's discourses  would  surely  have  impelled  him  later  in  life  to  seek  his 
instructions;  but  there  is  no  trace  of  this,  it  mxxst  be  that  Polycarp  died 
soon  after  the  time  alluded  to.  Although  Irenajus  is  bent  on  influencing 
Florinus  by  appealing  to  the  authority  of  Polycarp,  he  refers  to  early 
teaching  only ;  he  evidently  has  no  later  teaching  to  cite.  In  the  work 
on  the  heresies  in  speaking  of  his  relation  to  Polycarp  he  says,  '  whom  I 
saw  in  my  early  age,'  III.  3,  4,  iwpaKafxev ;  he  had  seen  him,  but  does  not 
claim  there  to  have  heard  him.     From  this  whole  line  of  argument  it  fol- 


JOHN   THE  APOSTLE   IN   ASIA  371 

lows  as  a  certain  conclusion  (sichercs  Ergehniss)  that  only  as  a  maturing  boy 
did  Irenasus  see  Polycarp  and  hear  him  preach ;  he  was  never  his  pupil  and 
never  had  association  with  him  (p.  828).  In  his  mistaken  recollections  of 
Polycarp's  discourses  he  confounds  John  the  Presbyter  with  the  Apostle. 
Thus  his  testimony  to  the  Apostle's  residence  in  Asia  Minor  is  completely 
eliminated,  as  is  that  of  the  later  witnesses,  since  they  merely  echo  what 
they  had  learned  from  Irenfeus.  The  evidence  adduced  against  John  the 
Apostle's  residence  in  Asia  will  be  spoken  of  below. 

An  examination  of  this  argTiment  will  reveal  its  inconclusiveness  at 
every  point.  In  the  following  comments  the  letters,  h,  c,  etc.,  refer  to  the  re- 
spective paragraphs  above.  As  regards  the  date  of  Florinus'  birth  (against 
b,  c,  d),  it  is  impossible  to  say  how  long  before  his  open  break  with  the 
Church  and  his  actual  deposition  Florinus  may  have  been  uttering  prin- 
ciples accordant  with,  or  at  least  leaning  toward,  Yalentinianism.  Irenseus' 
letter  to  him  was  a  friendly  message  wi-itten  to  him  while  he  was  yet  acting 
as  a  presbyter  in  the  Church ;  it  was  designed  to  check  his  advance  and 
recall  him  from  error.  It  may  have  preceded  the  open  rupture  and  deposi- 
tion by  a  considerable  time,  that  is,  some  time  before  190,  the  earliest  date 
at  which  Iremieus  could  have  written  to  Victor  urging  deposition.  How 
long  Florinus  may  have  been  suffered  to  continiie  in  his  office  is  wholly  un- 
certain. The  very  fact  of  Irenseus'  letter  to  Victor  indicates  some  slowness 
on  the  part  of  the  bishop  to  act.  The  absence  of  allusion  to  Florinus  in 
the  work  Against  the  Heresies  furnishes  no  evidence  that  his  lapse  had  not 
already  beg-un  or  actually  taken  place.  Valentinianism  is  one  of  the 
heresies  treated  of,  but  there  was  no  occasion  to  mention  specifically 
the  name  of  Florinus,  nor  of  many  others  who  were  not  the  authors  of 
the  heresy  but  the  followers.  The  assumption  (c)  is  unwarranted  that  one 
would  not  at  the  age  of  seventy  take  the  step  toward  which  he  had  long 
been  tending.  Therefore  data  for  the  inference  (d)  that  Florinus  was  born 
between  120  and  130  are  entirely  wanting. 

In  the  second  place,  whatever  may  have  been  the  date  of  Florinus'  birth, 
the  supposition  (e)  that  Irenaeus  was  ten  or  fifteen  years  younger  is  with- 
out any  certain  foundation.  It  rests  on  the  very  obscure  words  Xa/j.TrpS)<s 
TrpdacrovTa  iv  rrj  /Saa-iXiKr]  avXrj,  doing  brilliantly  in  the  royal  court.  These 
are  commonly  understood  to  refer  to  some  conspicuousness  at  the  imperial 
court.  Now  even  if  that  be  the  meaning,  the  words  could  quite  conceivably 
be  applied  to  a  youth  of  twenty  or  twenty-five  (the  age  attributed  above, 
p.  369,  to  Irenaeus  at  the  time),  performing  some  particular  service  in  the 
imperial  household.  But  there  is  great  difficulty  in  taking  the  words  in 
this  literal  sense.  There  was  no  imperial  court  in  lower  Asia,  and  the  at- 
tempts of  some  scholars  to  connect  the  reference  with  an  imperial  visit  to 
the  province  of  Asia  ^  have  failed  of  any  probable  conclusion.  The  position 
of  the  words  as  part  of  what  appears  to  be  one  phrase,  Trapix  noAv/capTrw 
.  .  .  Trap'  avTw,  shows  almost  certainly  that  they  are  to  be  taken  as  refer- 

1  Cf .  Zahn,  Forsch.  IV.  277  ;  Lightfoot,  Contemp.  Rev.  1875,  Ignat.  and 
Pohjcarj),  I.  2.  ()62  ff. 


372  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE   IN  ASIA 

ring  to  Florinus'  relatiou  to  Polycarp,  aud  not  to  anything  in  his  external 
situation,  which  in  fact  would  have  no  bearing  on  the  thought  of  the  con- 
text. The  phrase  rrj  (SaaikiKy  avXrj  then  not  improbably  refers  to  some 
court  or  hall  where  Polycarp  gave  his  discourses ;  ^  and  the  first  phrase 
Xa/xTrpS)^  .  .  .  avXrj  appears  to  be  closely  connected  in  thought  with  the 
second,  Tretpcj/xevov  .  .  •  irap' avrw ;  Florinus' iW/Ziani  career  in  the  Christian 
school  was  connected  with  his  effort  to  possess  the  esteem  of  Polycarp,  whose 
instructions  he  was  attending,  apparently  in  preparation  for  the  work  of  a 
Christian  teacher.  There  is  no'  intimation  that  his  age  differed  greatly 
from  that  of  Irenaeus.  We  have  here  then  no  data  for  determining  the 
time  of  Irenteus'  birth.  The  interpretation  (//)  given  to  the  words  TavTa 
.  .  .  a-TTOvSacws  ^kovov  is  read  into  them ;  (nrovSaiui<s  aKoveiv  does  not  mean 
to  hear  iniilerst(nuli>'i(/Ii/,  but  to  listen  to  earnestly,  (jive  eager  attention  to,  an 
act  of  moral  earnestness,  in  the  power  to  exercise  which  Irenseus  sees  the 
special  mercy  of  God  toward  him.  The  language  would  be  appropriate  in 
the  moiith  of  one  of  any  age. 

The  contention  (/<)  that  Irenaeus  could  not  have  met  Polycarp  later  in 
life  rests  wholly  on  the  argaiment  from  silence.  The  assumption  that  Poly- 
carp died  while  Irenaeus  was  a  boy,  that  is,  before  Irenaeus  had  opportunity 
to  seek  his  instructions  in  maturer  years,  requires  for  its  support  a  full 
knowledge  of  the  movements  of  Irenaeus  in  his  earlier  years ;  we  must  know 
that  there  were  no  hindrances  in  the  way  of  resorting  to  Polycarp,  if  the 
latter  were  living.  But  of  this  we  know  nothing.  The  possibility  of  a 
later  intercourse  is  not  essential  to  our  inquiry.  But  while  there  is  no  cer- 
tain evidence  in  favor  of  it,  there  is  none  to  the  contrary.  It  is  not  true,  as 
claimed,  that  in  trying  to  influence  Florinus  by  appealing  to  Polycarp, 
Irenaaus  confines  himself  to  those  early  reminiscences  ;  he  also  refers  him 
to  the  letters  of  Polycarp  (Euseb.  V.  20,  8),  with  which  he  doubtless  as- 
sumes him  to  be  acquainted.  At  all  events  the  force  of  his  appeal  consists 
in  reminding  Florinus  of  what  Florinus  himself  already  knew  of  Polycarp's 
words  learned  in  those  early  associations.  Irenaeus  himself  might  con- 
ceivably have  heard  much  from  Polycarp  at  a  later  date.  His  silence  con- 
cerning this  jiroves  nothing.  If  there  is  in  the  use  of  the  word  kwpa.KafX€v 
decisive  force  against  any  prolonged  association  with  Polycarp,  we  must 
also  u^nderstand  the  words  tcov  ewpa/coTcoi/  tov  Kvpiov  in  this  letter  to  Flori- 
nus (Euseb.  V.  20,  6)  to  characterize  John  and  the  rest  of  the  apostles  as 
those  who  had  seen  the  Lord  but  had  not  been  his  pupils.  From  this 
survey  of  the  argument  advanced  for  the  late  date  of  Irenjeus'  birth  and 
the  valuelessness  of  his  report  of  Polycarp's  utterances  in  the  matter  under 
discussion,  it  is  apparent  that  the  contention  cannot  be  said  to  be  es- 
tablished; and  the  evidence  in  support  of  an  earlier  date  which  has  been 
drawn  from  Irenaeus'  own  words,  as  pointed  out  above,  pp.  368  f.,  must 
claim  for  itself  a  force  not  hereby  destroyed.  The  question  whether  facts 
proved  in  regard  to  John's  life  may  not  invalidate  Irenaeus'  testimony  to  an 
Asian  residence  will  be  considered  below.     The  fixing  of  Irenaeus'  date  is 

1  Of.  Ac'  199,  Hast.  IV.  822,  also  Harnack,  Chron.  330. 


.   JOHN  THE  APOSTLE   IN  ASIA  373 

important,  uot  only  in  connection  with  the  report  of  Polycarp's  words,  but 
also  in  relation  to  Ireuasus'  testimony  in  general,  as  will  be  seen. 

It  is  necessary  to  notice  more  fully  Irenseus'  sources  of  information.  He 
mentions  by  name  only  two  witnesses,  Polycarp  and  Papias.  He  refers 
often  to  '  the  Elders,'  whom  he  does  not  name,  and  sometimes  uses  the 
sing.  '  the  Elder.'  This  term  is  used  by  Papias  and  others  also.  It  cannot 
desigTiate  a  detinitely  fixed  body  of  men,  as  in  the  case  of  '  the  apostles ' ; 
none  siich  existed.  Irena;us  shows  that  he  generally  had  in  mind  personal 
disciples  of  the  apostles,  as  he  repeatedly  adds  a  definition  to  that  effect ; 
<'.(/.  Ha:r.  11.  22,  5  ;  V.  5,  1 ;  83,  3 ;  36,  2.  In  one  case  he  uses  the  term  of 
a  person  who  was  a  disciple  of  those  who  were  themselves  disciples  of  the 
apostles ;  IV.  27,  1.  It  is  evident  that  he  refers  to  such  as  were  commonly 
held  to  be  competent  witnesses  to  the  apostles'  words,  '  the  fathers.'  The 
instances  in  which  he  alludes  to  the  sayings  of  unnamed  persons  are  numer- 
ous. It  is  idle  to  inquire  what  particular  persons  he  had  in  mind ;  it  was 
not  important  for  his  readers  to  know,  for  the  description  added,  or  the 
designation,  elders,  was  enough  to  mark  them  as  authoritative.  The  expla- 
nation of  so  frequent  an  appeal  to  others  is  found  in  what  Irenseus  says  in 
the  preface  to  his  book  against  the  heresies.  He  there  expresses  strongly 
his  sense  of  inadequacy  for  the  great  task  he  is  undertaking.  It  is  in  keep- 
ing with  this  spirit  that  he  so  often  seeks  to  support  himself  upon  the 
utterances  of  others ;  e.fj.  *  he  that  was  better  than  we,'  I.  13,  3  ;  '  one  who 
was  before  us,'  HI.  17,  4 ;  '  one  of  the  ancients,'  HI.  22,  3 ;  'a  certain 
person  before  us,'  IV.  41,  2;  'the  Elders.'  The  cases  of  the  sing,  'a 
cei-tain  Elder,*  *  the  Elder,'  etc.,  all  occur  in  one  long  paragraph,  IV.  27-32, 
treating  of  the  proper  attitude  of  Christians  toward  the  failures  of  Old  Testa- 
ment worthies,  and  throughout  that  paragraph  Irenseus  is  reproducing  the 
thought  of  a  certain  unnamed  Elder  to  whom  he  keeps  referring.  It  is  not 
possible,  nor  is  it  important,  to  determine  who  this  Elder  is.  Wherever  the 
term  is  used  with  the  definite  art.,  '  the  Elder,'  the  reference  is  to  this  one 
Elder  had  in  mind  throughout  the  paragraph,  not  to  some  person  whose 
proper  name  has  been  displaced  by  the  term  as  a  well-known  appellation. 
The  writer  of  2  and  3  Jno.  could  substitute  '  the  elder  '  for  his  personal  name 
in  writing  to  the  narrow  circle  addressed  where  he  was  thus  known,  espe- 
cially as  the  author  of  the  letters  wovild  be  announced  by  the  bearers  of 
them  ;  but  there  is  in  this  no  ground  for  supposing  that  there  was  one,  e.g. 
Papias,  or  Polycarp,  to  whom  this  appellation  could  be  given  throughout 
the  Church  in  place  of  his  personal  name;  cf.  p.  362.  Harnack  (Chron. 
333  ff .,  so,  others)  argues  that  the  Elders  to  whom  Irenaeus  refers  are  only 
those  of  Asia  Minor,  with  whom  he  had  himself  had  no  personal  intercourse, 
and  that  he  knows  of  their  traditions  through  Papias  only ;  in  other  words, 
the  Elders  with  him  are  practically  synonymous  with  Papias.  Thus  Ire- 
naeus'  knowledge  of  early  tradition  in  the  Asian  church  is  confined  to  what 
he  read  in  Papias  and  what  he  remembered  from  hearing,  when  a  young 
boy,  a  few  sermons  of  Polycarp.  He  ceases  to  form  a  trustworthy  authority 
in  any  matter  of  the  early  church  of  Asia.  But  this  view  does  as  great  vio- 
lence to  his  knowledge  of  Asian  tradition  as  it  does  to  his  acquaintance  with 


374  JOHN   THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA  . 

Polycari?.  The  radical  fault  of  this  kind  of  argument  is  that  it  treats 
Irenceus'  testimony  much  as  if  he  were  a  recluse  remote  in  time  and  place 
from  the  vigorous  intercourse  going  on  throughout  the  Church,  and  writing 
from  studies  limited  to  one  or  two  books.  It  is,  to  be  sure,  unquestionable 
that  he  iised  Papias'  book,  as  he  refers  to  him  by  name ;  and  in  some  cases 
it  may  be  plausibly  conjectured  that  Papias  was  his  authority  for  attributing 
a  tradition  to  the  Elders.  But  he  read  many  books ;  he  shows  familiarity 
not  only  with  most  of  the  writings  that  make  up  the  Kew  Testament,  but 
also  with  other  letters  of  Polycarp  besides  the  one  preserved  (Euseb.  V.  20,  8), 
with  Clement  of  Rome,  Ignatius,  Justin,  Hermas ;  he  refers  often  to  the 
writings  of  others.  It  is  certain  that  Papias  was  not  the  only  one  from 
whom  he  derived  traditions  of  an  earlier  time.  In  one  case,  Har.  V.  33, 
3-4,  he  distinguishes  Papias  from  the  Elders  ;  after  citing  certain  sayings  of 
the  Elders,  apparently  handed  down  orally  (^ijuenindmodum  preshyteri  memi- 
ncrunt  .  .  .  aurlisse  ac),  he  refers  to  Papias  also  as  testifying  to  the  same  in 
writing  (ravra  Se  Koi  naTrtas  iyypd<J3w<;  iTrifxapTvpei).  But  quite  apart  from 
his  acquaintance  with  Christian  writers,  Irenfeus  was  an  influential  presby- 
ter and  bishop  in  the  western  church,  he  was  active  in  movements  affecting 
the  relation  of  the  eastern  and  western  churches  to  each  other,  he  had  lived 
for  some  time  in  Asia  Minor,  he  had  been  in  Rome  as  a  delegate  to  the 
bishop  from  the  church  of  Lyons  and  Vienue  and  perhaps  had  lived  there 
previously ;  in  short  he  was  a  man  in  immediate  contact  with  current  life 
and  tradition  throughout  the  Church. ^ 

In  connection  with  the  faulty  theory  regarding  the  sources  of  Irenaeus' 
knowledge,  the  further  mistake  is  made  of  not  distinguishing  between  tra- 
ditions of  very  different  kinds.  When  he  cites  the  avithority  of  the  Elders 
to  the  effect,  that  the  Lord  lived  to  an  age  between  forty  and  fifty,  Hcc?: 
II.  22,  5,  or  that  the  Lord  taught  the  miraculous  yield  of  wine,  wheat,  and 
all  the  fruits  of  the  ground  as  one  of  the  blessings  of  the  coming  kingdom, 
Hcer.  V.  33,  3  f .,  the  testimony  is  rejected ;  but  we  must  recognize  that 
plain,  objective  facts  of  history,  lying  within  the  ken  of  all,  stand  in  a  dif- 
ferent category.  Is  there  a  single  one  of  the  most  trusted  modern  critics 
and  historians  who  may  not  in  some  instance  be  convicted  of  error  in 
judgment  or  statement  of  fact?  And  it  is  noticeable  that  not  one  of 
Irenpeus'  appeals  to  the  Elders  relates  to  external  facts  in  the  history  of 
the  Church,  or  of  the  life  and  work  of  the  great  Christian  leaders.     Mis- 

1  The  Moscow  Ms.  of  the  Martyr,  of  Polycarp,  a  ninth  century  Ms.,  states  tliat 
he  was  at  Rome  when  Polycarp  was  martyred  at  Smyrna,  and  that  he  instructed 
many  there.  Harnack  wrongly  argues  {Chron.  323  f.)  that  the  letter  of  the 
Christians  at  Lyons  commending  him  to  the  Roman  bishop  Eleutherus,  as  if  a 
stranger,  when  sent  there  as  a  delegate  in  177-178,  '  absohitely  excludes'  any 
previous  work  of  teaching  there.  But  the  short  fragment  of  the  letter  preserved, 
Euseb.  V.  4,  does  not  speak  of  him  as  unknown  to  Eleutherus  ;  but  as  a  ground 
for  his  favorable  reception,  the  letter  commends  his  zeal  for  the  gospel,  which 
quite  conceivably  may  refer  to  his  career  at  Lyons  in  the  interval  since  he  was 
at  Rome,  if  he  had  been  there  before.  At  all  events  there  is  no  more  implication 
of  introducing  a  stranger  than  in  Paul's  words,  1  Cor.  4i^,  16io,  recommending 
Timothy  to  the  Corinthians  among  whom  he  had  already  labored. 


JOHN  THE   APOSTLE   IN  ASIA  375 

takes  about  utterances  attributed  to  the  Lord,  mistakes  iu  such  matters  as 
the  authorship  of  a  book  are  conceivable  enough,  but  a  mistake  about  so 
patent  a  fact  as  that  of  the  residence  of  John  the  apostle  in  Asia  could  not 
in  the  circumstances  occur  without  discovery  and  correction. 

Passing  over  for  the  time  being  the  critical  question  regarding  Papias, 
whose  book  Irenpeus  used,  we  have  to  notice  more  fully  that  which  was  for 
Irana'us  iu  the  matter  of  our  present  inquiry  his  chief  and  most  trustworthy 
source  of  information.  The  weight  of  his  testimony  here  is  determined  not 
by  his  dependence  on  the  Elders  or  any  person  named,  but  on  a  wider  circle  of 
witnesses.  What  gives  its  value  to  his  testimony  is  the  probability  that  he 
is  recording  what  was  a  matter  of  common  notoriety.  It  is  worth  while  to 
look  at  this  claim  more  closely.  The  sense  of  brotherhood  among  the  first 
Christians  led  to  a  remarkable  knowledge  of,  and  interest  in,  the  brethren 
not  only  of  the  immediate  community,  but  also  of  more  distant  congrega- 
tions. The  greetings  and  other  mention  of  names  in  Paul's  epistles  show 
how  real  was  the  personality  of  Christian  teachers  and  workers  in  the  nunds 
even  of  those  to  whom  they  were  unknown  by  face.  Especially  general  and 
distinct  must  this  knowledge  have  been  in  congregations  which  like  those 
of  the  seven  Asian  cities  were  connected  by  trade  routes  so  that  intercourse 
was  easy.  The  New  Testament  bears  a'bundant  witness  to  the  ready  inter- 
course between  churches  in  widely  separated  parts  of  the  empire.  Evidence 
of  the  active  fellowship  maintained  by  the  churches  in  which  Irengeus  was 
presbyter  and  bishop,  those  of  Yienne  and  Lyons,  with  the  Christians  in 
Asia  Minor  is  seen  in  the  letter  of  the  former  to  the  latter,  giving  an 
account  of  their  sufferings  in  the  persecutions  under  Marcus  Aurelius,  c. 
177  A.D.  Now,  as  we  have  seen,  the  John  of  the  Apocalypse  was  a  conspicu- 
ous figure  recognized  as  an  authority  in  the  Asian  church  at  the  end  of  the 
century.  His  book  reveals  him  as  a  striking  personality,  and  he  must  have 
been  known  to  young  and  old  in  the  churches  of  the  seven  cities  and 
elsewhere.  And  if  John  the  apostle,  whether  he  be  identified  with  the 
author  of  the  Apocalypse,  or  not,  lived  and  taught  among  these  churches, 
he  must  have  been  especially  well  known  throughout  the  region ;  for  the 
Apocalypse  itself  bears  witness  to  the  unique  place  held  by  the  apostles 
in  the  estimation  of  the  later  Christians,  21i-*,  IS^o.  Churches  came 
very  early  to  be  proud  of  the  personal  ministrations  of  an  apostle  ;  and 
at  least  one  of  the  seven  churches  had  been  careful  to  test  those  who 
professed  to  be  apostles,  2^.  But  John  was  known  throughout  the  Church 
as  one  of  the  little  group  of  foremost  apostles,  Gal.  2^  ;  knowledge  of  this 
must  have  been  brought  to  Asia  by  the  first  narrators  of  the  gospel  story. 
If,  therefore,  he  went  in  and  out  among  these  congTegations,  there  could 
have  been  no  doubt  or  uncertainty  in  the  minds  of  his  contemporaries 
throughout  the  Asian  church,  about  his  apostolic  rank.  On  the  other 
hand  if  the  John  of  the  Apocalypse  was  a  different  person,  who  followed 
afterwards,  he  too  as  a  familiar  figure  must  in  his  person  and  non-apostolic 
rank  have  been  at  once  recognized  by  the  contemporaries  of  both  as  distinct 
from  his  predecessor;  they  could  not  have  taken  him  for  the  apostle. 
Acts,  sayings,  and  writings  of  the  later  John  might  be  attributed  to  the 


376  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

former,  but  the  distinction  between  the  two  persons,  active  as  preachers  in 
the  churches,  must  remain  clear  in  the  minds  of  those  accustomed  to  hear 
them.  The  merging  of  the  two  into  one  could  arise  only  when  the  original 
hearers  and  the  direct  knowledge  of  their  reminiscences  had  passed  away. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  great  Apostle  had  never  lived  in  Asia,  nor  been 
a  preacher  in  the  churches  there,  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  the  John 
known  there  should  have  been  mistaken  for  him,  and  so  a  belief  in  the 
Apostle's  presence  should  have  arisen,  until  authoritative  witnesses  for  that 
period  were  no  longer  at  hand  to  correct  the  error.  But  unquestionably 
contemporaries  of  the  Asian  John,  or  Johns,  survived  in  considerable 
numbers  well  into  the  time  of  Irenseus'  mature  activity ;  on  the  date  of  his 
birth  see  pp.  368  f.  Two  such  are  known  by  name,  Polycarp  and  Papias. 
Polycarp,  bishop  of  one  of  the  seven  churches,  was  martyred  155  a.d.  at  the 
age  of  eighty-six.  1  He  was  therefore  a  contemporary  witness  from  at  least 
the  last  decade  of  the  first  century  till  after  the  middle  of  the  second,  i.e.  a 
time  when  Irenasus  was  some  25  years  old.  Papias,  bishop  in  a  city  closely 
connected  with  those  of  the  seven  churches,  who  was  the  companion  of 
Polycarp  (Jlo\vKa.pTTov  eralpos,  Iren.  Hem:  V.  33,  4  ;  Euseb.  //.  E.  HI.  39, 
1)  and  probably  of  about  the  same  age,  survived  to  a  time  near  the  middle 
of  the  century,  either  before  or  after;  cf.  Harnack,  Chron.  357.  It  cannot 
be  doubted  that  there  were  many  others  also  among  the  Christians  of  these 
communities,  whose  span  of  life  reached  at  least  seventy-five  years  and  who 
were  therefore  competent  witnesses  from  the  last  decade  of  the  first  century 
to  near  the  middle  of  the  second.  The  number  of  persons  who  in  their 
earliest  youth  had  seen  and  heard  this  conspicuous  teacher,  persons  whose 
memories  of  liim  would  have  been  kept  vivid  through  older  associates,  and 
who  lived  on  till  the  middle  of  the  century  must  have  been  large.  It  seems 
inconceivable  then  that  there  should  have  been  in  the  year  150  any  uncer- 
tainty in  these  communities  as  to  whether  a  certain  prominent  teacher  was 
the  apostle  John.  No  phenomenon  is  better  attested  than  trustworthy 
recollections  of  the  identity  of  persons  seen  and  heard  a  half  century  before. 
It  is  significant  that  Irenaeus  nowhere  sets  himself  to  the  task  of  prorine/ 
the  Apostle  to  have  sojourned  in  Asia ;  that  is  not  one  of  the  questions  in 
which  he  appeals  to  the  authority  of  the  Elders  or  others ;  it  is  always 
alluded  to  in  passing,  like  any  other  fact  recognized  by  all.  There  is  no 
intimation  that  the  opinion  needed  the  support  of  testimony  and  that  there 
was  any  dissent  from  it.  Papias  in  his  introduction  as  quoted  by  Eusebius 
(see  p.  362)  distinguishes  two  Johns,  but  if  there  was  in  his  book,  which 
Irenseus  knew  thoroughly,  any  statement  at  variance  with  the  belief  in  the 
residence  of  the  Apostle  in  Asia,  it  made  no  impression  on  the  mind  of 
Irenseus.  Whether  such  divergent  opinion  was  actually  expressed  there, 
will  be  considered  below.  But  if  the  Apostle  was  put  to  death  many  years 
before  the  time  of  his  supposed  residence  in  Asia,  as  Papias  is  reported  in 
the  De  Boor  fragment  to  testify,  the  surprising  thing  in  connection  with 
Irenaeus'  testimony  is  not  so  much  that  no  one  of  many  competent  wit- 

1  Mart.  Pol.  9.    Zahn,  Forsch.  VI.  155  ff.,  arjjues  for  an  age  still  older. 


JOHN   THE  APOSTLE   IN   ASIA  377 

nesses  comes  forward  to  point  out  his  mistake,  but  rather  that  this  general 
popular  belief,  of  which  he  is  merely  the  recorder,  could  grow  up  without 
opposition  or  correction.  Even  the  statement  attributed  to  Papias  in  this 
fifth  century  fragment  does  not  appear  in  a  connection  to  suggest  a  correc- 
tive purpose.  Attempts  to  explain  how  Ireniijus  and  others  could  have 
confused  John  the  Presbyter  with  the  Apostle  will  be  considered  below, 
pp.  378  f. 

We  have  given  much  space  to  Irenreus  as  a  ^yitness  to  the  Apostle's 
abode  in  Asia  because  of  the  importance  of  his  testimony,  if  trustworthy. 
The  testimony  of  otlier  earUj  loriters  can  be  presented  more  briefly.  Apart 
from  Papias,  to  be  spoken  of  later,  the  only  writer  before  Irenseus  to  throw 
light  on  our  question  is  Juatin  Martyr.  Justin  was  born  near  the  begin- 
ning of  the  century,  he  lived  some  time  at  Ephesus  and  was  martyred  at 
Rome  c.  163-167 ;  cf.  Harnack,  Chron.  722.  Among  other  writings  of  the 
New  Testament  he  studied  carefully,  as  shown  by  reminiscences,  the  Gos- 
pels, Acts,  and  Galatians,  books  witnessing  to  the  prominence  of  John 
anioug  the  apostles ;  and  in  his  Dialot/ue  irith  Tn/yjAo/i,  published  between 
150  and  160,  but  described  as  held  primarily  at  Ephesus,  he  speaks  of  the 
Apocalypse  as  written  by  the  Apostle  John.  (Dial.  c.  7'rypJi.  81 ;  cf .  Zahn 
GK.,  I.  157  ff.,  560  ff.).  Justin  was  too  discerning  a  student  not  to  have 
seen  that  the  author  of  the  book,  whoever  he  might  be,  was  a  prophet  of 
the  church  in  Asia.  Therefore  in  accepting  the  book  as  apostolic,  whether 
rightly  or  wrongly,  he  was  accepting  the  Asian  residence  of  the  Apostle. 
He  has  no  occasion  to  speak  of  that  point  specifically,  but  his  words  imply 
the  popular  belief  at  Ephesus.  The  first  writer  after  Irenseus  to  furnish 
direct  evidence  is  Puli/crates,  bishop  of  Ephesus  near  the  end  of  the  cen- 
tury. About  195  A.D.  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Victor,  bishop  of  Rome,  con- 
cerning the  Easter  controversy  (Euseb.  H.  E.  V.  24),  iu  which,  to  show  his 
competence  to  speak  of  the  past  usage  of  the  church  in  Asia,  he  says  that 
he  is  65  years  old  and  that  among  his  kin  there  have  been  seven  bishops. 
He  was  born  therefore  c.  130  and  was  a  younger  contemporary  of  Polycarp  and 
Papias ;  and  because  of  his  age,  family  associations,  and  place  of  residence 
he  may  be  accepted  as  a  well-informed  witness  to  matters  in  the  Asian 
church.  In  enumerating  many  luminaries  of  the  church  there,  who  had 
died  and  were  awaiting  the  resurrection,  he  says  that  John,  who  leaned 
upon  the  Lord's  breast,  had  fallen  asleep  in  Ephesus.  That  the  descriptive 
epithet  given  to  John  was  at  the  time  understood  of  the  Apostle  is  unques- 
tionable.i  It  is  noticeable  that  the  form  of  this  mention  of  the  Apostle's 
relation  to  Asia  does  not  seem  to  be  a  reminiscence  of  Irenseus'  statements, 
but  rather  to  be  derived  from  some  common  opinion  like  that  given  by 
Dionysius  a  half  century  later,  that  the  tomb  of  the  Apostle  was  shown  at 
Ephesus;  cf.  p.  350.  The  apocryphal  Acta  .Joannis  written  late  in  the  cen- 
tury, though  abounding  in  fable,  yet  in  placing  the  scene  of  the  principal 
acts  of  the  Apostle  in  Ephesus,  may  be  taken  as  witnessing  to  a  common 

1  It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  here  the  view  that  primarily  it  had  a  different 
reference  ;  cf.  Scliolten,  Der  Apost.  Johun.  ;  Delff,  Das  vierte  Evany.,  also 
Theol.  Stud.  u.  Krit.  1892  ;  Bacon,  Fourth  Gospel,  etc. 


378  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

belief.  The  Alogi  also  of  the  same  period  furnish  similar  evidence  indi- 
rectly; for  while  they  seek  to  disprove  the  Apostle's  authorship  of  the 
Revelation,  they  accept  its  Asian  origin,  and  do  not  impugn  the  popular 
belief  regarding  its  author  by  any  argument  against  his  Asian  residence, 
but  by  attributing  the  book  to  Cerinthus.  Only  two  other  authorities  need 
be  mentioned  here,  the  two  conspicuous  writers  belonging  to  the  end  of 
this  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  next,  Clement  of  Alexandria  and 
Tertullian  of  Carthage.  Both  speak  explicitly  of  the  Apostle's  sojourn  in 
Asia ;  cf.  Clem.  Quis  (lires  -AS ;  Tertidl  De  Prescript.  36.  It  will  be  seen 
that  by  this  time  the  tradition  was  attested  by  writers  in  all  parts  of  the 
Church,  and  alike  by  the  different  schools  of  thought.  And  in  none  of 
these  is  there  argument  to  establish  the  fact  attested,  there  is  no  conscious- 
ness of  a  divergent  opinion.  It  is  superfluous  to  follow  out  the  testimony 
of  later  writers.  That  which  by  the  end  of  the  second  century,  was  univer- 
sally witnessed  to  as  a  part  of  apostolic  history  would  thereafter  be  gener- 
ally assumed  without  question ;  and  this  is  the  case  in  the  writings  of  the 
following  centuries. 

But  it  is  difficult  to  attribute  the  consensus  of  the  earlier  authorities  to 
the  influence  of  one  person,  Irenaeus,  or  of  a  little  group  associated  with 
him.  If  he  was  known  to  be  in  error  —  and  we  have  seen  the  competent 
witnesses  to  be  numerous  —  the  unquestioning  agreement  of  so  many  and 
widely  scattered  writers  in  the  time  immediately  following  is  very  difficult 
to  explain.  At  the  time  when  the  matter  was  one  of  general  notori- 
ety and  not  of  historical  research  it  would  hardly  be  possible  that  the 
writer  in  Gavil  should  constitute  the  principal  source  of  information,  direct 
or  indirect,  for  the  rest  of  the  world,  regarding  the  history  of  the  church 
in  Asia.  But  if  the  whole  tradition  is  to  be  traced  back  to  a  mistake  of 
Irenaeus,  and  perhaps  a  few  others,  we  are  brought  to  the  question.  How 
did  this  error  arise  ?  And  no  satisfactory  answer  is  given.  The  supposi- 
tion is  that  Irenseus  mistook  the  John  of  whom  when  a  young  boy  he 
heard  Polycarp  speak,  that  is,  John  the  Presbyter,  for  the  Apostle.  But 
the  misconception  of  Irenajus,  if  such  it  was,  would  not  explain  the  state- 
ment of  Justin,  whose  writing  antedates  that  of  Irenseus.  It  is  argued 
that  the  statement  attributed  to  Papias  in  the  fifth  century  fragment, 
about  the  early  martyrdom  of  the  Apostle,  did  not  correct  the  wrong  opin- 
ion of  Irenaeus  and  others,  because  they  were  already  so  deeply  imbued 
with  the  belief  that  the  Ephesian  John  was  the  Apostle,  that  they  re- 
garded Papias'  statement  as  a  mere  oversight.  (Cf.  Schmiedel,  En.  Bib.  II. 
2510).  But  how  did  they  become  so  imbued  with  this  error?  The  martyr- 
dom of  one  of  the  foremost  apostles,  like  that  of  his  brother  James,  must 
have  left  its  trace  in  the  Christian  story  told  by  the  missionaries,  at  least 
so  far  that  no  John  laboring  in  Asia  a  half-century  later  could  easily  have 
been  mistaken  for  the  Apostle.  The  name  John  was  not  one  which  in 
itself  must  mislead.  There  were  Christians  in  Asia  who  had  once  been 
disciples  of  a  great  prophet  John  (Ac.  19^"^),  but  there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  the  Baptist  and  the  Apostle  were  ever  confused  there.  It  is 
not  easy  to  believe  that  there  could  have  been  any  general  confusion  of  the 


JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA  379 

Asian  John  of  this  late  date  with  an  apostle  known  to  have  been  already 
martyi'ed.  If  Irengeus  as  a  young  boy  could  make  the  mistake,  it  would 
have  been  too  surely  corrected  to  leave  him  imbued  with  the  idea,  or  in  a 
position  to  spread  his  mistake  to  many  others.  Still  less  tenable  is  the 
explanation,  if  Irenteus  was  not  a  young  boy  when  he  heard  Polycarp ;  see 
pp.  868  f.  Others  find  the  origin  of  the  misrepresentation  in  an  effort  to 
maintain  for  the  Asian  church  an  apostolic  authority  corresponding  to  the 
claim  of  the  church  in  Rome  in  the  appeal  to  its  heritage  from  Paul  and 
Peter.  Ireuaeus  is  carried  away  with  zeal  for  the  cause  of  Asia  and  unin- 
tentionally misrepresents ;  so,  among  others  Prof.  Bacon,  Fourth  Gospel 
etc.,  102,  246.  Similarly  others  trace  the  error  to  the  Gnostic  controversy. 
Irenseus  had  an  end  to  serve;  in  opposition  to  Gnosticism  he  wanted  to 
prove  that  thi-ough  connection  with  Polycarp  he  was  in  possession  of  direct 
apostolic  tradition ;  without  conscious  dishonesty  he  is  really  making  Poly- 
carp say  what  he  wants  him  to  say;  so,  among  others,  Badham,  Am.  Journ. 
of  Theol.  1904,  545  ff.  But  these  explanations  increase  rather  than  dimin- 
ish the  difficulty.  Although  Irengeus  is  a  '  man  of  peace '  and  in  the  Easter 
controversy  pleads  for  due  consideration  of  the  tradition  of  the  Eastern 
church,  it  is  doubtfvil  whether  he  and  Justin,  writing  as  they  did  from  the 
west  (Lyons,  Rome)  would  have  been  misled  by  prejudice  to  exalt  so  un- 
duly the  eastern  tradition.  At  all  events  the  hypothesis  assumes  that  they 
differ  in  the  matter  under  discussion  here  from  common  opinion,  and  if 
there  existed  any  ground  for  dissentients'  believing  that  the  Apostle  had 
been  martyred  many  years  earlier,  it  would  have  been  necessary  in  contro- 
versy first  of  all  to  show  the  error  of  that  belief  and  establish  the  Asian 
residence ;  the  consciousness  of  arousing  dissent  must  have  betrayed  itself. 
This  nowhere  appears;  the  Asian  sojourn  is  assumed  as  granted  by  all. 
The  possibility  that  Irenseus  and  others  might  easily  and  with  entire  hon- 
esty confuse  the  Presbyter  and  the  Apostle  is  said  to  be  shown  in  a  similar 
confusion  of  Philip  '  the  deacon '  and  Philip  the  apostle,  which  occurs  in 
Polycrates,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  and  Eusebius.  But  the  two  cases  are 
not  parallel.  The  two  Philips  are  alike  well-known  persons  in  the  story 
of  the  apostolic  church  as  recorded  in  the  New  Testament ;  and  the  con- 
fusion of  the  two  which  is  here  spoken  of  occurs  in  writers  more  than  a 
century  after  their  time.  But  the  supposed  confusion  of  the  two  Johns 
would  begin  while  the  contemporaries  of  one  or  both  of  them  wei-e  still 
living  in  the  churches  with  which  their  names  were  connected. 

Evidence  against,  the  Apostle's  sojourn  in  Asia.  The  preceding  pages  have 
shown  the  unquestioned  fact  of  a  body  of  testimony  defending  the  tradition 
of  John  the  apostle's  sojourn  in  Asia.  The  much  questioned  accuracy  of 
that  testimony  has  been  discussed  from  the  standpoint  of  the  competency 
of  the  witnesses,  and  their  probable  trustworthiness.  There  remains  yet 
another  line  of  evidence  which  is  adduced  in  the  inquiry  and  which,  if 
cogent,  shows  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  thus  raised  the  error  of  the  tradi- 
tion, in  that  the  Apostle  is  seen  to  have  been  martyred  at  an  earlier  date 
and  not  to  have  sojourned  in  Asia  at  all.     To  many  scholars  this  evidence 


380  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

appears  conclusive,  and  whatever  of  truth  there  may  be  in  the  records  of 
an  Asian  John  is  referred  to  the  Presbyter.  The  grounds  urged  as  es- 
tablishing this  conclusion  are  the  following : 

(1)  The  words  of  the  Lord,  Mk.  lO^^,  '  The  cup  which  I  drink  ye  shall 
drink,'  etc.,  predict  the  martyr's  death  for  both  the  sons  of  Zebedee,  James 
and  John.  Jesus'  prayer  in  the  garden,  '  Remove  this  cup  fi-om  me,'  Mk. 
14^^  makes  any  other  meaning  impossible.  Therefore  at  the  time  when 
Mark  was  written  both  had  suffered  the  martyr's  death.  If  the  prophecy 
had  been  only  half  fulfilled  in  the  death  of  James  (Ac.  12^),  the  author  of 
Mark  would  not  have  inserted  it ;  so,  Wellhausen,  al.  Schwartz  (p.  4), 
followed  by  others,  considers  the  words  a  prophecy  put  into  the  mouth  of 
Jesus  ex  erentu :  the  fact  that  the  two  brothers  are  reported  as  asking  at 
the  same  time  for  the  two  places  of  honor,  shows  that  they  had  both  been 
martyred  at  the  same  time ;  doubtless  Acts  primarily  recorded  this,  but 
was  afterwards  revised  and  given  its  present  form  under  the  influence  of 
the  Ephesiau  tradition.  Thus  it  is  seen  to  be  an  'indisputable  historic 
fact'  that  the  two  brothers  were  put  to  death  in  the  year  43  or  44  a.d. 
The  conclusion  is  very  positive ;  where  argument  is  weak,  assertion  must 
be  made  strong.  In  fact  the  metaphors  of  drinking  the  cup,  and  of  bap- 
tism, here  used  by  the  Lord,  are  familiar  fig-ures  to  denote  overwhelming 
trouble ;  for  the  former  cf.  Rev.  14i°,  Ps.  7.5^,  Is.  Sl^" ;  for  the  latter,  which 
compares  the  trouble  to  deep  waters  into  which  one  is  plunged  (baptized), 
cf.  Ps.  692,  1244,  Mt.  ;5",  (SaTTTLcreL  irvpt  (see  Thayer  .v.  v.  ygaTrrt^a)).  The 
metaphors  cannot  be  forced  to  indicate  necessarily  anything  more  than  the 
persecution  which  the  Lord  declares  his  disciples  must  share  with  him, 
Jno.  152°.  His  answer  to  those  who  wish  to  share  in  his  glory  is  that  they 
must  also  suffer  with  him  (cf.  Ro.  8^').  Doubtless  the  fact  that  in  the 
case  of  James  the  future  foretold  ended  in  martyrdom,  often  leads  the  un- 
critical reader  of  the  New  Testament  to  suppose  that  a  like  fate  probably 
came  to  John,  independently  of,  and  later  than,  the  time  of  the  Revelation. 
And  in  the  same  way  we  might  expect  a  similar  belief  to  arise  in  some 
quarters  in  the  earlier  centuries  quite  apart  from  historical  evidence.  But 
no  explicit  statement  to  that  effect  appears  in  any  early  historicul  writer, 
except  the  statement  attributed  to  Papias,  which  is  spoken  of  below,  pp. 

381  ff.  The  account  in  Ac.  12^  may  be  taken  as  conclusive  that  John  was 
not  put  to  death  at  the  same  time  with  James.  The  two  metaphors  used 
by  the  Lord  led  to  the  rise  of  two  legends ;  one  that  John  was  compelled  to 
drink  a  cup  of  deadly  poison,  the  other  that  he  was  plunged  (baptized)  into 
a  vat  of  seething  oil,  but  came  through  these  ordeals  unharmed.  Thus  the 
legends  attest  the  common  belief  that  he  was  not  put  to  death  as  a  fulfill- 
ment of  the  Lord's  prophecy.  Origen  in  his  commentary  on  Mt.  20^2  shows 
that  with  his  great  knowledge  of  Christian  literature  he  found  nothing  to 
which  the  Loi'd's  prediction  in  John's  case  could  refer,  except  the  Apostle's 
persecution  culminating  in  the  banishment  to  Patmos. 

(2)  The  martyrdom  of  the  Apostle  is  established,  it  is  held,  beyond 
question  by  the  explicit  statement  of  Papias.  We  are  here  brought  to  the 
subject  repeatedly  alluded  to  above,  the  testimony  of  Papias,  who  alone 


JOHN   THE  APOSTLE   IN  ASIA  381 

among  early  writers,  in  the  words  attributed  to  him,  unquestioiuilily  rcccjrds 
the  martyrdom  as  a  historic  fact.  In  tlie  chronicle  of  (ieorgios  llamartolus 
(9tli  cent.)  it  is  said  of  John,  [xapTvpiov  Karrj^Lwrai.  IlttTrtas  yap  .  .  .  iv  tw 
Sevrepw  Aoyw  twv  KvpiaKwv  Aoyicov  (fidcTKeL  ore  vtto  'loiiSut'ajv  avrjpiOr),  lie  iras  ad- 
jii(l</c(/  ir<irthij  (if  iiKiiii/n/oia  :  for  J'njiia^  ...  in  t/n-  srcoiu/  hiioL'  of  the  Say- 
iiu/s  of  till'  Lord  s(n/s  that  he  was  kdle<l  hij  the.  Jews.  The  comment  is  added 
that  he  thus  fulfilled  the  prophecy  of  the  Lord.  Tliis  comment  may  be  that 
of  the  chronicler,  or  it  may  be  suggested  by  the  source  from  which  he  is 
drawing ;  at  all  events  it  shows  the  tendency  to  find  a  literal  fulfillment  of 
the  Lord's  words.  Little  weight  was  given  to  this  fragment  of  Papias  at 
the  time  when  it  was  first  made  generally  known  (Nolte,  Tlieol.  (iuartal- 
schrift  1862,  466  ff.).  But  the  subsequent  discovery  of  the  same  fragment  in 
a  modified  form  (De  Boor)  has  brought  the  Papian  testimony  into  special 
prominence  in  the  Johannine  question,  and  the  statement  of  it  given  in 
these  fragments  is  accepted  by  many  critics  without  doubt  as  authentic  in 
form  and  accurate  in  regard  to  the  historical  fact. 

Before  speaking  specially  of  the  relation  of  the  statement  here  given  to 
the  testimony  of  other  writers,  it  is  necessary  to  examine  the  fragments 
and  inquire  how  far  they  furnish  in  themselves  and  in  their  transmission 
evidence  of  their  probable  autlienticity  as  actual  words  of  Papias.  The 
passage  in  the  chronicle  of  Georgios  is  given  in  codex  Coislinianus  III.  134. 
This  codex  of  Georgios,  though  the  best,  differs  here  from  all  the  others  — 
there  are  26  in  all  —  which  record  the  peaceful  death  of  John.  The  passage 
as  it  appears  in  codex  Coislin.  is  at  once  seen  to  be  an  interpolation,  since 
the  same  codex  cites  in  the  context  early  writings  to  show  that  the  Apostle 
died  peacefully  at  Ephesus.  And  the  carelessness  of  the  interpolator,  and 
perhaps  also  of  the  writer  from  whom  he  drew,  is  seen  further  in  the  added 
statement  that  Origen  also  in  his  commentary  on  Mt.  reports  John's  martyr- 
dom on  the  authority  of  the  successors  of  the  apostles.  What  Origen 
really  says  {com.  on  Mt.  20^2^  jg  ^j^^t  tradition,  not  the  successors  of  the 
apostles,  reports  that  John  was  banished  to  Patmos  by  the  Roman  em- 
peror, and  that  this  was  the  martyrdom  predicted  for  him.  However,  it  is 
evident  that  there  existed  at  the  time  of  this  codex,  the  10th  or  11th  cen- 
tury, a  statement  attributed  to  Papias,  which  is  here  used  by  the  inter- 
polator to  prove  that  the  Lord's  prophecy  was  fulfilled  literally  in  the  case 
of  John  as  well  as  James.  The  interpolator's  carelessness  in  reporting 
Origen  deprives  his  reference  to  Papias  of  all  value  in  itself  as  evidence  of 
what  Papias  actually  said ;  and  this  fact  together  with  the  divergence  from 
accepted  tradition  would  justify  disregard  of  the  passage,  were  it  not  for  its 
parallelism  with  the  more  recently  discovered  De  Boor  fragment. 

In  1888  De  Boor  brought  to  light  a  gTOup  of  seven  fragments  contained 
in  an  Oxford  Ms.,  Baroccianus  142,  of  an  epitome  of  church  history,  dating 
from  the  7tli  or  8th  cent.,  among  which  fragments  two  report  several  state- 
ments attributed   to  Papias.^     The  epitome  in  which  this  group  of    frag- 

1  See  Text.  u.  Untersuch.  V.  2,  167  ff.,  also  Z  K  G.  VI.  478  ff.  On  the  De 
Boor  and  Georajios  fran;ments  see  further  Harnack  CJiron.  665  f.,  Alt.  Lit.  67  ; 
Zshn  Forsch.  VI.  147  ff.;  Gutjahr  102  ff.;    Lightfoot  ^s.sui/.s,  etc.  211  f.;   Chap- 


382  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

ments  is  found  is  a  chronicle  of  various  matters  of  Christian  history  from 
the  beginning,  compiled,  as  stated  in  the  preface,  from  Eusebius  and  others ; 
it  is  worked  together  by  the  epitomizer  in  a  manner  and  with  modifications 
of  his  own.  He  has  made  gTeat  use  of  the  ^^ptcrrtav^  icrropta,  Christian 
History,  of  Philip  of  Side,  a  work  of  the  fifth  cent.,  now  lost ;  and  from  the 
language  of  the  context  it  appears,  as  is  generally  agreed,  that  the  De  Boor 
fragments  are  derived  from  Philip  as  their  ultimate  source.  Thus  the 
report  of  Papias'  testimony  is  traced  back  to  the  fifth  century.  The  passage 
of  interest  in  our  inquiry  reads,  naTrtas  Iv  t<S  Sevrepw  Xoyw  Ae'yct  6tl  'Iwav- 
VMS  6  ^eoAoyos  kol  'IaKCi)/3os  6  dSeAtjios  avTov  vtto  'lovSatW  avrjpedrfcrav,  Papias 
in  the  second  boo/c  says  that  John  the  divine  and  James  his  brother  irere  killed  by 
the  Jeivs.  The  sameness  of  this  passage  with  that  in  Georgios  Hamartolus  is 
apparent.  Both  contain  the  words  iv  tco  Sevrepo)  Adyo)  (Aoyos  for  yStjSAiW  is 
unusual),  also  the  words  vtto  'lovSaiwv  avrjpeOrjcrav,  or  dvrjpWrj ;  and  in  the 
context  the  De  Boor  fragment  agrees  with  Georgios  in  giving  to  Papias' 
book  the  inaccurate  title  KvpiaKo.  Aoyia,  instead  of  Aoytwv  KvpixiKwv  iirjyrj(reL<; 
(Euseb.  III.  39,  1).  Georgios  omits  references  to  James  as  his  context  is 
occupied  entirely  with  John;  The  two  passages  are  certainly  from  the 
same  author,  or  one  is  derived  from  the  other ;  at  all  events  the  primary 
source  is  pretty  certainly  Philip  of  Side.  The  De  Boor  fragment  confirm- 
ing that  of  Georgios  is  held  to  be  conclusive  as  to  Papias'  testimony.  De 
Boor's  verdict  is,  '  There  can  henceforth  be  no  doubt  that  Papias  actually 
reported  that  the  apostle  John  was  killed  by  the  Jews '  (p.  177)  ;  and  with 
this  agrees  the  opinion  of  a  large  number  of  present-day  critics. 

Now  if  this  statement  was  made  by  Papias  it  must  carry  great  weight ; 
for  while  he  is  sometimes  quoted  in  Christian  writers,  whether  rightly  or 
wrongly,  as  saying  things  palpably  erroneous,  he  could  not  in  this  case 
have  been  mistaken,  since  he  was  himself  a  resident  in  Asia  at  the  time 
when  the  Apostle  is  said  to  have  lived  there.  The  difficulty  thus  raised  in 
the  conflict  with  what  appears  well-grounded  tradition  has  called  forth 
various  suggestions  in  the  way  of  solution.  Many  have  explained  the  words 
as  referring  to  a  martyrdom  of  John  at  the  end  of  his  residence  in  Asia, 
and  as  occurring  '  at  the  incitement,'  not  '  by  the  hands  '  of  the  Jews.  But 
we  cannot,  without  violence  to  the  record  here  given,  so  separate  the  deaths 
of  the  two  brothers ;  both  are  declared  to  have  been  martyred  by  the  hands 
of  the  Jews,  language  appropriate  to  the  death  of  James  (Ac.  1'2'^),  but  im- 
possible in  reference  to  any  execution  by  a  ruler  at  the  end  of  the  century 
in  Asia  Minor.  But  what  seems  conclusive  against  that  explanation  is  the 
certainty  that  the  Asian  church,  while  holding  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp 
among  the  proudly  cherished  memories  of  its  history,  should  have  left  that 
of  their  great  Apostle  without  a  trace  of  mention  or  remembrance.  Light- 
foot  (211),  half  approved  by  Harnack  (Chron.  666),  suggests  that  the  origi- 
nal passage  in  Papias  may  have  read  somewhat  thus :  <f>d(TKeL  otl  'Icjawr/s 
[/i,€v  VTTO  Tov  t!i)v  Pwfxaiwv  ySacrtAe'cos  KaTthiKaaOiq  eis  HaT/nov,  'Ia/<o)^os  8c] 
VTTO   'lovSatW  avrjpWr)]   and   that   the  words    here  bracketed  having   been 

man  65,  O.'S  ff. ;  Larfekl  14U  ff. ;  Am.  Joarii.  of  Theol.  lUuo.  G^-J  li. ;  K}i. 
Bib.  II.  2509. 


JOHN   THE   APOSTLE   IN   ASIA  383 

omitted  by  accident  from  the  Ms.  followed  in  Coislin.  (the  Georgios  frag- 
ment), a  copyist  supplied  their  place  with  the  words,  koL  laKw^os  6  dSeX- 
cf)6<i  avTov  in  the  Ms.  from  which  Baroccianus  conies  (the  De  Boor  frag- 
ment). Zahn.  Forsch.  VI.  147  ff.,  Ein.  II.  474,  avoids  the  difficulty  by 
interpreting  the  John  as  the  Baptist.  None  of  these  solutions  have  gained 
any  general  acceptance.  We  must  admit  that  we  have  no  data  for  conjectur- 
ing what  stood  in  Papias,  if  not  these  precise  words. 

The  real  question  is,  Have  we  sufficient  grounds  to  warrant  the  acceptance 
of  the  words  as  containing  a  genuine  statement  of  Papias?  What  evidence 
supports  its  authenticity?  Are  there  reasons  for  suspecting  it?  These  are 
questions  which  we  always  raise  before  using  in  historical  investigation  any 
document,  especially  one  not  noticed  till  it  had  been  in  wide  circulation  for 
several  centuries.  In  answer  we  hsive  assertions  oi  great  positiveness :  the 
words  are  '  of  faultless  authenticity,  a  precious  remnant  of  actual  knowledge,' 
Schwartz ;  '  It  is  indubitable  that  the  works  of  Papias  must  have  contained 
some  statement  of  this  nature,'  Moffatt.  But  it  is  noticeable  that  scarcely 
a  writer  who  speaks  so  positively  advances  any  argument  whatever  to  sup- 
port authenticity,  or  answer  objections.  About  all  that  is  offered,  even  by 
those  who  recognize  the  necessity  of  some  vindication,  is  that  the  reference 
in  the  quotation  is  specific  to  the  second  book  of  Papias,  or  (Bouss.  Kom.  36) 
that  the  passage  stands  in  an  excerpt  from  Philip  of  Side  with  a  series  of 
Papian  fragments  recognized  as  genuine.  As  regards  specificness  of  refer- 
ence, it  may  be  noted  that  the  reference  in  Georgios  to  Origen  spoken  of 
above  is  equally  specific  —  to  the  Com.  on  Mt.—  and  yet  is  grossly  inaccu- 
rate. As  regards  the  acknowledged  genuineness  of  the  series  of  Papian 
fragments  in  which  this  passage  occurs  the  statement  is  altogether  mislead- 
ing. That  Philip  or  the  Epitomizer,  whoever  he  may  be,  intended  to  put 
forth  here  a  series  of  statements  on  the  authority  of  Papias  is  clear,  but 
there  is  nothing  to  show  a  first  hand  use  by  him  of  Papias'  book ;  on  the 
contrary,  he  seems  in  part  to  be  following  Eusebius  as  the  soiirce  of  his 
knowledge  of  Papias ;  cf .  Chapman,  95  ff.  Not  only  does  he  in  the  begin- 
ning of  his  compilation  specifically  mention  his  use  of  Eusebius,  but  the 
opening  paragraph  of  the  Papian  passages  in  the  De  Boor  fragments  is  con- 
densed almost  literally  from  Eusebius,  III.  39,  1-5.  One  clause  in  it, 
'Iwdvvrjv  erepov  ov  kol  Trpea-^vrepov  eKaXtcrev,  cannot  be  from  Papias,  as  it  is 
taken  verbally  from  Eusebius'  argument  against  Irenaeus.  Another  of  the 
Papian  sentences  in  the  De  Boor  fragments  speaks  of  Papias'  error  regard- 
ing the  millennium ;  that  he  is  here  using  Eusebius  is  seen  in  his  adding, 
as  does  Eusebius,  III.  39,  13,  that  Papias'  error  is  the  orighi  of  that  of 
Irenaeus.  Another  of  the  Papian  sentences  in  the  fragments  attributes  to 
him  the  statement,  that  those  raised  from  the  dead  by  Christ  were  still  liv- 
ing in  the  time  of  Hadrian  (117-138  a.d.).  It  is  very  doubtful  whether 
Papias  with  his  professed  care  for  accuracy  would  have  stated  that  these 
persons  (the  art.  is  used,  as  if  all  were  meant)  were  living  at  an  age  of  100 
years  as  his  own  contemporaries.^     From  these  instances  it  appears  probable 

1  The  supposition  is  plausible  that  the  passage  is  a  blunder  on  the  part  of  the 
excerptor  or  compiler  traceable  to  a  misunderstanding  of  Quadratus  quoted  by 
Eusebius  IV.  3,  1-2.     See  Chapman  loc.  cit. 


384  JOHN    THE  APOSTLE  IN   ASIA 

that  the  compiler  from  whom  the  Papian  sentences  came  did  not  make  use 
of  Papias'  book  itself,  and  so  cannot  be  relied  upon  to  give  the  exact  testi- 
mony of  Papias.  Not  all  the  Papian  sentences  in  the  De  Boor  fragments 
are  traceable  to  Eusebius,  but  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  a  more  immediate 
use  of  Papias'  book.  As  to  the  sentence  important  here,  that  regarding 
John's  martyrdom,  the  excerptor  in  at  least  one,  though  not  very  significant, 
case  cannot  be  quoting  Papias  exactly;  the  word  Os.oXoyo's  was  not  applied 
to  John  till  after  the  time  of  Papias.  But  apart  from  the  lack  of  evidence 
to  sujiport  the  accuracy  of  the  compiler  in  the  De  Boor  fragments  and  the 
suspicion  inevitably  raised  by  critical  examination,  there  are  other  consid- 
erations also  which  compel  us  to  pause  before  accepting  this  document  as 
conclusive  evidence  that  a  statement  of  this  purport  stood  in  Papias.  Philip 
of  Side,  to  whom  it  is  doubtless  to  be  traced,  was  notoriously  inaccurate. 
The  Christian  historians,  Socrates  and  Photius,  denounce  his  untrustworthi- 
ness  in  unmeasured  terms ;  cf .  Smith  &  Wace,  Diet,  of  Christ.  Bing.  And 
even  if  the  De  Boor  fragments  be  not  derived  from  him,  the  chances  of 
error  are  not  diminished.  The  chroniclers  and  excerptors  often  used  their 
alleged  authorities  through  later  hands,  and  carelessly ;  sometimes  also  with 
an  inaccuracy  due  to  argumentative  purposes.  Nowhere  is  greater  care  in 
sifting  testimony  called  for  than  in  the  use  of  citations  of  early  authorities 
found  in  compilers  of  Christian  traditions. 

In  the  case  of  the  De  Boor  fragment  there  appears  the  further  reason  for 
suspicion  in  the  divergence  of  its  statement  from  the  testimony  of  other 
historical  writers.  The  difBculty  which  is  thus  raised  in  the  way  of  accept- 
ing it  as  correctly  reporting  Papias  is,  as  no  one  denies,  great.  Can  this 
objection  be  removed  by  the  theory  of  a  confusion  of  the  two  Johns  in  the 
mind  of  Irenaeus  and  a  few  of  his  associates  ?  Papias'  book  furnished  the 
source  of  a  part  of  what  Irenaeus  reported  of  the  tradition  of  the  Elders ; 
without  doubt  it  was  much  used  by  him.  How  then  could  he,  the  younger 
contemporary  of  Papias,  with  this  book  before  him  recording  the  death  of 
the  Apostle  at  Jerusalem  more  than  a  century  before  the  death  of  Papias, 
have  called  the  latter  a  pupil  of  the  former?  How^  could  he,  when  near  the 
forties  of  the  second  century  he  heard  Polycarp  discoursing  on  his  inter- 
course with  John,  have  thought  that  Polycarp  was  speaking  of  a  man  who 
had  been  dead  a  century?  If  in  his  youth  he  was  capable  of  this  mis- 
take, his  subsequent  use  of  Papias'  book  would  have  corrected  him.  A  con- 
fusion in  his  mind  of  a  John  (the  Presbyter),  a  leader  in  the  Asian  church 
at  the  end  of  the  century,  a  man  well  known  to  many  of  his  own  contempo- 
raries, with  the  Apostle  reported  by  Papias  as  martyred  in  the  forties  of  the 
first  century,  cannot  easily  be  attributed  to  him.  Even  if  his  desire  to  estab- 
lish a  direct  apostolic  tradition  in  Asia  (cf.  p.  ?)79)  had  misled  him  to  see 
the  Apostle  in  the  Presbyter,  he  could  not  be  blind  to  the  contradictory  evi- 
dence of  this  statement  of  Papias,  if  it  existed.  His  maintenance  of  the 
Apostle's  Asian  residence  would  have  been  conscious  misrepresentation, 
which  Papias'  book,  if  no  other  authority,  would  soon  have  exposed.  Like- 
wise as  regards  writers  after  Irenseus,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  book, 
used  as  it  was  through  the  early  centuries,  if  it  had  contained  this  statement 


JOHN   THE  APOSTLE  IN   ASIA  385 

so  at  variance,  with  general  belief,  should  not  have  left  some  distinct  echo, 
or  trace  of  influence.  Even  the  Alogi,  vi'hile  holding  to  the  Asiatic  origin 
of  the  Jolumnine  writings,  are  eager  to  establish  the  non-apostolic  author- 
ship of  these,  yet  make  no  use  of  such  a  statement  of  Papias,  which  would 
have  formed  for  them  a  conclusive  historical  argument.  Eusebius  could  not, 
to  be  sure,  have  used  the  statement  to  support  his  opposition  to  the  apostolic 
authorship  of  the  Revelation,  because  he  is  zealous  to  maintain  the  resi- 
dence of  Joliii  in  Asia;  but  this  very  zeal  of  his  for  the  Asian  tradition 
would  have  led  him  to  controvert  the  error  of  Papias,  if  the  statement  had 
stood  in  the  copies  of  Papias  known  to  him.  Eusebius  shows  himself  earnest 
to  correct  both  Papias  and  Irenseus,  wliere  it  is  in  the  interest  of  his  views 
to  do  so.  Perhaps  one  further  observation  should  be  added  against  the 
authenticity  of  this  statement  in  the  De  Boor  fragment.  The  book  of  th(; 
Acts  was  known  in  Asia  at  the  time  and  therefore  probably  to  Papias.  It 
does  not  then  seem  likely  that  with  chajit.  12  before  him  he  would  have 
included  John  with  James  in  the  martyrdom  at  Jerusalem.  This,  however, 
cannot  be  strongly  pressed,  for  contrary  to  Acts  and  Mt.,  Papias  is  reported, 
perhaps  wrongly,  to  give  a  story  to  the  effect  that  Judas,  notwithstanding 
an  attempt  at  suicide,  lived  on  in  imimagiuable  deformity  as  an  example  of 
impiety;  see  Lightfoot,  Apost.  Fath.,  p.  523. 

Considering  then  on  the  one  hand  the  probability  that  the  author  of  the 
De  Boor  fragment  did  not  use  Papias  at  first  hand,  the  un trustworthiness 
of  Philip  of  Side  from  whom  the  statement  is  derived,  and  also  the  large 
})ossibilities  of  error  in  a  late  compiler  or  chronicler;  and  on  the  othei- 
hand  considering  the  great  difficulty  raised  by  the  fragment  in  its  relation 
to  the  history  of  opinion  in  the  early  centuries,  we  must  conclude  that  the 
acceptance  of  its  statement  as  historical  evidence  is  not  justified,  unless 
strongly  confirmed  by  other  sources.  A  confirmation  of  it  is  found  by  the 
defenders  of  the  fragment  in  those  forms  of  testimony  adduced  against  the 
Asian  tradition  which  are  discussed  in  paragraphs  (3)  and  (4)  below.^ 

(3)  Some  early  martyrologies  are  cited  as  attesting  the  Apostle's  martyr- 
dom. The  Syrian  martyrology  places  in  its  list  '  The  apostles  John  and 
James  at  Jerusalem  '  Dec.  27,  between  Stephen  Dec.  26,  and  Paul  and 
Peter  Dec.  28.  The  same  entry  stands  in  the  Armenian  martyrology, 
without  mention  of  place  and  with  unimportant  variation  in  the  order  of 
days.  The  Caithaginian  martyrology  gives  for  Dec.  27,  '  John  the  Bap- 
tist and  James  the  apostle';  but  'the  Baptist'  is  held  to  be  a  co^iyist's 
error  for  '  the  Evangelist,'  since  John  the  Baptist  is  commemorated  in  the 
same  martyrology  in  June.  This  evidence  from  the  martyrologies  is 
thought  to  be  corroborated  by  the  following  authorities.  The  Pseudo- 
Cyprian    tract   De  Rehaptismate  (c.  2.50  a.d.),  commenting  on    the   Lord's 

1  Not  all  critics  who  deny  that  the  John  prominent  in  the  Asian  Church  was 
the  Apostle  accept  the  De  Boor  fragment  ;  e.;/.  Harnack,  Chron.  666,  says 
■  Papias  could  no  more  have  written  that  John  was  killed  by  the  Jews  than  that 
Paul  died  a  natural  death,  unless  he  meant  another  John,  the  Presbyter  ;  but 
that  also  is  not  probable,  since  .  .  .  the  violent  death  of  the  Presbyter  must 
have  been  rei^nrded  in  the  older  literature.' 


386  JOHN   THE  APOSTLE   IN   ASIA 

words  to  John  and  James,  Mk.  lO^^,  says,  '  he  knew  they  had  to  be  baptized 
not  only  in  water  but  also  in  their  own  blood.'  Aphraates,  'the  Persian 
sage  '  (4th  cent.),  in  his  liomily  on  persecutions,  speaking  of  the  martyrdoms 
of  Jesus,  Stephen,  Peter  and  Paul,  says  '  James  and  John  walked  in  the 
footsteps  of  their  Master.'  Clement  of  Alexandria  (c.  165-220)  speaks  of 
the  teaching  of  the  apostles  including  Paul  as  ending  in  the  time  of  Nero, 
Strom.  VII.  17.  The  Valentinian  Heracleon  (c.  180  a.d.)  in  a  passage  on 
the  confession  of  Christianity  quoted  by  Clement,  Strom.  IV.  9,  speaks  of 
Christians  who  had  died  without  confession  before  the  magistrates,  adding 
'  among  whom  are  Matthew,  Philip,  Thomas,  Levi  and  many  others.'  Her- 
acleon, it  is  argued,  would  certainly  have  included  John  in  this  list  of 
names,  if  he  had  died  a  natural  death.  These  various  testimonies  are 
taken  to  furnish  proof  of  an  early  and  widespread  tradition  that  the 
Apostle  was  i^ut  to  death  and  that  the  belief  in  his  sojourn  in  Asia  was 
erroneous. 

Before  discussing  this  argument  in  detail,  it  is  worth  while  to  take  into 
account  certain  general  considerations.  The  Lord's  words  predicting  suf- 
fering to  James  and  John,  soon  fulfilled  in  the  event  of  martyrdom  in  the 
case  of  James,  must  have  led  inevitably  in  later  time  to  the  supposition  of 
some  such  fate  in  the  case  of  John,  especially  as  the  New  Testament  re- 
cords nothing  to  the  contrary.  However  well  established  might  have  been 
the  tradition,  that  the  Apostle  abode  long  at  Ephesus,  where  he  was  sup- 
posed to  have  written  the  books  attributed  to  him,  there  was  in  so  far 
nothing  that  excluded  a  martyr's  fate  in  the  end.  Furthermore  great  lati- 
tude in  the  use  of  the  word  martyr  is  found  in  the  earlier  centuries  and  con- 
tinuing even  into  the  later.  Though  the  distinction  between  confessor  and 
martyr,  the  latter  being  confined  to  those  who  had  suffered  death,  comes  to 
be  established  in  the  third  or  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  still  the 
broader  use  of  martyr  occurs  in  late  writers.  We  should  expect  then  to 
find  John  reckoned  among  the  martyrs,  in  either  the  broader  or  narrower 
sense  of  the  word.  And  we  might  even  expect  legends  telling  of  the  place 
and  manner  of  his  martyrdom ;  such  however  are  not  found.  The  legends 
of  the  cup  of  poison  and  the  caldron  of  oil,  harmlessly  endured,  attest  the 
influence  of  the  Lord's  words  on  tradition  (cf.  p.  380),  and  also  the  absence 
of  traditions  of  actual  killing.  It  is  significant  that  critics  who  insist  that 
the  obscure  words  of  Rev.  1^  are  the  sole  origin  of  the  story  of  John's 
banishment  to  Patmos  (cf.  Com.  in  loc.)  are  unable  to  trace  any  assertions 
of  his  martyrdom  to  a  combination  of  Mk.  10^^  and  Ac.  12^.  One  more 
general  observation  should  be  made.  Even  if  martyrdom  be  understood  in 
its  narrower  sense,  there  is  in  the  sevei-al  testimonies  presented  in  this 
paragraph  (3)  none,  except  that  of  the  Syrian  martyrology,  which  neces- 
sarily excludes  altogether  a  residence  of  the  Apostle  in  Asia  at  some 
time. 

Having  in  mind  these  general  observations,  we  pass  to  a  more  detailed 
examination  of  the  several  soui'ces  cited  above  as  proving  the  Apostle's 
martyrdom.  The  large  subject  of  the  martyrologies  can  be  touched  upon 
only  very  briefly  here,  but  enough  can  be  shown  to  make  evident  their  re- 


JOHN   THE  APOSTLE   IN   ASIA  387 

lation  to  the  present  question.'  The  custom  of  the  Christians  from  the  first 
of  comraeniorating  the  days  upon  which  their  martyrs  suffered  led  directly 
to  the  formation  of  a  kind  of  calendar.  These  were  local  and  prior  to  any 
formal  a3cumenical  calendar  of  the  Christian  year.  In  time  additions  were 
made  to  these,  including  also  the  names  of  martyrs  commemorated  in  other 
regions.  The  later  lists  were  uncritical  combinations,  containing  often 
duplications  and  discrepancies.  The  three  oldest  of  such  lists  preserved  are 
tlie  Dispositio  Mdrtijrum  {Burial  of  (he  Marti/rs),  the  Carthaginian  Martijrol- 
0(111,  and  the  Si/rinn  Afartijrulvr/i/.  The  first  is  part  of  a  kind  of  Roman 
almanac,  dating  from  354  a.d.  It  is  the  oldest  of  all  the  lists  and  was  much 
used  as  a  source  in  the  formation  of  others.  The  names  are  conhued  to 
those  martyred  at  Rome  and  the  vicinity.  The  saints  of  the  first  and  sec- 
ond centuries  are  not  included ;  it  does  not  go  back  beyond  200  a.d.  Even 
in  the  case  of  the  great  Roman  martyrs,  Paul  and  Peter,  their  martyrdom 
is  not  included,  but  the  translation  of  their  bones.  N'ow  important  for 
our  purpose  is  the  fact  that  though  designated  in  its  title  as  a  list  of  martyrs, 
the  document  contains  at  least  two  entries  having  no  relation  to  martyrdom, 
the  Nativity  of  the  Lord,  and  the  Cathedra  Petri,  the  commemoi-ation  of 
Peter's  founding  of  the  Roman  Episcopate.  In  this  is  seen  the  beginning  of 
a  tendency  to  broaden  a  so-called  martyrology  into  a  kind  of  ecclesiastical 
calendar.  The  Carthaginian  list,  which  should  be  placed  second  in  the 
order  of  time,  is  in  its  present  form  as  late  as  the  sixth  century,  but  its 
principal  parts  are  assigned  to  a  very  early  date  ;  cf.  Achelis  pp.  23,  27.  It 
shows  the  growing  tendency  to  include  other  than  the  local  saints,  e.f/.  some 
of  the  apostles,  and  also  other  days  besides  those  of  the  martyrs,  among  these 
the  Epiphany.  It  contains  moreover,  what  becomes  conspicuous  in  later 
martyrologies,  a  series  of  names  grouped  about  the  day  of  the  Nativity ;  in 
this  martyrology  these  are  Stephen,  John  the  Baptist,  James  and  the  Inno- 
cents. The  suggestion  mentioned  on  p.  385  that  John  the  Evangelist  has 
been  displaced  here  by  the  Baptist  through  the  error  of  a  copyist  is  doubt- 
ful ;  for  the  Bai:)tist  appears  in  this  Nativity  cycle  in  many  martyrologies ; 
in  the  Armenian,  Nestorian,  Chaldean,  Greek,  al.,  and  the  repetition  of  his 
name  in  the  list  for  June  is  not  decisive,  since  such  duplications  are  com- 
mon in  the  martyrologies ;  they  arise  either  from  a  careless  combination  of 
earlier  lists,  or  from  a  celebi-ation  of  different  events  in  the  history  of  the 
same  person.  The  third  great  list,  the  Syrian,  the  most  important  of  Ori- 
ental martyrologies,  is  preserved  in  a  form  which  dates  from  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, but  it  incorporates  lists  of  much  earlier  origin.  Though  entitled  a  list 
of  martyrs,  it  includes  some  who  were  such  in  no  sense,  e.g.  Eusebius  and 
Arius.  It  duplicates  days,  e.f/.  puttiug  Polycarp  Jan.  27  and  Feb.  23,  it 
designates  Stephen  an  apostlts  it  differs  from  all  other  martyrologies  in  as- 
signing a  place,  viz. :  Jerusalem,  for  the  martyrdom  of  John  the  ajiostle. 

1  On  the  martyrologies  see  Achelis  Die  Martyrologien  in  the  Ahhandlung.  d. 
koniy.  Gesell.  d.  Wissen.  zu  Gottingen,  Phil. -hist.  N.  F.  1909  ;  Egli  Ziueiter 
Commentar  zu  Wrights  S.  M.  in  the  Z  WT,  1891,  273  ff. ;  also  his  book  Altchrist. 
Stud.  Martyr,  etc.  Zurich.  1887  ;  Lietzmaun  Die  drei  alt.  Martyrul.  ;  Smith's 
Diet,  of  Christ.  Antiquities  II.  1132  ff. 


388  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

Valuable  as  is  the  Syrian  mavtyrology,  it  is  evident  that  it  needs  to  be 
checked  by  other  lists.  An  instructive  study  has  been  given  by  P^gli  (o;j. 
clL),  who  compares  it  with  the  Armenian,  Coptic,  ^thiopic,  the  Syrian  of 
the  Melchites,  Greek,  Slavic  and  one  or  two  others. 

An  examination  of  the  martyrologies  in  general  reveals  two  facts  helpful 
in  our  inquiry;  first,  entries  not  associated  with  martyrdom,  and  secondly, 
a  tendency  to  group  about  the  festival  of  the  Nativity —  whether  celebrated 
in  Dec.  (Christmas)  or  in  Jan.  (the  Epiphany)  is  immaterial  in  the  present 
connection  —  persons  standing  in  some  special  relation  to  the  Lord  ;  cf.  Egli, 
op.  cit.  "279  ff.  Among  such  occur  David,  the  Magi,  Joseph  the  husband  of 
Mary,  the  four  Evangelists,  Mt.,  Mk.,  Lk.,  Jno.  (these  four  all  assigned  to 
one  day),  but  especially  the  five  conspicuous  figures  Stephen,  Paul  and 
Peter,  John  and  James.  It  becomes  at  once  apparent  that  martyrdom  is  not 
the  sole  ground  of  selection  in  making  up  these  groups.  This  particular 
Nativity-cycle  of  Jive,  which  appears  in  the  Syrian  martyrology  and  others, 
is  assigned  by  Achelis,  op.  cit.  70  f.,  to  a  date  later  than  that  of  the  primitive 
list  used  by  this  martyrology.  And  it  appears  apart  from  the  martyrologies 
in  early  writers  also  in  connections  where  the  writer  is  speaking,  not  of 
martyrs,  but  of  foremost  disciples;  e.g.  Gregory  Nazian.  Panef/j/ric  on  Basil, 
Migne,  Pat.  829  ;  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Oration  on  Basil,  ibid.  789.  It  seems 
reasonably  certain  then  that  the  appearance  of  John's  name  in'the  Syrian, 
Armenian  and  other  lists  cannot  be  taken  as  evidence  of  a  tradition  that  he 
was  put  to  death  ;  though  in  the  broader  sense  of  the  word  he  would  every- 
where be  honored  as  a  martyr.  The  mention  of  Jerusalem  in  the  Syrian 
list  as  the  place  of  his  martyrdom,  suj^ported  by  no  other  martyrology,  is 
easily  explained  by  the  carelessness  of  the  compiler  of  the  list,  who  here 
fails  to  distinguish  John  from  James ;  cf.  his  carelessness  in  calling  Stephen 
an  apostle. 

We  pass  now  to  the  early  writers  cited  above  (pp.  38.5  f.)  as  confirming 
the  argument  for  the  Apostle's  martyrdom  drawn  from  the  martyrologies. 
We  take  these  up  in  the  order  followed  above.  The  words  quoted  (p.  386) 
from  De  Rehaptismate  occur  in  a  context,  XIV-XV,  which  is  concerned  with 
baptism  by  blood ;  and  the  proof  that  a  martyr's  blood  is  for  him  a  bap- 
tism, the  author  finds  hi  Christ's  words;  first,  in  his  words  referring  to  his 
own  baptism,  Lk.  V2^,  '  I  have  a  baptism,'  etc.,  and  secondly,  in  the  words  ad- 
dressed to  James  and  John,  Mk.  lO''^.  Xow  the  author  is  concerned  here, 
not  at  all  with  the  personal  history  of  tlie  two  disciples,  but  wholly  with 
the  enforcement  of  his  argument  by  an  utterance  of  the  Lord's.  The  num- 
ber of  persons  included  is  immaterial ;  if  he  had  been  thinking  of  the  words 
as  fulfilled  in  the  case  of  one  only,  the  Lord's  saying  would  have  served  his 
argument  equally  well,  but  he  takes  it  just  as  it  stands,  applying  it  rhetor- 
ically and  with  partial  inexactness  —  he  is  not  recording  history.  Chrysos- 
tom  treats  these  words  with  precisely  the  same  rhetorical  inexactness,  para- 
phrasing 'Ye  shall  be  slain  for  my  sake,'  Homilies,  on  1  Cor.  XXXII.  10, 
though  elsewhere  he  says  John  lived  long  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem ; 
Homilies  on  Mt.  LXXVI.  2. 

The  words  quoted  (p.  886)  from  Aphraates  occur  in  the  concluding  para- 


JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA  389 

graph  summing  up  his  discourse.  He  says  '  Hear  ye  the  following  names 
of  martyrs,  confessors  and  the  persecuted';  and  there  follows  a  list  of  Old 
Testament  worthies,  most  of  whom  were  not  slain,  were  not  martyrs  in  the 
narrower  sense ;  and  then,  after  the  name  of  Christ,  the  five  New  Testa- 
ment names  and  an  indefinite  mention  of  others  of  that  time  and  the  time 
of  Diocletian.  He  does  not,  as  is  sometimes  said  (so,  Moffatt  Introd.  OOfJ)  dis- 
tribute his  examples  into  three  distinct  groups,  classifying  the  five  New  Testa- 
ment names  (and  so,  John)  as  'martyrs,'  the  others  of  the  apostles  as  'con- 
fessors,' and  those  who  suffered  under  Diocletian  as  '  the  persecuted.'  The 
'others  of  the  Apostles'  he  distinctly  calls  'perfect  martyrs,'  like  Peter  and 
Paul;  and  certainly  he  could  not  think  of  those  who  were  put  to  death 
under  Diocletian  as  '  the  persecuted,'  but  not  martyrs  in  the  strict  sense. 
He  is  not  at  all  concerned  with  a  classification  of  this  kind,  but  with  a  com- 
prehensive illustration  of  faithful  sufferers.  And  it  is  noticeable  that  as  his 
selection  and  grouping  of  Old  Testament  worthies  is  plainly  suggested  by 
Hebrews  11,  so  in  the  selection  of  the  Christian  names  he  is  influenced  by 
some  prevalent  usage,  such  as  is  seen  above  in  the  writings  of  the  (Gregorys 
(p.  3<S8),  of  grouping  together  these  five  names  especially  connected  with 
the  Lord.  But  he  shows  his  consciousness  that  they  do  not  all  stand  on  the 
same  footing  as  regards  actual  martyrdom;  he  describes  Stephen,  Peter 
and  Paul  &&  perfect  or  faithful  nuirtyrs,  but  in  speaking  of  John  and  James 
he  avoids  the  term,  saying  that  they  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  their 
Master,  who  as  said  in  the  preceding  clause  '  surpassed  nil  in  aftliction  and 
confession';  that  is,  they  followed  in  his  steps  in  affliction  and  confession, 
but  did  not  equal  him,  they  had  not  both  suffered  unto  death. 
'  As  regards  the  statement  of  Clement  (p.  386),  his  historical  carelessness 
is  seen  in  the  immediate  context,  where  he  makes  the  assertion  that  the 
public  teaching  of  Jesus  began  in  the  time  of  Augustus  and  Tiberius,  and 
ended  in  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius  (cf.  Lk.  3^).  In  another  place, 
Quis  dives  J:2,  he  supports  the  Ephesian  tradition  in  recording  John's  release 
from  Patmos  and  his  removal  to  Asia  Minor.  Heracleon  in  the  words  re- 
ferred to  (p.  386)  is  speaking  of  a  distinction  between  real  and  unreal  con- 
fession of  Christianity,  and  he  says  that  '  true  confession  is  that  made  by 
mouth  before  the  magistrates.'  Not  all  have  been  called  upon  to  make  that 
confession,  some  have  died  without  that  trial.  Among  such  are  those 
named  and  many  others.  Now  while  Heracleon  has  chiefly  in  mind 
martyrdom  as  the  result  of  such  confession,  he  does  not  limit  his  definition 
to  that,  because  he  knew  that  martyrdom  was  not  in  all  cases  the  result ; 
other  punishments  were  inflicted.  What  he  is  urging  is  readiness  to  meet 
the  extreme  consequences  of  trial  before  the  tribunal.  But  if  the  tradition 
current  at  the  time  concerning  John  was  accepted  by  him,  the  Apostle's 
name  was  not  appropriate  for  his  list.  John  had  confessed  before  the 
magistrates  and  had  suffered  banishment  as  his  penalty,  Rev.  P.  We 
are  brought  to  the  conclusion  then  that  the  words  of  the  authors  cited  above 
do  not  in  any  case,  when  rightly  interpreted  in  the  light  of  their  context, 
furnish  evidence  that  these  writers  supposed  John  to  have  been  put  to  death 
as  a  martyr. 


390  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE   IN  ASIA 

(i)  A  fourth  line  of  argument  is  urged  to  prove,  not  directly  the 
Apostle's  martyrdom,  but  the  error  of  the  tradition  that  he  abode  in  Asia 
and  was  a  leader  in  the  Church  there  at  the  end  of  the  century.  It  is  the 
arfjument  from  silence.  None  of  the  New  Testament  writers,  it  is  argued, 
none  of  those  of  the  second  century,  except  Irenseus,  Justin,  and  Polycrates, 
show  any  knowledge  of  John's  sojourn  in  Asia.  As  a  general  answer  to  this 
argument  it  may  be  said  that  if  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  in  which 
knowledge  of  the  kind  could  be  looked  for  are  genuine,  they  are  all  prior  to 
the  time.  The  Johannine  writings  of  course  cannot  be  taken  into  account 
here.  As  regards  the  second  century  literature,  the  three  exceptions  named 
form  among  the  small  number  of  writings  of  that  period  preserved  a  rather 
large  body  of  witnesses  numerically,  to  say  nothing  of  the  special  com- 
petency of  these  writers,  as  shown  above.  The  argument,  however,  must 
be  considered  more  in  detail. 

On  the  assumption  that  the  New  Testament  writings  in  question  are  of 
a  late  date,  it  is  claimed  that  the  composer  of  Paul's  address  to  the  elders  of 
Ephesus,  Ac.  20"^^^,  would  not  have  put  so  harsh  an  epithet  as  'grievous 
wolves '  into  his  description  of  those  who  were  to  come  after  him  there,  if 
John  were  one  of  these  successors ;  furthermore  there  is  in  the  address  no 
trace  of  John  or  his  influence  at  Ephesus.  It  is  not  necessary  to  point  out 
the  misapplication  of  the  words  here  put  into  Paul's  mouth,  if  it  be  that 
they  are  not  a  truthful  record  of  his  own  language ;  as  a  denunciation  of 
false  teachers  the  language  is  similar  to  that  which  he  uses  in  Phil.  3-'i^*- 
But  in  any  event  we  should  not  expect  here  in  the  supjjosed  writer's  picture 
of  Paul's  care  for  his  churches  any  trace  of  the  coming  of  John ;  the  his- 
torical imagination  of  the  author  of  the  Acts  is  of  a  kind  to  guard  him,  even 
in  the  assumed  invention  of  history,  from  allusions  so  false  to  Paul's  habit 
of  reticence  regarding  the  labors  of  other  apostles.  A  similar  answer  may 
be  made  to  the  appeal  to  the  silence  of  the  epistles  to  the  Ephesians  and 
Colossians,  letters  like  the  Apocalypse  addressed  to  Asian  churches,  and  also 
to  the  silence  of  the  epistles  to  Timothy  who  was  placed  at  Ephesus.  If 
these  are  inventions  of  a  later  time,  the  authors  show  themselves  in  the 
writings  clever  enough  to  avoid  so  distinct  an  anachronism,  which  would  be 
patent  to  all.  An  inventor  transfers  to  an  earlier  date  many  things  belong- 
ing to  his  own  time,  but  not  distinctly  personal  allusions,  if  he  be  even 
moderately  skillful.  Appeal  is  also  made  to  1  Peter,  likewise  assumed  to 
be  pseudonymous  and  late.  The  writer  addressing  these  same  Christians 
of  Asia  assumes  the  name  of  Peter  to  give  weight  to  his  epistle ;  John,  it  is 
argued,  cannot  have  labored  among  them,  otherwise  his  name  would  have 
been  preferred.  But  that  epistle  is  addressed  to  the  Christians  of  a  far 
wider  region  than  the  Asia  of  John's  reputed  labors,  cf .  1  Pet.  1^ ;  and  if 
the  writer's  choice  of  Peter's  name  furnishes  evidence  against  the  presence 
of  John  in  Asia,  it  would  also  furnish  evidence  against  Paul's  presence  in 
Galatia.  This  argument  from  the  silence  of  the  New  Testament  and  other 
writings  is  said  to  be  enforced  by  the  fact  that  in  the  distribution  of  mis- 
sionary labors  recorded  in  Gal.  2^,  John  recognized  churches  which  like 
those  of  Asia  were  composed  chiefly  of  Gentile  converts  to  belong  to  Paul's 


JOHN   THE  APOSTLE  IN   ASIA  391 

sphere,  not  his  own.  But  whatever  may  have  been  the  immediate  practice 
in  can-ying  out  that  decision,  Paul  began  his  work  in  every  place  to  which 
he  came  witli  the  Jews.  And  Peter  preached  in  Gentile  cities;  at  Antioch 
(Gal.  211),  perhaps  in  G alalia  and  other  places  of  Pauline  labors  (1  Pet.  IS 
2  Pet.  oi--)  and  probably  also  in  Rome  (1  Pet.  S^^).  At  all  events  at  the 
time  of  John's  supposed  residence  in  Asia,  Paul  had  been  dead  numy  years, 
and  the  whole  matter  of  apostolic  labors  and  oversight  of  the  churches  had 
changed. 

Of  the  Christian  writings  outside  of  the  New  Testament  the  oldest  is 
probably  the  epistle  of  the  church  at  Rome,  1  Clement  (c.  95  a.d.),  written 
to  the  Corinthians  as  an  exhortation  against  the  divisions  and  other  troubles 
which  had  arisen  among  them.  This  letter,  it  is  said,  assumes  a  certain 
pastoral  care  which  would  belong  to  Ephesus,  if  an  apostle  had  been  living 
there  at  the  time,  and  especially  as  that  city  was  nearer.  We  need  not 
discuss  how  much  longer  was  the  short  journey  from  Rome  to  Corinth  by 
way  of  Brundusium,  facilitated  as  it  was  by  the  active  intercourse  between 
the  two  cities,  ^Vhat  is  of  more  moment  here  is  the  fact  that,  quite  apart 
from  any  question  regarding  tlie  nature  and  disposition  of  the  apostle  John, 
the  picture  of  the  Asian  church  given  in  the  Apocalypse  and  of  the  task 
laid  upon  its  chief  pastor,  if  such  he  was,  is  not  of  a  kind  that  we  should 
look  to  it  at  these  times  to  undertake  the  care  of  other  churches.  But  on 
the  other  hand,  apart  from  any  motive  of  Clement  himself,  it  was  natural 
that  the  Pauline  church  at  Rome,  following  in  the  course  of  the  Apostle's 
First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  which  was  written  in  part  to  meet  the  same 
troubles  in  Corinth,  and  which  was  made  a  part  of  the  appeal  in  this  letter 
from  the  church  at  Rome,  should  interest  itself  actively  in  liis  spiritual 
children  there.  We  cannot  draw  from  the  sending  of  this  letter  any  infer- 
ence as  to  whether  John  was  at  the  time  living  in  Asia. 

Of  the  letters  of  Ignatius,  written  when  as  a  convict  he  was  on  his  way 
to  Rome  to  suffer  martyrdom  (c.  110-120  a.d.),  one,  that  to  the  Ephesians, 
is  held  to  be  esisecially  significant  by  its  silence.  While  the  epistle  written 
to  the  Christians  at  Rome  mentions  the  two  great  apostles  whom  they  hon- 
ored, Paul  and  Peter  (Rom.  IV),  that  to  the  Ephesians  mentions  Paul 
{Eph.  XII.),  but  not  John  ;  the  latter  seems  to  have  no  place  in  the  memo- 
ries of  the  writer  or  the  readers.  But  the  error  of  this  inference  is  appar- 
ent from  the  context  in  each  case.  In  the  Roman  letter  Ignatius  is  urging 
the  Christians  there  not  to  try  to  hinder  his  martyrdom,  for  which  he  is 
eager.  He  earnestly  entreats  them,  he  cannot,  he  says,  give  commands  to 
them,  as  Peter  and  Paul  had  done.  The  allusion  is  meant  to  enforce  his 
entreaty  by  calling  up  to  the  minds  of  the  readers  their  two  great  martyrs ; 
it  is  an  appeal  to  their  memory  of  these  not  to  oppose  his  sharing  with  the 
Apostles  in  this  supreme  act  of  discipleship.  In  the  Ephesian  letter  the 
line  of  thought  in  the  paragraph  in  question  (XII)  is  entirely  different. 
Ignatius  is  contrasting  his  present  lot  with  the  secure  state  of  the  readers. 
He  is  a  convict  on  his  way  to  martyrdom.  Not  improbably  was  the  figure 
of  Paul  frequently  present  in  his  mind;  he  was  bishop  of  Antioch  which 
was  full  of  associations  with  the  Apostle,  as  the  seat  of  his  labors  (Ac.  11''*=) 


392  JOHN  THE  APOSTLE  IN  ASIA 

and  the  center  from  wliich  his  great  missionary  tours  were  made.  But 
now  especially  he  sees  himself  on  the  way  to  follow  in  the  footsteps  of  the 
Apostle  as  a  martyr.  And  as  he  writes  this  letter  in  answer  to  the  greet- 
ings of  the  Ephesians  sent  by  their  deputies  to  Smyrna,  near  to  Ephesus, 
where  he  is  halting  in  his  journey,  he  is  reminded  that  Paul  also  on  his 
way  to  martyrdom  had  halted  near  Ephesus,  at  Miletus  (Ac.  20^'''''-)  and 
addressed  words  to  Epliesian  deputies ;  he  expresses  the  thought  in  the 
words,  'Ye  are  the  high-road  of  those  that  are  on  their  way  to  die  unto 
God.'  It  is  plain  from  these  words  that  he  thinks  of  Paul's  last  journey  to 
Jerusalem,  on  which  he  had  halted  at  Miletus,  as  only  the  beginning  of  his 
journey  to  Rome  where  he  is  eventually  to  be  martyred.  (Cf.  Zahn  Ignat. 
607.)  There  would  be  here  no  reminder  of  John,  unless  he  too  had  suf- 
fered martyrdom.  So  far  as  the  silence  of  this  epistle  is  significant,  it 
might  be  taken  against  John's  death  as  a  nuirtyj-.  It  cannot  be  said  that 
the  epistle  excludes  knowledge  on  the  writer's  part  of  John's  sojourn  at 
Ephesus,  for  there  is  no  place  in  the  letter  requiring  mention  of  it.  But 
the  words,  'the  Christians  of  Ephesus  who  moreover  were  ever  of  one  mind 
with  the  apostles'  (XI),  may  perhaps  contain  reference  to  John  with 
others. 

Of  the  writings  of  Pol ycarp  (f  c.  155  a.d.),  only  the  letter  to  the  Philip- 
plans  is  preserved.  In  this  he  speaks  of  Paul  and  '  the  rest  of  the  apostles' 
(III.  IX.  XI),  but  not  of  John,  his  teacher,  whom  he  was  wont  to  recall  in 
his  discourses,  and  whose  name,  it  is  said,  we  should  expect  him  to  specify 
before  that  of  any  other  apostle,  if  the  report  of  Irenajus  were  correct.  But 
the  reason  for  special  allusion  to  Paul  in  a  letter  to  the  Philippians  is  ap- 
parent. Paul  had  labored  among  them,  had  written  an  epistle  to  them 
and  had  shown  them  to  be  the  object  of  his  strong  personal  affection.  An 
appeal  to  him  was  therefore  of  great  weight  in  any  exhortation  addressed 
to  them.  That  this  was  Polycarp's  motive  in  mentioning  Paul  he  makes 
perfectly  clear.  In  an  exhortation  to  the  Philippians  there  was  no  more 
occasion  for  mentioning  John  thau  Peter  or  any  other  apostle. 

Hegesippus,  who  wrote  a  book  of  '  INIemoirs '  near  the  end  of  the  second 
century,  says  that  Gnosticism  did  not  arise  till  after  the  death  of  the 
apostles.  And  he  makes  mention  of  only  one  witness  of  the  time  of  Jesus, 
Symeon,  as  surviving  into  the  time  of  Trajan.  He  evidently,  it  is  argued, 
knew  nothing  of  John's  reputed  long  life,  and  residence  in  Asia.  How  far 
there  is  ground  for  this  inference  will  be  apparent  from  an  examination  of 
Hegesippus.  Only  a  few  fragments  of  his  work  are  preserved,  chiefly  in 
Eusebius.  The  fragment  of  interest  here  is  given  in.  H.  E.  III.  32.  Euse- 
bius  is  here  recounting  events  in  the  history  of  the  Church  under  Trajan, 
and  as  one  of  the  striking  events  of  the  time,  he  tells  on  the  authority  of 
Hegesippus  of  the  martyrdom  of  Symeon,  the  second  bishop  of  Jerusalem, 
a  son  of  Clopas  (Jno.  19^^),  a  descendant  of  David,  a  nephew  of  Joseph,  a 
man  at  the  time  120  years  old.  Eusebius  here  quotes  Hegesippus  as  saying 
that  Symeon  had  remained  in  peace  till  that  time,  when  he  was  brought  be- 
fore the  tribunal  on  a  charge,  preferred  by  the  heretics,  of  being  a  descend- 
ant of  David  and  a  Christian;  for  before  this  the  heretics  [Gnostics]  had 


THE   BEAST   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  393 

not  appeared,  but  as  soon  as  the  apostles  and  the  first  generation  of  Chris- 
tians had  })assed  away  they  came  forward  with  great  boldness  and  activity. 
In  other  words  according  to  Hegesippus  the  apostles,  or  at  least  some  of 
them,  had  lived  into  the  time  of  Trajan.  In  so  far  then  this  author  con- 
firms the  tradition  of  the  ai)ostle  John  as  living  till  this  date.  In  other 
fragments  Hegesippus  speaks  of  the  persecution  by  the  imperial  government 
of  the  descendants  of  David,  and  of  the  survival  of  some  others  of  the  rela- 
tives of  the  Lord's  family  into  Trajan's  reign.  But  in  none  of  the  fragments 
is  there  in  themselves,  or  in  the  connection  in  Eusebius,  any  implication  as 
to  the  number  of  witnesses  surviving  from  the  Lord's  time  down  to  this 
date.  There  is  not  the  slightest  intimation  that  Hegesippus  knew  nothing 
of  John  as  a  survivor  till  the  closing  years  of  the  century. 

We  have  thus  traced  the  evidence  adduced  for  the  martyrdom  of  John 
and  against  his  sojourn  in  Asia  through  its  several  jjarts,  that  is,  the  Lord's 
words  to  John  and  James;  the  alleged  testimony  of  Papias;  the  testimony 
of  the  martyrologies  and  the  writers  held  to  be  in  agreement  with  Papias 
and  the  martyrologies;  and  the  silence  of  the  New  Testament  and  certain 
authors  of  the  subapostolic  age  and  the  second  century.  In  every  instance 
there  appear  good  grounds  for  questioning  the  validity  of  the  inference 
drawn  against  the  tradition.  And  the  several  lines  of  evidence  offered  are 
not  of  a  kind  to  give  cumulative  force  to  the  series  as  a  whole.  On  the 
other  hand  stands  the  almost  contemporaneous  evidence  of  the  first  half  of 
the  second  century,  which  must  be  admitted  to  be  strong,  unless  its  force  is 
broken  by  unquestionably  strong  counter-evidence.  The  above  examina- 
tion appears  to  show  that  the  counter-evidence  presented  is  not  of  that 
chai'acter.  The  balance  of  argument  then  leads  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Apostle's  sojourn  in  Asia  is  probably  a  historic  fact,  and  one  that  nmst  be 
taken  into  account  in  estimating  early  external  testimony  to  the  authorship 
of  the  Revelation. 


XTV.     The  Beast  of  thp:  Apocalypse 

Inquiry  into  the  significance  of  the  Beast,  though  belonging 
to  tlie  Commentary,  may  properly  be  taken  up  in  the  Intro- 
duction, since  tlie  thing  symbolized  forms  a  cardinal  factor  in 
the  purpose  and  scope  of  the  entire  book.  The  figure  of  the 
Beast  is  derived  from  tradition.  There  ran  through  ancient 
mythologies  and  Hebrew  folk-lore  legends  of  a  monster  oppos- 
ing itself  to  supreme  powers  in  conflicts  which  symbolized  the 
struggle  of  chaos  against  order,  evil  against  good,  death  against 
life.^     Some    form  of    tliat  myth    suggested    to  the  author  of 

1  Cf.  Com.  123. 


394       THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

Daniel  (7)  the  figures  of  the  beasts  of  his  vision,  and  the 
same  source  furnished,  partly  through  the  medium  of  Daniel 
and  partly  no  doubt  in  other  ways,  our  Apocal3qjtist's  repre- 
sentation of  Satan  in  the  form  of  a  dragon-monster,  chapt.  12. 
In  chapt.  13  the  Beast,  Satan's  vicegerent  in  his  war  against 
God  and  the  saints,  is  represented  in  a  form  similar  to  that 
given  to  Satan  himself,  but  with  some  traits  evidently  drawn 
from  Daniel,  with  others  j^robably  from  other  forms  of  the 
legend,  and  with  still  others  doubtless  added  by  the  Apoca- 
lyptist  himself,  in  accordance  with  his  habit  of  modifying  and 
adapting  derived  material.  Details  in  the  imagery  will  be 
spoken  of  more  particularly  in  the  Commentary.  Traits  of 
Daniel's  four  beasts  are  here  united  in  one.  Whether  our 
author  may  not  be  following  here  the  current  form  of  the 
legend,  and  whether  Daniel  may  not  have  distributed  the  traits 
among  four  beasts  for  better  adaptation  to  his  purpose  to  repre- 
sent four  kingdoms,  is  a  question  which  it  is  not  important  to 
settle.  As  in  some  other  instances  when  specially  adapting  a 
tradition  to  his  purpose,  the  Apocalyptist  adds  explanatory 
words. ^  The  explanation,^  containing  itself  much  that  is  enig- 
matical, is  introduced  in  17^~^^.  The  tradition  in  the  mind  of 
the  writer  and  the  special  use  made  of  it  are  so  far  cleared  up 
by  the  author's  explanation  and  by  studies  in  comparative 
eschatology  that  scholars  are  now  generally  agreed  concerning 
the  significance  of  the  Beast,  at  least  in  those  fundamental  points 
essential  in  the  interpretation  of  the  book,  though  there  remain 
differences  of  opinion  regarding  certain  less  important  asj^ects. 

(1)  The  Beast  as  a  symbol  of  the  Roman  emperors.  Not 
only  is  the  figure  of  such  a  monster  derived  from  tradition,  but 
also  its  application  in  the  particular  kind  of  conflict  here 
thought  of  is  traditional.  A  fabulous  monster  as  a  symbol  of 
a  world-monarchy  hostile  to  Q-od's  people  forms  a  familiar  figure 
in  apocalyptic.  In  the  vision  of  Dan.  7^^',  a  series  of  four 
monsters  represent  four  successive  empires,  the  Babylonian, 
the  Median,  tlie  Persian,  and  a  fourth,  probably  the  Grecian, 
that  of  Alexander  and    his  successors,^  the  horns  of    the  last 

1  See  p.  615.  ^  Yov  the  identity  of  the  beast  of  13  and  that  of  17  see  p.  695. 

3  Cf .  Driver,  Dan.  in  C.  B.  94  ff . 


A  SYMBOL  OF  THE   ROMAN   EMPERORS  395 

symbolizing  a  succession  of  kings  cnlminating  in  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  'the  little  horn,'  7^.  Under  the  name  Rahab,  sucli 
a  monster  is  a  symbol  of  Egypt  in  its  hostility  to  God  and  his 
people  ;  e.g.  Ps.  87'*,  '  I  will  make  mention  of  Rahab,'  or  Egypt 
(RV  marg.);  cf.  Ps.  89^0,  Is.  30^  (RV),  519.  j^^  jg,  27^  three 
such  monsters  are  mentioned  as  symbols  of  three  world-king- 
doms, one  of  them  probably  Egypt,  the  other  two  perhaps 
Assyria  and  Babylonia,  perhaps  later  kingdoms.^  The  elabo- 
rate vision  of  2  Esd.  (11)  pictures  the  monster  as  a  symbol  of 
the  Roman  empire,  and  so  also  in  Sib.  Or.  II.  25,  the  dragon 
is  the  symbol  of  Israel's  great  enemy,  the  Roman  power  in  the 
person  of  Pompey.  The  analogy  of  these  cases  would  itself 
suggest  that  our  author  in  the  use  of  the  symbol  applies  it  to 
the  world-monarchy  of  his  own  time,  the  Roman  empire,  or  its 
impersonating  emperors.  And  in  fact  the  very  purpose  of 
apocalyptic  writings  in  general  carries  with  it  such  contem- 
poraneous reference,  for  its  aim  is  to  encourage  in  the  midst  of 
sufferings  inflicted  by  the  existing  world-monarchy  inimical  to 
God.2  But  that  the  Roman  power  impersonated  in  the  em- 
perors is  meant  here  the  author  shows  in  what  he  says  of  the 
Beast.  In  the  vision  of  the  woman  seated  on  the  scarlet-col- 
ored beast  in  chapt.  17,  the  beast  represents  the  power  sus- 
taining the  existing  imperial  city  Rome ;  cf .  p.  695.  In  the 
interpretative  verses,  17^^-,  his  seven  heads  are  defined  as  a 
succession  of  kings,  that  is,  emperors,  of  whom  one  is  reigning 
at  the  time,  and  the  city,  the  seat  of  his  imperial  power,  is  that 
which  sitting  on  its  seven  hills  is  holding  sway  over  all  the 
earth.  It  appears  certain  then,  as  the  larger  number  of  inter- 
preters are  now  agreed,  that  the  Beast  so  far  as  he  is  repre- 
sented in  his  seven  heads  symbolizes  the  Roman  imperial 
power,  that  is,  the  Roman  emperors,  as  Satan's  agent  in  his 
war  against  the  saints.  The  question  as  to  the  particular 
emperors  intended  is  spoken  of  elsewhere,  pp.  704  ff. 

The  view  has  been  widely  held  that  the  seven  heads  defined  as  kings, 
11^^,  represent  not  persons,  but  successive  world-kingdoms,  as  do  the  beasts 
of  Daniel,  the  word  king  being  used  in  the  sense  of  kingdom,  as  in  Dan.  7^''. 
The  five  kings,  i.e.  kingdoms,  that  have  already  fallen  are  then  variously 

1  Cf.  Delitzsch  in  loc,  Skinner  in  C.  B. ;  Bertholet  291. 

2  See  pp.  175  ff.,  212  f. 


396  THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

identified,  e.g.  Assyria,  Babylonia,  Persia,  Macedonia  and  Syria  (Antiochus); 
or  Egypt,  Assyria,  Babylonia,  Persia,  Greco-Syria ;  for  other  suggestions 
cf.  Speaker's  Com.  755.  The  Roman  then  forms  the  sixth  kingdom,  and 
the  seventh  is  yet  to  come  in  the  Apocalyptist's  future.  The  Beast  is  dis- 
tinguished from  his  heads;  he  is  the  power  of  world-monarchy  in  the 
abstract,  hostile  to  God,  and  appearing  in  each  several  kingdom  in  succes- 
sion;  but  in  the  end  he  will  appear  in  his  own  proper  person  as  Antichrist. 
He  may  be  said  to  have  existed  in  the  kingdom  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
the  prototype  of  Antichrist.  In  this  sense  it  may  be  said  of  him,  that  he 
was,  is  not,  and  is  to  come,  17*.  One  of  his  heads  may  be  said  to  have  been 
wounded  in  the  fall  of  that  empire,  and  the  wound  will  be  healed  in  the 
coming  of  Antichrist.  Cf.  e.g.  Hof mann  Ojf'enb.  228  ;  Zahn  Ein.  II.  632  f. 
But  the  analogy  of  Dan.  which  the  Apocalyptist  has  distinctly  in  mind  here 
would  require  a  succession  of  beasts,  if  a  series  of  empires  were  meant  ;  the 
four  empires  of  Dan.  are  represented  by  four  separate  beasts.  On  the  other 
hand  the  heads  and  horns  in  Daniel's  vision  do  not  represent  a  succession 
of  empires,  but  belong  to  a  single  empire,  7^^-,  and  the  horns  are  expressly 
defined  as  kings  in  that  empire,  1'^*.  Furthermore  in  Rev.  the  entire  para- 
graph 17-19^  is  concerned  with  tlie  destruction  of  Rome  ;  reference  to 
earlier  monarchies  would  have  no  relation  to  the  woman  of  the  introductory 
vision,  17^"'',  in  that  paragraph.  It  seems  certain  that  the  'kings'  of  17'" 
are  persons,  not  kingdoms,  and  that  the  Roman  emperors  are  meant. 

The  identification  of  the  Beast  and  Antichrist  with  the  Roman  emperors  ' 
is  held  by  some  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  Christian  view  as  expressed  else- 
where in  the  New  Testament.  St.  Paul,  Wo.  V-)^^-,  declares  the  existing 
governmental  power,  the  Roman,  to  be  ordained  by  God;  and  in  2  Thess. 
2"  he  sets  the  Roman  power  in  opposition  to  Antichrist,  saying  that  it  is 
only  the  former  that  prevents  the  aj^pearing  of  the  latter.  This  latter  passage 
is  the  only  one  in  the  New  Testament  expressing  directly  this  opposition, 
and  it  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  it  in  view  of  the  Apostle's  experiences. 
To  him  the  order  and  security  of  the  world  maintained  by  the  Roman  gov- 
ernment represented  a  divine  ordinance  in  contrast  with  the  awful  tyranny 
and  hostility  to  God  anticipated  as  to  come  in  the  reign  of  Antichrist.  The 
persecutions  of  Nero  and  those  of  Domitian,  in  part  already  begun  and  in 
part  yet  threatening  the  Christians  at  the  time  of  our  book,  and  the  grow- 
ing rigor  in  enforcing  the  emperor-worship,  are  all  subsequent  to  the  writ- 
ing of  these  epistles  of  Paul.  It  nmst  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  to  one 
familiar  with  the  revolutions  marking  the  course  of  Roman  history  it 
would  not  be  difficult  to  conceive,  as  does  the  Apocalyptist,  17'*^*-,  the  present 
Roman  order  to  be  destroyed  by  one  who  had  been  a  Roman  emperor. 
Other  New  Testament  passages,  e.g.  Mt.  22^1,  1  Pet.  'I^^^-,  which  are  cited  as 
irreconcilable  with  the  connection  of  Antichrist  with  Rome  go  no  further 
than  does  our  author,  13^*-,  in  counseling  submissive  obedience  to  established 
authority.  It  is  furthermore  true  that  the  objection  here  s]ioken  of  remains 
in  reality  with  any  theory  of  seven  world-empires,  for  the  Beast  represented 
in  the  sixth  head  is  in  such  theory  the  existing  Roman  power. 

1  On  a  Roman  emperor  as  Antichrist  see  p.  399  ff. 


A  SYMBOL  OF  ANTICHRIST  397 

(2)  The  Beast  as  a  symbol  of  Antichrist.  Conclusive  as  is 
the  evidence  that  the  heads  of  the  Beast  are  the  Roman  em- 
perors in  their  office  as  Satan's  agents  in  the  war  against  God's 
chihlren,  it  is  however  clear  that  this  application  of  the  symbol- 
ism does  not  cover  the  whole  significance  of  the  Beast.  Ac- 
tivities and  attributes  are  assigned  to  him  which  cannot  be 
predicated  of  any  Roman  emperor  in  liis  ordinary  human  per- 
sonality, as  is  also  a  career  falling  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Roman  empire.  It  is  true  that  the  prevalence  of  emperor- 
worship  and  the  practice  of  magic  arts  at  the  time  might  sug- 
gest to  the  author  the  Beast's  arrogation  of  divine  honors,  and 
the  attribution  of  signs  and  wonders  to  him,  even  if  he  were 
thought  of  as  only  a  Roman  emperor.  But  as  one  who,  like 
the  head  wounded  unto  death  and  restored, ^  is  some  time  to 
return  to  earth  coming  out  of  the  abyss  of  hell,  l^"'^",  17^,  and 
who  is  to  marshal  all  the  armies  of  the  world  against  the 
spiritual  hosts  led  out  of  heaven  by  the  Messiah,  lO^^^^^,  the 
Beast  will  then  be  more  than  man,  he  will  join  with  his  human 
personality  a  mighty  demonic  power.  In  that  manifestation 
he  will  form  the  last  great  human  leader  of  the  enemies  of 
God,  he  will  hold  a  sway  absolutely  universal  over  all  the 
earth  and  the  kings  of  the  earth,  13^,  17^^'  ^^;  he  will  be  wor- 
shiped universally  by  all  that  dwell  on  the  earth,  save  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  Lamb,  13^ ;  he  will  receive  his  dominion  after 
the  seventh  and  last  of  the  Roman  emperors  has  fallen,  17^'**-; 
he  will  l)e  the  central  figure  upon  whom  will  fall  the  vengeance 
of  eternal  fire  after  the  last  pre-millennial  conflict,  19'^^-.  In 
all  this  concluding  eschatological  period,  the  period  of  the 
woeful  3|  years,  he  is  clearly  more  than  a  Roman  emperor. 
He  is  the  evident  parallel  of  a  personality  which  had  now 
come  to  occupy  a  distinct  place  in  eschatological  expectation, 
the  Antichrist.  This  parallelism  will  be  the  more  evident 
from  a  survey  of  the  conception  of  Antichrist. 

The  rise  of  the  figure  of  Antichrist  belongs  to  the  age  im- 
mediately preceding,  and  coincident  with,  the  earliest  years  of 
the  Christian  era.  It  is  Jewish  in  its  origin  and  it  is  due  to 
the  growth  of  demonology  in  the  late  Jewish  centuries.  The 
possible  influence  of  earlier  oriental  beliefs  in  preparing  the 
1  On  the  identity  of  reference  in  these  two  characterizations  see  p.  696. 


398  THE   BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

way  for  it  need  not  be  considered  here.  The  doctrine  of  a 
supreme  spirit  of  evil  in  the  person  of  Satan  had  already  be- 
come universal.  There  now  began  to  appear  in  eschatological 
expectation  a  supremely  wicked  human  figure,  a  person  who 
would  come  possessing  world-wide  imperial  power,  opposing 
all  righteousness,  and  exalting  himself  against  God  in  the  last 
great  crisis.  Vagueness  in  respect  to  Antichrist's  relation  to 
Satan  was  necessary,  especially  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the 
idea ;  sometimes  he  is  thought  of  as  Satan  in  man's  form  and 
the  name  Beliar,  a  name  of  Satan  (2  Co.  6^^),  is  given  to  him, 
e.g.  in  Sib.  Or.  III.  63 ;  but  he  is  generally  regarded  as  dis- 
tinct from  Satan  and  acting  as  his  great  servant  in  the  last 
days ;  so,  in  2  Thess.  2^  *^-,  and  in  Rev.  Traces  of  such  a  com- 
bination of  superhuman  powers  with  a  human  personality  in 
the  case  of  a  historic  individual  are  found  in  Daniel's  descrip- 
tion of  Antiochus.  While  the  Prophet  unquestionably  refers 
in  the  symbol  of  the  '  little  horn '  to  the  part  of  Antiochus  in 
the  eschatological  events  predicted,  it  is  also  plain  that  he  con- 
ceives him  to  be  endowed  with  poAvers  more  than  human ;  cf . 
g3ff.,23ff._  He  has  not  in  mind  the  exact  figure  of  Antichrist  as 
known  later,  yet  he  shows  the  tendency  to  regard  the  great 
world-tyrant  of  the  last  time  as  possessing  powers  beyond  the 
natural  man ;  and  his  description  of  Antiochus  furnishes  traits 
for  later  pictures  of  Antichrist.  Subsequently  the  idea  of  the 
coming  in  the  last  time  of  a  man  endowed  with  Satan's  char- 
acter and  might  becomes  distinct  in  both  Jewish  and  Christian 
thought.  He  is  referred  to  in  Jewish  writings,  e.g.  2  Esd.  5*^, 
Sib.  Or.  III.  63  ff.,  Ap.  Bar.  36  and  40.  In  the  New  Testa- 
ment, belief  in  his  appearing  is  assumed  as  current ;  '  Ye  have 
heard  that  Antichrist  cometh,'  1  Jno.  2^8;  St.  Paul  speaks 
definitely  of  him  in  his  nature  and  Avork  under  the  name  of  the 
Man  of  sin,  2  Thess.  2^  ^- ;  he  is  alluded  to  probably  in  Mt. 
24^^  Mk.  ISi'*,  and  possibly  in  Jno.  b^^.  He  appears  in  other 
early  Christian  writings,  e.g.  The  Teaching  of  the  Twelve  16 ; 
the  Ascension  of  Isaiah  4,  frequently  in  the  Sib.  Or.,  in  the 
Christian  as  well  as  the  Jewish  parts.  His  prominence  in 
Christian  eschatology  for  centuries  later  is  shown  by  Bousset, 
Antichrist.^ 
1  For  the  sulijcct  see  Eimss.  Judenthum  242  ff.  ;  Ilast.  III.  Article  Man  of  Sin. 


ANTICHRIST  399 

The  ruime  Antichrist  appears  first  in  the  New  Testament, 
and  there  in  the  Johannine  epistles  only,  1  Jno.  2^**' ",  4^,  2  Jno. 
7  ;  in  the  first  case,  2^**",  it  is  evidently  used  as  a  familiar  term 
and  is  taken  in  its  popular  sense ;  in  the  other  cases  a  special 
spiritual  application  is  given  to  the  word.  Outside  of  the 
New  Testament  the  name  Beliar  is  used  in  a  few  cases,  but 
generally  except  where  the  influence  of  the  New  Testament  is 
apparent  some  descriptive  term  is  used  instead  of  a  proper 
name.  As  regards  his  nature  and  activities  he  is  conceived  as 
the  embodiment  of  all  wickedness  and  of  supreme  hostility  to 
God,  he  sets  himself  above  God  as  the  object  of  worship ;  act- 
ing in  the  might  of  Satan  he  appears  in  a  twofold  rule,  that  of 
universal  tyrant  with  undisputed  sway  over  all  the  earth,  and 
that  of  the  deceiver  of  men  through  signs  and  wonders  which 
he  has  the  power  to  perform. ^  See  especially  St.  Paul's  ac- 
count, 2  Thess.  2''  ^\  If  now  keeping  in  view  this  idea  of  Anti- 
christ and  the  general  expectation  of  his  coming  before  the 
End,  we  read  what  the  Apocalyptist  .says  of  the  Beast,  we 
shall  see  that  in  much  which  he  attributes  to  him  it  is  this 
eschatological  figure  that  he  has  in  mind.  The  union  of  two 
successive  impersonations,  that  of  a  Roman  emperor,  or  series 
of  emperors,  and  that  of  Antichrist,  in  the  figure  of  the  Beast, 
implies  a  relation  between  the  two,  which  though  not  origina- 
ting with  the  Apocalyptist,  he  uses  with  great  skill.  This 
relation  is  shown  in  the  paragraph  following,  which  will  also 
make  clearer  the  full  meaning  of  the  author  in  the  symbol  of 
the  Beast. 

The  connection  of  Antichrist  with  a  Roman  ruler  does  not 
appear  with  certainty  in  pre-Christian  literature.  The  words 
'  Beliar  will  come  from  the  stock  of  Sebaste,'  Sib.  Or.  III.  63, 
are  some  times  understood  to  contain  the  idea  (Se/Sao-rwi/  being 
referred  to  ae^aaro^  =  Augustus ;  cf .  Bouss.  Antichrist  96),  but 
this  meaning  is  not  certain.  Steps  leading  up  to  such  a  con- 
nection can,  however,  be  traced.     The  world-tyrant,  who  figures 

1  The  Apocalyptist  represents  these  miraculous  powers  used  to  deceive  as 
exercised  in  part  by  the  second  beast,  IS""'^.  But  this  '  other  beast '  acts  only 
with  the  powers  which  the  Beast  has  given  him  as  his  deputy,  IS'^.  The  intro- 
duction of  a  second  beast  as  a  mere  instrument  through  which  the  Beast  oper- 
ates differs  from  the  traditional  representation  of  Antichrist,  which  concentrates 
all  activity  in  one  person  ;  it  is  probably  dvie  to  historic  circumstances  ;  see 
p.  410. 


400  THE   BEAST   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

in  eschatological  literature,  the  one  who  in  the  last  days  is  to 
be  vanquished  by  divine  power,  is  at  first  a  historic  person,  the 
culmination  of  a  line  of  rulers  in  a  given  world-monarchy. 
Thus  the  eschatological  figure  of  the  '  horn '  in  Dan.  is  the 
historic  Antiochus  of  the  Gneco-Syrian  line.  The  tall  cedar  of 
Ap.  Bar.  3(3  ff.,  and  the  eagle  of  2  Esd.  11,  are  in  each  case  an 
imperial  dynasty  destroyed  by  God  or  the  Messiah  at  the  end 
of  tlie  ages.  The  last  great  enemy  springs  out  of  the  line  of 
existing  world-rulers.  When  then  the  idea  of  Antichrist  was 
fully  developed  it  was  an  easy  step  to  associate  him  in  some 
manner  with  the  existing  Roman  dynasty  of  world-rulers.  To 
our  Apocalyptist  such  association  must  have  been  directly  sug- 
gested by  the  circumstances  of  his  era.  A  Christian  apocalyp- 
tist, living  near  the  end  of  the  first  century,  with  a  vivid  memory 
of  the  awful  persecution  at  Rome  under  Nero,  and  with  the 
growing  insistence  on  emperor-worship  before  his  mind,  together 
with  all  the  threatening  calamities  of  the  time,  could  not  fail  to 
believe  that  the  work  of  Antichrist  had  already  begun,  the 
mystery  of  lawlessness  was  already  working  (2  Thess.  2''').  To 
a  prophet  at  that  time  the  soon-expected  Antichrist  would  be 
only  a  reimbodiment  and  consummation  of  what  was  most 
atrocious  in  the  present  world-rulers.  But  possible  fears  and 
surmises  of  this  kind  assumed  definite  shape  apparently  in  the 
last  decades  of  the  century  through  the  influence  of  rumors 
spreading  tlirough  the  Roman  world  in  regard  to  the  emperor 
Nero. 

Antichrist  as  a  Nero  reincarnated.  When  Nero's  career  of 
hideous  crimes  caused  the  Senate  in  the  year  68  to  condemn 
him  to  death  he  fled  to  a  suburban  villa  and  put  an  end  to  his 
own  life.  His  death  in  this  obscure  place  and  almost  alone 
made  possible  the  circulation  of  rumors  that  he  was  not  dead, 
but  had  fled ;  and  soon  after  the  reports  assumed  the  definite 
form  that  he  had  fled  to  the  Parthians,  the  dreaded  barbarian 
hordes  of  the  East,  and  that  he  would  return  thence  with  a 
large  army  to  wreak  fearful  vengeance  upon  the  Roman  world. 
These  rumors,  though  ridiculed  by  some,  spread  through  the 
provinces  and  with  amazing  persistence  continued  into  the  fol- 
lowing century.     Decrees  appeared  as  issued  in  his  name,  and 


ANTICHRIST  A  NERO  REVIVED  401 

two  (if  not  more)  impostors  claiming  to  be  Nero  arose ;  one 
gained  a  large  following  among  the  Parthians ;  rumors  of  the 
coming  of  one  threw  Achaia  and  Asia  Minor  (the  home  of  the 
Apocalypse)  into  great  terror.  These  events  are  well  attested 
by  Roman  writers,^  and  they  show  how  widespread  a  hold  the 
personality  of  Nero  had  taken  upon  the  minds  of  the  populace 
in  the  Roman  Empire.  Belief  in  these  rumors  was  shared  by 
the  Jews  and  Christians  in  common  with  others.  The  Sib.  Or. 
bear  frequent  testimony  to  this;  e.g.  IV.  119-124,  137-139 
(about  80  A.D.);  V.  137-154,  361-385  (latter  part  of  the  cen- 
tury). At  first  there  was  nothing  superstitious  attaching  to 
Nero's  person  in  these  expectations,  no  allusion  is  made  to  a 
return  from  the  dead.  In  the  Roman  writers  referred  to,  and  in 
the  earlier  Sibyllines  he  appears  only  as  the  well-known  human 
tyrant.  Yet  there  was  also  a  certain  mysteriousness  about  his 
predicted  coming,  and  the  return  of  one  who  as  ruler  of  the 
world-empire  had  instituted  a  fiendish  persecution  of  the  Chris- 
tians at  Rome  and  who  would,  as  expected,  triumph  over  the  then 
existing  order  of  the  world,  would  almost  certainly  be  associated 
more  or  less  in  CJhristian  thought  with  the  last  great  enemy. 
Jews  also  whose  nation  had  just  been  destroyed  in  the  Roman 
wars,  and  who  were  now  yearning  for  the  messianic  deliverer, 
would  be  ready  to  see  in  this  monster  expected  as  the  conqueror 
of  Rome  the  world-tyrant  of  the  last  days  preceding  Messiah's 
coming.  That  this  returning  Nero  finally  came  to  be  invested 
with  a  supernatural  character,  and  associated  in  thought  with 
Antichrist,  is  abundantly  attested,  though  it  is  not  certain  just 
how  early  this  began.  His  identification  with  Antichrist  is 
distinctly  expressed  in  a  Christian  portion  of  the  Ascension  of 
Isaiah,  4^,  a  passage  possibly  contemporaneous  with  the  Apoca- 
lypse.^  It  is  there  said  that  Beliar,  Antichrist,  will  come  in 
the  person  of  an  unrighteous  king,  a  murderer  of  his  mother, 
by  whicli  Nero  is  meant ;  he  is  frequently  designated  as  the 
matricidal  monster  in  accounts  of  his  attributes  and  his  return. 
In  the  prophecy  of  his  return  '  from  the  ends  of  the  earth  '  given 
in  Sib.  Or.  V.  361-385  (probably  belonging  to  the  end  of  the 

1  See  Suetonius,  Nero ;  Tacitus,  Ilist.  I.  2,  II.  8,  9  ;  Dio  Cassius  LXIV.  9. 

2  It  is  placed  by  Charles  at  the  end  of  the  first  century ;  by  Fleniming,  in 
Hennecke,  p.  292,  either  at  the  end  of  the  first  century  or  the  beginning  of  the 
second. 


402  THE   BEAST   OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

first  century)  his  cunning  deception  of  men,  the  marvels  wrought 
by  him  in  nature,  his  '  destruction  of  all  kings  and  the  best  of 
men,'  form  a  picture  plainly  belonging  to  the  Last  Times.  He 
is  here  demonic  and,  though  not  expressly  named  Antichrist, 
he  appears  to  be  so  regarded ;  certainly  his  works  are  those  of 
Antichrist.  Sib.  Or.  V.  217  (probably  of  the  same  date)  gives 
to  his  return  a  distinct  supernatural  trait ;  he  is  to  be  brought 
back  '  in  mid-air  that  all  may  see  him.'  Another  trait  of  Anti- 
christ is  assigned  him  in  Sib.  Or.  V.  33  f.  (a  passage  placed  by 
nearly  all  early  in  the  second  century)  ;  '  Then  will  he  return 
making  himself  equal  with  God,  but  he  [God]  will  convince 
him  that  he  is  not.'  Such  passages  like  the  predictions  of 
apocalyptic  writings  in  general  rest  on  popular  traditions  and 
beliefs,  and  attest  an  anterior  existence  of  the  Nero  myth  long 
enough  to  have  become  widely  current.  There  appears  then 
good  ground  for  supposing  it  to  have  been  in  circulation  at  the 
end  of  the  first  century,  the  time  of  our  author.  And  as  he  is 
frequently  seen  to  have  taken  up  a  familiar  idea  and  have 
adapted  it  to  his  use,  so  here  he  might  readily  picture  the  ex- 
pected Antichrist  under  the  form  of  the  popularly  dreaded 
Nero.  That  he  has  actually  done  so  appears  almost  certain 
from  the  precise  agreement  of  his  characterization  of  the  Beast 
with  this  popular  belief.  ^ 

Some  have  argued  that  a  Nero  revived  could  not  be  thought 
of  till  by  the  lapse  of  time  he  could  no  longer  be  supposed  to  be 
alive,  that  is,  not  until  one  or  more  decades  after  the  beginning 
of  the  second  century,  as  he  was  born  37  a.d.^  But  the  belief 
that  he  was  still  alive  was  far  from  universal  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  century,  and  the  fear  among  the  populace  of  his  return 
from  the  East  might  long  before  have  changed  in  the  minds  of 
many  to  a  fear  of  his  return  from  the  dead.  It  was  easier  in  that 
age  than  in  our  own  to  see  in  a  striking  work  the  activity  of  a 
notable  personage  of  the  past,  returned  among  men,  or  to  look 
for  the  return  of  such  a  person  in  the  future.  Elijah  was  ex- 
pected by  all  to  come  again ;  our  Apocalyptist  foretells  the 
return  of  Moses  and  Elijah  in  the  person  of  the  two  Witnesses, 

1  The  association  of  Nero  with  Antichrist  persisted  through  the  following  cen- 
turies. Its  acceptance  by  many  is  well  attested  ;  e.g.  by  Commodianus  c.  250  ; 
the  commentator  Victorinus,  c.  300  ;  Sulpicius  Severus.  about  the  end  of  the 
4th  cent. ;  Augustine,  De  etc.  Dei,  c.  426.  -  Cf.  Zahn,  Ein.  II.  634. 


THE   NUMBER  OF  THE   BEAST  403 

11^  "^^  in  Jesus,  the  Baptist  or  one  of  the  prophets  was  thought 
by  many  to  have  come  back,  Mk.  6^*  *^-.  The  identification  of 
the  restored  head,  that  is,  of  the  Beast  that  was,  and  is  not  and 
shall  come,  with  Nero  revived  from  the  dead  is  put  ])eyond 
question  if,  as  seems  most  probable,  the  number  of  the  Beast, 
666^  is  meant  to  denote  the  name  Nero. 

The  number  of  the  Beast,  666,  as  denoting  the  name  Nero.  The  designa- 
tion of  a  name  by  numbers  occurs  in  Greek  popular  usage  of  these  times, 
and  among  the  rabbis  also  it  appears  as  a  part  of  the  so-called  art  of  Genta- 
tria,  which  found  recondite  truth  in  the  numerical  value  of  words.  (For 
Gematria,  see  Weber,  System,  118;  Hast.  HI.  566,  Jew.  P]n.  s.v.)  With  the 
late  Jews  and  the  Greeks  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  were  used  to  denote 
numbers;  a  name  then  could  be  given  enigmatically  in  the  sum  of  the  num- 
bers denoted  by  its  several  letters.  Thus  in  Gen.  14i*  the  number  318  was 
taken  by  the  rabbis  to  denote  Eliezer ;  the  numbers  denoted  by  the  respec- 
tive letters  of  that  name  added  together  form  this  sum.  The  Christian 
Sibylline  I.  324  ff.  uses  888  for  the  name  ^\y)crov<;,  Jesus.  Good  illustrations 
of  this  usage  among  the  common  people  are  found  in  the  graffiti,  wall 
scratchings,  at  Pompeii ;  e.g.  in  one,  a  certain  woman  is  designated  by  the 
number  45  (or  1045),  another  by  545.  See  Deissmann,  Licht  vom  Ost.  207, 
and  the  various  literature  there  referred  to.  It  is  in  the  use  of  this  method 
that  our  author  gives  the  name  of  the  Beast  as  666.  The  purpose  in  such 
cases  is  to  express  the  name  in  a  veiled  way,  perhaps  as  a  mere  literary 
mannerism,  perhaps  as  a  matter  of  prudence.  The  latter  would  probably 
be  the  chief  motive  with  our  author,  if  an  emperor  is  meant,  even  though 
one  no  longer  living;  cf.  p.  405.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  Apocalyptist 
would  announce  in  words  clear  to  every  Roman  hearer  the  return  of  one  of 
the  emperors  as  Antichrist ;  it  is  evident  that  he  does  not  expect  even  the 
Christian  hearers  in  all  cases  to  perceive  the  exact  personal  reference ;  for 
he  declares  that  special  wisdom  and  understanding,  cro<^ta,  voCs,  13i^  are 
needed  to  interpret  his  utterance.  In  the  light  of  the  rumors  and  expecta- 
tions regarding  Nero  current  at  the  time,  many  must  have  formed  con- 
jectures as  to  the  meaning  of  the  number,  yet  no  interpretation  became 
established  in  tradition.  Irenseus  has  only  uncertain  guesses  to  offer,  and 
he  thinks  the  Apocalyptist  intended  the  name  to  remain  hidden  till  Anti- 
christ should  come.  The  language,  however,  implies  that  it  is  discoverable 
by  those  who  have  the  requisite  wisdom ;  and  the  command,  '  let  him  that 
hath  understanding  calculate  the  number,'  shows  that  the  author  expects 
some  to  solve  the  enigma. 

The  word  ovo/xa,  name,  would  suggest  reference  to  a  person,  and  the 
added  phrase,  '  it  is  the  number  of  a  man ',  shows  a  definite  personal  name, 
and  not  a  descriptive  title  to  be  meant.  See  Com.  IS^^.  The  problem  then 
is  to  find  a  known  person,  or  in  view  of  the  writer's  interpretative  words  in 
17^11,  a  Roman  emperor,  to  whom  is  appropriate  the  r61e  described  there 
and  in  13^"^,  and  who  at  the  same  time  bears  a  name  the  several  letters  of 


404  THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

which  denote  numbers  amounting  in  the  sum  total  to  60G.  If  we  are  guided 
solely  by  the  lines  drawn  by  the  author  himself,  we  must  reject  as  explana- 
tions abstract  descriptions  of  the  character  and  activity  of  Antichrist,  and  the 
names  of  persons  known  in  later  history,  e.g.  Mohammed,  Pope  Benedict  IX, 
Luther,  and  a  host  of  others  found  in  interpretations  of  the  Apocalypse  — 
all  apart  of  the  error  of  seeking  European  history  in  the  book  ;  cf .  pp.  301  ff. 
The  extravagances  which  appear  in  the  history  of  conjecture  show  that 
with  skill  and  boldness  almost  any  name  may  be  made  to  yield  the  number ; 
for  some  of  the  solutions  offered,  see  the  Speaker's  Com.,  687  ff.,  697  if. ; 
Diist.  458  f.,  Stuart  II.  453  ff.,  Zahn,  Ein.  II.  636  f.  The  alphabet  used  in 
writing  the  name  must  be  either  the  Greek  or  the  Hebrew,  and  the  author 
gives  no  intimation  of  the  choice  between  these. 

Solutions  with  Greek  letters.  Efforts  to  find  the  name  contained  in  the 
cryptogram  must  have  been  made  by  many  of  the  earliest  readers.  Ire- 
njeus  reports  that  many  solutions  were  proposed  in  his  time,  all  so  far  as 
appears  using  the  Greek  alphabet,  some  of  these  based  on  the  reading  616 
instead  of  666  (see  text,  note  in  loc).  He  mentions  three  of  these,  only  two 
of  which  were  deemed  worthy  of  much  notice  afterwards,  retrav,  Titan,  and 
Aaretvos,  Latinus ;  the  use  of  the  irregular  et  instead  of  t  is  paralleled  in 
2a/3etvos,  <i>at;o-retvos  and  a  number  of  similar  forms.  While  Irenseus  be- 
lieved that  the  Apocalyptist  intended  the  name  to  remain  hidden,  he  pre- 
ferred among  the  various  guesses  Tetrav,  because  among  other  reasons  the 
Titan,  the  mythical  monster  who  assaulted  the  gods,  seemed  a  type  of 
Antichrist.  At  the  same  time  he  pointed  out  in  favor  of  Xareivos,  Latinus, 
the  fact  that  the  Latins  were  the  rulers  of  the  world.  This  suggested  con- 
nection between  Antichrist  and  a  Roman  ruler  is  striking,  and  it  is  not  im- 
possible that  in  so  vague  a  term  there  may  have  been  seen  by  at  least  some 
an  allusion  to  Nero.  Latinus  was  adopted  by  many  in  the  following  cen- 
turies ;  among  modern  interpreters  who  adopt  it  are  Bleek,  De  Wette,  Diist. 
It  is  true  that  this  word  marks  a  relation  between  Antichrist  and  a  Roman 
emperor,  but  it  is  general,  whereas  the  personal  name  of  a  particular  indi- 
vidual is  required  here.  Many  other  solutions  in  Greek  letters  have  been 
proposed,  but  none  of  them  is  so  far  appropriate  as  to  be  largely  accepted. 
The  most  plausible  among  these  is  Faios  Kaicrap,  Gains  Ccesar  (Caligula), 
which  is  elaborately  defended  by  Spitta  (134  ff.,  369  ff.)  and  Erbes  (15  ff.). 
But  this  solution  requires  the  reading  616,  contrary  to  the  weight  of  Ms. 
authority  and  critical  opinion,  and  it  necessitates  the  rejection  of  the 
author's  interpretative  words  in  178.  n,  which  these  critics  then  attribute  to 
a  redactor,  who  is  also  supposed  to  have  read  his  own  meaning  into  chapt. 
13  and  revised  it  accordingly;  e.g.  vv.  6  c.  and  7  c.  are  insertions  of  his. 

Solutions  in  Hebrew  letters.  It  has  been  left  to  modern  scholarship,  so  far 
as  recorded,  to  discover  that  by  the  use  of  Hebrew  letters  and  the  transliter- 
ation of  Ncptov  Kato-ap,  Nero  CcBsar,  in  the  form  "iDp  P°i3  (the  letters  of 
which  denote  respectively  50,  200,  6,  50  and  100,  60,  200)  we  obtain  the 
required  number  666,  and  also  the  name  which  establishes  the  author's 
identfication  of  the  Beast  described  by  him  with  the  Nero  revived,  a;s  con- 
ceived in  the  current  expectations  of  the  time.     This  solution  reached  in 


THE  NUMBER  OF  THE  BEAST  405 

the  earlier  part  of  tlie  last  century  independently  by  a  number  o£  scholars 
(Fritzsche,  Benary,  Hitzig,  Reuss)  meets  the  conditions  of  the  problem  so 
exactly  that  it  is  accepted  by  most  scholars  of  the  present  day.  Its  correct- 
ness is  supported  by  the  fact  that  if  the  proper  name  be  written  Nepw,  T^J, 
that  is,  without  the  final  consonant  as  in  the  Latin  form  Nero,  the  number 
616  is  obtained  instead  of  606,  and  thus  is  explained  the  variant  reading- 
found  in  some  Mss.  and  adopted  according  to  Irenasus  by  many  in  the  sec- 
ond century.  See  text,  note  on  13'^.  Other  interpretations  obtained  by 
the  use  of  Hebrew  characters  are :  Caesar  of  Rome  (Ewald  ;  this  requires 
the  reading  616)  ;  Cresar  of  the  Romans  (Manchot)  ;  Trajan  (Wabnitz)  ; 
Vblter  at  different  times  has  advocated  Hadrian,  Trajan,  Vespasian,  in 
each  case  as  a  Nero  revived ;  Gunkel's  proposal.  Primal  Chaos  (377),  also 
based  on  Hebrew  letters,  is  derived  from  his  theory  tracing  the  Beast  back 
to  a  Babylonian  monster.  Such  explanations  have  not  met  with  any  con- 
siderable acceptance,  since  they  do  not  conform  to  the  representations  in 
chapts.  13  and  17,  and  raise  rather  than  settle  difficulties. 

Objections  to  the  solution  adopted  above,  which  finds  in  the  number  the 
name  Nero,  are  raised,  (a)  Our  book  is  written  in  Greek,  for  Greek-speak- 
ing Christians,  and  there  is  no  intimation  that  any  other  than  the  Greek 
alphabet  was  to  be  used  in  solving  the  problem  of  the  number.  The  earli- 
est recorded  attempts  at  a  solution,  as  we  learn  from  Irenaeus,  were  based 
on  that  alphabet.  In  general  what  is  urged  in  this  objection  is  true,  and 
it  explains  wliy  the  name  Nero  should  not  have  been  commonly  thought  of 
in  that  age  as  connected  with  the  number.  But  our  author  was  a  Jew,  he 
thought  in  the  forms  of  Hebrew  idioms,  he  was  doubtless  more  familiar 
with  the  art  of  Gematria  as  practiced  by  the  Jews  than  by  the  Greeks,  and 
there  must  have  been  many  Jews  among  the  Christians  of  the  seven 
churches  addressed  in  the  book;  an  intimation  that  such  were  contemplated 
among  the  readers  occurs  in  the  special  mention  of  the  Hebrew  form  of 
certain  names;  e.g.  9^^,  lO^^.  It  would  not  be  unnatural  then  that  the 
Apocalyptist  should  use  the  Hebrew  alphabet  in  his  enigma.  And  this 
would  best  serve  his  purpose.  He  does  not  wish  to  name  the  Beast  openly 
(see  p.  403)  so  that  if  would  be  unmistakable  to  all,  as  e.g.  Sib.  Or.  V. 
21  ff.  openly  designates  the  emperors  by  the  numbers  corresponding  to 
their  initials.  He  will  conceal  it  at  least  in  part ;  he  is  sure  that  some  of 
his  readers,  Jews,  persons  familiar  with  the  forebodings  regarding  Nero, 
will  have  the  knowledge  and  understanding  requisite  for  reading  the  sym- 
bol. In  the  troubles  threatening  the  Christians  at  the  hands  of  the 
imperial  power  it  was  not  desirable  to  emphasize  the  announcement  of  the 
coming  Antichrist  as  a  revived  Nero  who  should  destroy  the  empire.  It 
is  enough  for  the  author's  purpose  to  make  clear  to  the  general  reader  that 
the  conflict  between  God  and  Satan  is  now  entering  on  its  later  stages,  that 
the  great  adversary  will  employ  the  present  world-power  in  a  series  of 
rulers  as  his  agent,  and  then  in  immediate  succession  that  agent  will  ap- 
pear in  Antichrist.  The  successive  phases  of  the  conflict  are  figured  with 
sufficient  distinctness  for  the  less  penetrating  reader  by  the  seven  heads 
and  the    resuscitated  head,  while  those   to    whom  it  is  given  to  read  the 


406  THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

enigma  will  like  the  Apocalyptist  himself  see  more  precisely  an  Antichrist 
in  the  final  era  working  in  the  spirit  of  a  Nero  revived  and  demonized. 
Taking  the  Apocalyptist's  picture  of  the  Beast's  activity  as  a  whole  we  can 
see  that  he  is  chiefly  interested  in  foretelling  the  progress  of  Satan's  war- 
fare with  the  Church  on  to  the  a^vful  culmination  in  which  Satan  will 
work  through  the  mysterious  personality  of  Antichrist.  It  appears  certain 
that  the  precise  relation  of  that  personality  to  Nero  or  any  other  historic  individ- 
ual is  a  quite  subordinate  point  in  the  author's  mind.  Obscurity  as  regards 
the  personal  reference  in  the  number  of  the  name,  and  in  the  wounded 
head,  might  remain  for  most  readers,  whether  then  or  now,  without  the 
loss  of  the  essential  significance  of  the  prophecy.  Vast  as  is  the  space 
occupied  by  these  two  topics  in  the  literature  of  the  Apocalypse,  it  cannot 
be  questioned  that  they  are  but  details ;  it  has  happened  here,  as  not  infre- 
quently, that  attention  has  been  riveted  on  a  minor  factor  to  such  a  de- 
gree as  to  confuse  and  obscure  the  understanding  of  the  prophecy  in  its 
larger  outlines. 

(b)  A  second  objection  to  the  above  explanation  of  the  number  666  is 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  Hebrew  form  of  Caesar  is  "ID'P,  which  would 
give  the  number  676.  That  this  is  the  usual  form  of  the  name  when  writ- 
ten with  Hebrew  letters  is  unquestionable  (cf.  Zahn  Ein.  II.  636),  but  the 
form  "iDp  in  the  scriptio  defectiva,  i.e.  with  jod  omitted,  is  also  attested ;  cf. 
Ewald  Apok.  263 ;  Buxtorf  Lex.  Rabbin.  Therefore  whatever  caused  the 
Apocalyptist  to  use  the  less  common  form,  uo  valid  objection  can  be  found 
here  to  the  Neronic  explanation  of  the  number.  Why  666  should  have 
been  used  instead  of  676  must  be  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but  there  is  plau- 
sibility in  the  supposition  (Gunkel,  37.5  ff. ;  J,  Weiss  34  f.,  al)  that  the 
number  of  the  Beast,  like  his  form,  his  many  heads  and  horns,  was  a  part 
of  the  designation  of  the  monster  represented  in  tradition.  The  Apoca- 
lyptist then  adopting  this  traditional  number,  together  with  other  traits  of 
the  Beast,  applies  it  to  the  name  Nero,  an  application  made  easy  by  the 
alternative  form  "icp. 

The  identification  of  the  name  in  IS^^  with  Nero  makes  clear 
the  obscure  utterances  in  13^  and  17^  regarding  the  head 
wounded  unto  death  and  restored,  and  the  beast  that  was,  and 
is  not,  and  shall  come  out  of  the  abyss.  Nero  is  that  head  ;  as 
once  reigning  he  was,  at  the  time  of  the  Apocalyptist's  writing 
he  is  not,  that  is,  not  living,  and  in  Antichrist  he  will  come 
again  from  the  abyss.  He  was  (one)  of  the  seven  and  in  his 
coming  again  he  will  be  the  eighth  (17^^),  that  is,  of  these  last 
world-rulers  acting  as  Satan's  agents.  Much  confusion  is 
brought  into  the  Apocalyptist's  representation  by  the  failure  to 
see  that  he  frequently  identifies  the  Beast  and  his  respective 
heads.      The  heads  rather  than  the  Beast  himself  apart  from 


THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE  407 

these  contain  in  some  connections  the  most  significant  features 
in  the  imagery,  as  do  the  horns  in  Daniel's  vision,  our  author's 
chief  model  here,  and  as  do  also  the  heads  and  wings  in  the 
monster  of  2  Esd.  11-12.  This  the  Apocalyptist  shows  in  the 
repeated  reference  to  the  restored  head  in  chapt.  13  (3, 12,  14) 
and  in  the  emphasis  placed  upon  the  heads  and  horns  in  17^  ^•'  ^'. 
The  Beast  is  not  thought  of  in  distinction  from  the  heads  ;  the 
heads  represent  him  and  thus  the  two  become  identified.  The 
Beast  exists  now  in  the  first  head,  now  in  the  second,  and  so  on. 
The  particular  historic  person,  who  for  the  time  being  forms 
one  of  the  heads,  really  embodies  the  Beast  as  a  whole,  he  is 
the  Beast,  in  the  author's  thought.  This  identification  of  the 
head  and  the  Beast  is  evident  in  13^  and  13^^;  in  the  former 
verse  it  is  the  deadly  wound  of  a  head  that  is  healed ;  in  the 
latter  verse  it  is  said  in  equivalent  words  that  the  Beast  is 
healed.  In  itself  the  slaying  of  one  head  would  not  slay  the 
Beast,  for  five  heads  had  perished,  IT^^^,  and  the  Beast  survives 
in  the  sixth.  And  so  with  apparent  self-contradiction  the 
writer  says  in  17^'  ^^  the  Beast  is  not,  that  is,  was  not  present 
in  the  world  at  the  time  of  the  apocalyptist's  writing  ;  but  in 
17^*^  he  says,  one  head  is  ;  that  is,  was  then  present  in  the  world. 
No  doubt  there  is  a  certain  ambiguity  in  this  freedom  of  expres- 
sion ;  it  is  intelligible  in  an  apocalyptist,  who  easily  blends 
a  symbol  and  the  thing  symbolized,  though  at  variance  with 
prosaic  exactness.  What  the  author  means  is  apparent.  He 
thinks  of  the  Beast  as  existing,  at  the  time  of  his  writing,  in 
the  sixth  head,  but  not  existing  as  represented  in  a  certain  head 
then  fallen.  At  no  time  in  the  period  covered  by  the  pre- 
millennial  visions  does  the  Beast  cease  to  exist,  he  is  always 
present  as  Satan's  agent.  It  cannot  then  be  said  with  exact- 
ness '  he  is  not ' ;  but  the  writer  so  closely  identifies  the  Beast 
with  the  head  which  represents  him,  that  he  can  say,  he  was,  is 
not,  and  will  come,  meaning  that  he  had  existed  as  represented 
in  a  certain  head,  that  he  does  not  now  exist  under  that  form, 
but  that  he  will  again  so  exist. 

It  may  be  useful  to  sum  up  in  a  brief  statement  the  result  of 
the  preceding  discussion  of  the  significance  of  the  Beast.  The 
Beast  is  Satan's  agent  in  his  warfare  against  the  saints,  as  repre- 
sented first  in  the  successive  Roman  emperors,  and  then,  after  the 


408        THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

destruction  of  the  Roman  empire^  in  Antichrist,  the  supreme  human 
embodiment  of  demonic  tvickedness  and  power,  in  whom  will  come 
Nero  reincarnated.  The  Beast  is  already  present  in  the  person 
of  the  emperors,  but  his  supreme  manifestation  will  come  with 
the  appearing  of  Antichrist. 

Question  may  be  raised  whether  the  Apocalyptist  understands 
an  absolute  identification  of  Antichrist  with  Nero  revived  in 
actual  person,  or  whether  his  Antichrist  is  not  Neronic  in  the 
same  sense  in  which  the  two  witnesses  in  chapt.  11  are  Elijah 
and  Moses ;  see  p.  595.  The  latter  su})position  might  import 
ambiguity  into  the  conception,  but  only  such  as  cliaracterizes 
apocalyptic  in  general.  At  all  events  in  the  recognition  of 
Nero  in  the  Beast,  it  is  necessary  to  avoid  the  not  uncommon 
error  of  misplacing  the  emphasis.  The  dominant  thought  in 
the  Apocalyptist's  prophecy  is  not  that  Nero  shall  come  again, 
but  rather  that  Antichrist  will  come,  the  last  and  most  terrible 
manifestation  of  the  Beast,  embodying  a  Nero  reincarnate  and 
demonized  —  Antichrist,  of  whom  no  more  fiendish  conception 
can  be  formed  than  that  furnished  by  a  Nero  revived  according 
to  popular  fancy,  and  invested  with  superhuman  power.  Thus 
the  practical  unity  of  Satan's  great  agent  is  preserved ;  he  is 
one  throughout,  yet  he  has  successive  impersonations,  and  a 
Roman  emperor,  in  natural  or  supernatural  form,  constitutes 
each  several  one  in  turn. 

TJie  Second  Beast.  The  figure  commonly  designated  the 
second  beast,  though  this  precise  term  does  not  occur  in  the 
Apocalypse,  is  properly  considered  here,  since  it  is  only  in  rela- 
tion to  the  activity  of  the  first  beast  that  the  figure  exists  at 
all  in  the  book.  The  rank  and  function  of  the  '  other  beast ' 
introduced  in  13"  "^^  are  stated  succinctly  in  v.  12.  He  is  merely 
the  servant  of  the  first  beast,  from  whom  he  derives  all  his 
powers,  and  his  office  is  the  institution  and  enforcement  of  the 
worship  of  his  master.  The  term  beast  is  applied  to  him  in  13^^ 
only  ;  elsewhere  '  the  beast,'  a  term  used  more  than  30  times  in 
the  book,  refers  to  the  first  beast,  the  figure  of  13^~^,  while  the 
second  beast  is  denominated  the  false  prophet.  He  accomplishes 
his  appointed  work  by  deceiving  the  world,  13^*,  19^*^,  and  in 
this  he  is  assisted  by  the  miracles  which  he  is  empowered  to 


THE  SECOND  BEAST  409 

perform.  He  causes  an  image  of  the  Beast  to  be  made  and 
endows  it  with  powers  which  work  toward  his  end,  13^^.  His 
essential  character  is  that  of  deceiver.  And  it  is  in  this  char- 
acter that  in  one  instance  — -  and  in  one  only  —  an  activity  is 
assigned  him  apart  from  the  worship  of  the  Beast,  though  it  is 
wholly  in  the  service  of  the  Beast ;  an  unclean  spirit  working 
marvels  goes  from  his  mouth  to  move  men  to  join  in  the  battle 
of  the  great  day  of  God,  16^^  *■.  As  the  proclaimer  of  a  worship 
professedly  divine  and  the  worker  of  miracles  in  its  furtherance, 
he  might  according  to  the  common  use  of  the  word  receive  the 
name  proj)het  from  the  heathen  themselves ;  a  Christian  writer 
would  call  him,  as  the  deluder  of  men  in  this  work,  ix  false  prophet, 
the  designation  which  he  bears  elsewhere  in  the  book,  16^^,  19^^, 
20^*^.  In  the  use  of  this  designation  the  Apocalyptist  appears 
to  give  designedly,  after  his  manner,  some  intimation  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  symbol.  The  distinct  character  and  work  which 
are  assigned  to  him,  as  what  is  most  essential  in  him,  and  his 
corresponding  designation  as  the  false  prophet,  mark  his  office 
as  precisely  parallel  to  that  of  the  priesthood,  or  special  Roman 
functionaries  charged  with  the  maintena7ice  and  exte7isio7i  of  the 
emperor-^vorship  throughout  the  empire.  The  majority  of  recent 
expositors  agree  in  finding  here  the  explanation  of  the  symbol. 
Some  scholars  understand  it  to  mean  the  body  of  heathen 
priests  and  prophets  as  a  whole  ;  but  this  gives  too  general  a 
reference,  disregarding  the  function  described  here  as  the  special 
office  of  the  False  Prophet.  That  no  particular  historic  person 
is  meant,  as  for  example,  Simon  Magus,  Alexander  of  Abon- 
otichus,  ApoUonius  of  Tyana  (for  other  names  also  suggested, 
cf.  Gunkel  348),  is  evident,  since  no  known  person  answers  even 
approximately  to  the  requirements  of  the  description  given  here  ; 
nor  could  any  such  person  be  assumed  to  perform  this  office  in 
the  era  of  Antichrist. 

A  second  beast  as  auxiliary  to  the  first  is  peculiar  to  our 
author.  Hebrew  folk-lore,  it  is  true,  mentions  two  mythical 
monsters  side  by  side.  Leviathan  and  Behemoth  ;  cf .  Job  40-41, 
2  Esd.  6«%  En.  60'«"-,  Ap.  Bar.  29^;  but  these  stand  in  no 
such  relation  to  each  other  as  do  the  two  beasts  here.  The 
two  characteristics  of  Antichrist,  on  the  one  hand  the  political 
(that  of  world-tyrant),  and  on  the  other  the  moral  (that  of  the 


410  THE  BEAST  OF  THE  APOCALYPSE 

deceiver)  are  to  a  certain  degree  distributed  by  our  author  be- 
tween two  characters.  These  however  are  not  coordinate,  nor 
does  the  second  beast  possess  certain  powers  wanting  to  the 
first,  so  that  tlie  first  must  secure  the  help  of  the  second  to  ac- 
complish his  purposes ;  on  the  contrary  he  himself  confers  the 
requisite  powers  on  the  one  who  is  to  be  his  instrument.  This 
introduction  of  a  subaltern  doubtless  springs  from  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Apocalyptist's  era.  The  great  significance  of  the 
emperor-worship  among  the  facts  that  form  the  background  of 
his  book  probably  suggested  to  the  Apocalyptist  as  a  special 
feature  in  his  visions  the  agency  of  the  priesthood  whose  office 
it  was  to  spread  that  worship  ;  cf.  p.  201.  The  Beast  as  repre- 
sented in  the  emperors  was  already  claiming  divine  honors,  and 
a  subservient  priesthood  and  other  officials  were  zealous  in  paying 
the  homage  demanded  and  in  enjoining  it  upon  the  Roman 
world.  The  vision  then  figures  a  great  movement  already  in 
progress,  one  which  would  increase  to  the  end  of  the  emperors' 
reign,  and  finally  reach  its  culmination  in  the  days  of  Antichrist. 
The  language  of  the  vision  points,  in  its  immediate  reference, 
only  to  the  last  era.  The  Beast  whom  the  False  Prophet  is  to 
cause  men  to  worship  is  characterized,  13^-",  as  the  one  whose 
death  stroke  had  been  healed,  i.e.  Antichrist;  but  it  is  evident 
that  the  Apocalyptist  has  also  in  mind  his  own  era  and  the 
closing  years  of  the  Roman  empire.  For  some  minor  traits  in 
the  representation  of  the  second  beast  see  the  Commentary  on 
the  respective  passages  in  chapt.  13. 

The  use  of  a  separate  tradition  is  found  hy  some  in  the  figure  of  the  second 
beast ;  so,  Bouss.,  J.  Weiss,  Wellhausen,  al.  Bouss.  Koni.  377  f.,  following 
Weizsacker  498,  distinguishes  in  Jewish  tradition  two  separate  conceptions  of 
the  last  great  human  opponent  of  God.  In  the  one  he  is  a  world-ruler  ;  in  the 
other  he  is  a  deceiving  prophet.  And  these  two  conceptions  are  held  to  have 
had  originally  no  connection  with  each  other ;  the  latter  is  a  false  Messiah 
belonging  to  Palestine ;  hence  ex  t^s  y^s,  Vi^^.  This  latter  figure  our  Apoca- 
lyptist has  taken  up  and  worked  over  into  a  subordinate  of  the  first  beast. 
The  use  of  an  earlier  source  representing  Antichrist  in  this  form  is  thought 
to  explain  the  presence  of  some  traits  which  are  obscure  in  the  account  as 
given  in  chapt.  13,  but  clear  in  the  original  connection ;  such  are  the  ascent 
from  the  earth  (y^s,  land  of  Palestine,  lo^^),  the  two  horns  like  those  of  a 
lamb,  the  dragon-like  speech,  the  mark  of  the  Beast ;  see  Bouss.  366,  368. 
It  is  not  necessary,  however,  to  resort  to  this  theory  to  find  an  explanation 
at  least  plausible  of  these  obscurities ;  see  Commentary.     As  regards  the 


THE  TEXT  411 

combination  of  the  two  ideas,  that  of  the  world-deceiver  and  that  of  the 
world-tyrant,  the  same  is  in  reality  implied  in  Paul's  account  of  Antichrist, 
2  Thess.  2^^-,  for  he  is  to  come  with  all  deceit  of  unrighteousness,  and  at 
the  same  time  the  world-power  of  Rome  must  be  removed  to  make  way  for 
him ;  which  could  only  be  said  of  a  greater  world-power.  The  symbol  of  a 
beast  chosen  to  represent  the  deceiving  priesthood  of  the  imperial  cult  is 
probably  suggested  by  the  symbol  of  the  first  beast ;  the  chief  and  his  dep- 
uty are  naturally  represented  under  forms  like  in  kind ;  and  the  activity  of 
the  latter  is  only  one  phase  of  the  activity  of  the  former.  For  the  same 
reason  other  traits  in  familiar  descriptions  of  Antichrist  would  readily  lend 
themselves  for  use  in  the  account  of  the  second  beast.  What  is  uppermost 
in  the  Apocalyptist's  idea  is  not  the  likeness  or  unlikeness  to  the  first  beast, 
but  the  service  rendered  in  the  establishment  of  his  worship. 


XV.    The  Text  ^ 

The  text  of  the  Apocalypse  is  less  certainly  settled  than  that 
of  any  other  book  of  the  New  Testament.  Weiss  (p.  1)  enu- 
merates in  the  400  verses  about  1650  variants,  not  including 
different  orthographies  of  the  same  word,  in  the  five  available 
uncials  ;  while  in  the  Catholic  Epistles  432  verses  contain  only 
about  1100  variants,  though  the  number  of  Ms.  sources  and 
therefore  the  possibility  of  variants  is  considerably  greater. 
The  fact  that  the  book  did  not  obtain  early  canonical  recogni- 
tion throughout  the  Church  (cf.  p.  341),  and  was  therefore  less 
read,  explains  the  paucity  of  sources  and  the  greater  careless- 
ness of  copyists.  Also  the  grammatical  errors  and  other  pe- 
culiarities of  the  language  led  to  frequent  corrections  or  changes 
at  the  hand  of  the  scribes.  It  should,  however,  be  observed 
that  the  variants  relate  very  largely  to  differences  in  the  order 
of  words,  to  the  use  or  omission  of  the  article  or  a  connective, 
and  to  syntactical  construction.  Numerous  as  the  variants  are, 
and  important  in  some  respects  as  is  the  choice  among  them, 
they  are  not  of  a  kind  to  cause  uncertainty  in  a  single  para- 
graph taken  as  a  whole.  There  is  no  question  as  regards  the 
omission  of  any  long  passage,  such  as  occurs,  for  example,  in 
Mk.  169-20;  Jno.  753-811;   Ro.  1625-27. 

1  Cf .  Scrivener-Miller,  Introd.  to  Criticism  of  N.  T.  I.  320  ff ,  ;  Gregory,  Text- 
kritlk  d.  N.  T.  I.  120  ff.,  316  ff.  ;  H.  Weiss,  Die  Johan.  Apok.  :  Bousset,  Die 
Offenb.  (in  Meyer's  Kom.  1906)  148  ff.  ;  and  Zur  Textkritik  d.  Apok.  (in  Texte 
u.  Untersuch.  1804)  ;  von  Sodeu,  Die  Schriften  d.  N  T.  I.  3,  2042  ff. 


412  THE  TEXT 

The  uncial  Mss.  containing  the  Apocalypse  entire  or  in  part 
are  the  following  :  ^ 

Ji^.      Codex  Sinaiticus,  IV.  cent.  Petrograd. 

A.     Codex  Alexandrinus,  V.    cent.  London. 

C.      Codex  Ephraemi,  V.    cent.  Paris. 

P.      Codex  Porfirianus,  IX.  cent.  Petrograd. 

Q.     Codex  Vaticanus,  Gr.  2066,  VIII.  or  IX.  cent.     Rome. 

Tischendorf  cites  this  Ms.  as  B ;  WH  as  B2,  but  most 
editors  designate  it  as  Q,  after  Tregelles,  to  avoid  confu- 
sion with  B,  the  great  Codex  Vaticanus,  which  does  not 
contain  the  Apocalypse. 

[J,  Gimel,  Codex  Kosinitsanus,  IX.  or  X.  cent. 

This  Ms.  located  at  Kosinitza,  or  by  Soden  at  Drama, 
is  not  available,  since  it  has  not  been  collated  or  edited. 
Cf.  Scrivener-Miller  I.  377 ;  Gregory  I.  96  ;  Soden  I. 
1,  101.] 

X  AQ  contain  the  Apocalypse  entire.  C  lacks  Si^-S^*;  71^-"; 
85_9i6.  1010-113;  1613-182;  195-2221.  P  lacks  I612-I7I;  I92I- 
209;   226-21. 

The  cursive  Mss.  containing  the  Apocalypse,  designated  by 
the  Arabic  numerals,  belong  to  the  period  of  the  X-XVI  cen- 
turies. No  exact  enumeration  of  these  has  been  given.  Scriv.- 
Mil.  (1894)  and  Nestle  (1899)  make  the  number  184  and  185. 
Soden  (1902)  places  it  at  223.  The  statistical  summary  given 
by  Soden,  I.  1,  289,  shows  the  paucity  of  Ms.  sources  for  the 
Apocalypse  in  comparison  with  the  other  New  Testament  books. 
Taking  the  uncials  and  cursives  together  he  finds  for  the  Gos- 
pels 1725  ;  for  Acts  and  Catholic  Epistles  520  ;  for  the  Pauline 
Epistles,  including  Heb.,  619;  for  the  Apocalypse  229. 

Cursive  no.  1,  of  the  12th  or  13th  cent,  containing  the 
Apoc.  onl}^  with  the  Commentary  of  Andreas  (see  p.  325),  is 
of  particular  interest,  since  it  was  the  only  Gk.  Ms.  which 
Erasmus  had  for  the  Apocalypse  in  his  first  edition  of  the  Gk. 
Testament  (1516),  the  first  published  edition  after  the  inven- 

1  The  symbols  in  ordinary  nse  for  designating  the  Mss.  are  retained  here  and 
in  the  Textual  notes.  For  the  new  system  introduced  into  his  work  by  von 
Soden,  which  unquestionably  has  certain  advantages,  see  his  explanation,  I. 
1,  37  ff. 


THE  TEXT  413 

tion  of  printing.  (The  Complutensian  Polyglott  printed  in 
1514  was  not  published  till  1522.)  Verses  lH-21  of  chapt.  22 
are  wanting  in  this  Ms.,  and  Erasmus  supplied  the  missing 
passage  by  translating  back  into  Greek  from  the  Vulgate.  In 
other  places  also  he  adopted  translations  from  the  Latin ;  cf . 
Gregory  II.  930.  Though  in  later  editions  he  introduced 
some  corrections  from  other  Gk.  Mss.  yet  many  of  these  trans- 
lations from  the  Latin  remained.  And  the  Erasmian  editions 
formed  the  basis  of  later  printed  editions,  even  of  those  of 
Stephanus,  Paris,  1550,  and  of  the  Elzevirs,  Leyden,  1624  and 
1633,  which  came  to  be  generally  adopted  as  the  so-called 
Textus  Receptus.  The  name  is  due  to  the  second  Elzevir  edi- 
tion, whose  preface  contained  the  words,  textvm  ergo  habes 
nunc  ah  omnibus  receptimi.  Thus  the  Received  Text,  which 
dominated  New  Testament  study  till  the  rise  of  the  compara- 
tively modern  science  of  textual  criticism,  still  contains  some 
of  these  readings  derived  from  the  Latin,  and  not  authorized 
by  any  Ms.^ 

The  ancient  versions  ^  so  far  as  they  represent  a  text  anterior 
to,  and  independent  of,  our  extant  Mss.  furnish  important 
material  in  constituting  the  text.  The  principal  versions 
used  in  the  textual  criticism  of  the  Apocalypse  are:  (1)  The 
Latin,  including  the  Old  Latin  (sometimes  called  the  Itala) 
and  the  Vulgate.  (2)  The  Syriac,  including  the  version  pub- 
lished by  Louis  de  Dieu  1627,  and  the  version  published  by 
Gwynn,  1897,  'The  Apocalypse  of  St.  John  in  a  Syriac  version 
hitherto  unknown,'  the  former  akin  to  the  Harklean  version, 
the  latter  to  the  Philoxenian.  The  Peshitta,  i.e.  the  vulgate 
Syriac,  does  not  contain  the  Apocalypse.  (3)  The  Egyptian, 
or  Coptic,  including  the  Bohairic  called  also  Memphitic,  and 
the  Sahidic  called  also  Thebaic.  (4)  Ethiopic.  (5)  The 
Armenian. 

The  citations  found  in  the  Fathers  ^  are  of  special  value  for  the 
study  of  the  text,  since  for  the  most  part  they  give  a  text 
which  antedates  our  oldest  Mss. ;  these,  however,  must  be  used 
with  caution,  as  they  are  often  made  from  memory,  especially 

1  Cf.  WH.  Introd.  §§  15,  346  ;  Gregory  II.  928  ff. 

2  Cf.  the  respective  sections  of  the  works  of  Gregory,  Scvlvener-Miller, 
mentioned  on  p.  411,  also  WH.  Introd.  and  articles  in  Hast. 

3  Cf .  works  mentioned  above. 


414  THE  TEXT 

the  short  citations  ;  moreover  there  is  an  element  of  uncer- 
tainty in  the  transmission  and  editing  of  the  Mss.  of  the 
father  containing  the  quotation.  Irenseus  quotes  from  the 
Apocalypse  ;  but  most  of  what  he  quotes  is  preserved  only  in 
a  Latin  translation  and  the  precise  form  of  the  quotation  made 
by  him  is  uncertain.  Of  special  worth  are  citations  found  in 
Origen  (f  c.  254),  the  most  erudite  among  early  Christian 
scholars,  and  a  critic  of  the  text  of  the  Scriptures.  Hippolytus 
(f  c.  237)  has  given  a  number  of  quotations  of  considerable 
length  in  his  commentary  on  Daniel  and  his  work  on  Antichrist. 
Especially  valuable  is  the  Latin  commentator  Primasius  (6th 
cent.),  as  he  has  preserved  in  his  work  on  the  Apocalypse  the 
entire  text  of  the  old  Latin  version.  Andreas  (early  part  of 
6th  cent.),  the  greatest  of  the  early  Greek  commentators  on  the 
Apocalypse,  has  preserved  the  text  which  he  followed.  ^  Arethas 
(early,  lOtli  cent.)  wrote  a  commentary  on  the  Apocalypse  in 
which  he  incorporated  large  excerpts  from  the  work  of  Andreas. 
Among  others  in  whose  writings  evidence  is  found  regarding 
the  text  of  the  Apocalyjise  are  especially  to  be  mentioned  Ter- 
tuUian,  Cyprian,  Methodius,  Ticonius,  Epiphanius,  and  Jerome. 
As  regards  the  value  of  the  various  witnesses  to  the  text,  it  is 
beyond  question  that  neither  any  single  one  of  the  sources  nor 
any  group  of  these  has  preserved  the  correct  text  in  all  cases. 
The  Codex  Sinaiticus,  the  oldest  of  the  uncials,  gives  a  text  of 
the  Apocalypse  of  much  less  value  than  that  of  some  other  parts 
of  the  New  Testament.  The  highest  authority  for  the  Apoca- 
lypse is  assigned  to  Codex  Alexandrinus.  With  this,  C  is 
closely  related,  but,  as  pointed  out  above,  is  defective.  The 
two  late  uncials  P  and  Q  are  allied  to  each  other ;  of  the  two 
P  has  preserved  much  the  better  text,  but  neither  of  them 
possesses  high  independent  authority.  '  P  contains,  in  the  midst 
of  a  somewhat  degenerate  text,  so  many  good  readings  that  it 
is  entitled  to  an  appreciable  authority  in  doubtful  cases ;  while 
the  comparatively  few  readings  of  B2[Q]  which  rise  above  its 
generally-low  level  of  character,  are  such  as  imply  a  source  of 
no    distinctive  value,'  WH.   Introd.   §  344.      Among  the  cur- 

1  His  com.  apart  from  its  relation  to  text-criticism  was  of  great  value.  '  No 
later  commentator  was  able  to  supplant  Andreas,  none  of  his  predecessors  could 
maintain  himself  beside  him,'  von  Soden,  I.  1,  702. 


THE  TEXT  415 

sives,  the  highest  authority  for  the  Apocalypse  is  assigned  by 
critics  to  95.  Nos.  36  and  38  are  also  regarded  as  especially 
valuable.  For  others  which  stand  out  above  the  level  of  the 
cursives  as  a  class,  cf.  Gregory  I.  316  ff. 

In  a  classification  of  the  most  frequently  cited  authorities 
critics  generally  would  place  in  a  first  class  XAC  95  38,  the 
Vulgate  (codex  Fuldensis)  and  Syriac  versions,  the  fathers 
Prim.,  Cypr.,  Orig.,  Hipp.,  Method.;  in  a  second  class  K,  late 
correctors,  PQ,  most  cursives,  the  (31d  Lat.  Armen.  and  Ethiop. 
versions,  Andr.,  Ticon.  Great  weight  must  be  given  to  the 
agreement  of  the  members  of  certain  groups  of  authorities, 
though  even  here  there  are  certainly  errors.^  Among  the 
uncials  the  groups  AC  and  K  AC  take  precedence.  When 
KAC  95  vlg.  Prim,  agree,  the  highest  degree  of  probability, 
though  not  certainty,  attaches  to  the  reading. 

It  is  not  thought  necessary  to  take  space  for  printing  in  the 
present  commentary  the  entire  text  which  is  here  adopted. 
There  is  now  a  general  consensus  of  opinion  among  critical 
editors  regarding  the  choice  in  what  is  most  fundamental  in  the 
larger  part  of  variant  readings.  In  so  far,  with  our  present 
knowledge,  the  text  may  be  regarded  as  settled  in  the  form 
given  with  substantial  agreement  in  the  well-known  critical 
editions  of  Ti.  Ws.  WH.  Sod.  al.  The  larger  number  of  the 
cases  in  which  critical  opinions  differ  are  those  of  minor  phe- 
nomena, such  as  variations  in  the  order  of  words,  in  grammatical 
construction,  orthographies,  and  similar  details,  important  in 
some  aspects,  but  not  affecting  the  essential  meaning  of  a  passage. 
The  Textual  Notes  given  below  in  the  Commentary  are  made 
very  brief,  because  it  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  here  the  critical 
apparatus,  which  is  given  as  fully  as  present  knowledge  permits, 
in  the  critical  editions  of  the  text  referred  to  above.  The  prin- 
cipal aim  in  the  Textual  Notes  is  to  point  out  the  more  signifi- 
cant variants  and  to  give,  not  all  the  evidence  bearing  on  these, 
but  authorities  sufficient  in  character  and  number  to  exhibit 
the  grounds  for  difference  of  opinion,  and,  if  so  be,  for  preference. 
The  reading  which  is  preferred  by  the  present  commentator  is 
placed  first.     As  a  matter  of  value  as  well  as  interest  in  con- 

1  On  the  difficult  subject  of  groups,  cf .  Weiss  96  ff. ;  WH.  Introd.  §  344  ; 
Soden  I.  3,  2042  ft. ;  Bouss.  Kom.  151  ff . 


416  THE  TEXT 

nection  with  such  variants,  the  opinions  of  leading  critical 
editors  are  also  indicated.  Variations  from  the  Textus  Receptus 
are  given  more  attention  than  the  subject  in  itself  demands,  be- 
cause that  text  is  for  the  most  part  followed  in  the  authorized 
version,  the  version  which  is  probably  the  one  still  most  widely 
read  in  English,  and  which  has  entered  into  a  vast  number  of 
works  using  the  Revelation. 

But  little  need  be  said  to  explain  the  abbreviations  used  in 
the  Textual  Notes.  A  star  affixed  to  a  Ms.  symbol  marks  the 
reading  as  that  of  the  first  hand,  but  at  the  same  time  indicates 
that  a  corrector  has  given  another  reading.  —  c  denotes  a  cor- 
rector. —  al  =  others.  —  anc  com  =  ancient  commentators  or 
writers.  —  edd  =  most  critical  editors.  —  mrg  =  margin.  — 
min  =  many  or  most  cursives.  —  vers  =  versions.  —  vlg  = 
Vulgate.  —  Prim  =  Primasius.  —  R  =  Textus  Receptus.  — -  RV 
=  text  of  the  Revisers  of  the  Eng.  Version.  —  Gregory  = 
Textkritik,  see  p.  411.  — Ws  =  B.  Weiss,    see  p.  411. 

The  following  refer  to  the  critical  editions,  or  commentaries, 
of  the  respective  authors:  Alf  =  Alford. — Blj  =  Baljon. — 
Bouss  =  Bousset,  Ko7n.,  1906.  —  Diist  =  Diisterdieck,  in 
Meyer's  Com,  —  Holtzm-Bauer  =  Holtzmann-Bauer,  Offenb., 
1908.  —  Lch  =  Lachmann.  —  Moff  =  Moffatt  in  Expositor's 
Gk.  Testament.  —  Sod  =  von  Soden,  etc.  See  p.  411.  —  SW 
=  Swete.  —  Ti  =  Tischendorf,  Editio  octava  critiea  major.  — 
Tr  =  Tregelles.  —  WH  =  Westcott  and  Hort. 


COMMENTARY 


Title.  AnOKAAT^IS  mANNOT  :  Tlie  Apoeah/pse,  or 
Revelatio7i,  of  John.  As  with  all  the  New  Testament  books, 
the  title  is  not  a  part  of  the  original,  but  was  prefixed  in  the 
circulation  of  the  book  and  the  formation  of  a  collection.  It  is 
derived  from  l^.  This  form  of  it,  most  widely  supported  by 
the  earliest  sources,  is  adopted  universally  by  critical  editors. 
Among  later  forms  is  that  which  is  adopted  by  the  AV,  the 
Revelation  of  St.  Joh?i,  the  diviiie;  the  epithet  the  diimie,  the  theo- 
logian., was  given  to  the  Apostle  with  reference  to  the  character 
of  the  Fourth  Gospel.  For  the  word  apocalypse.,  see  further 
on  1^,  also  p.  167. 

avro/c.  Iwavv.      ^CA  several  min  Iren    Melito   (both  in    Euseb)    Euseb 

Clem  Or  al. tou  ayiou  is  added  in  many  min. The  epithet  ^eoXoyos, 

not  attributed  to  Jno.  before  Euseb,  is  added  in  Q  and  most  later  sources. 

Chapt.  I.  1-3.     Superscription.     See  page  255. 

1.  dTroKd\u\|ns,  revelation:  ciTroicaXvylrt^  and  the  vb.  airoKa- 
Xinrrm  denote  (1 )  the  uncovering  of  anything  covered  up,  e.g. 
Ecclus.  22^2,  Lk.  12^;  (2)  the  supernatural  revelation  of  some 
divine  truth  otherwise  unknown, e.^^.  Ro.  16^5,  Gal.  1^^ ;  (3)  the 
great  manifestations  which  are  to  take  place  with  the  coming  of 
the  Last  Days,  e.g.  Ro.  8i9,  1  Co.  1^,  1  Pet.  lis,  51,  2  Thess.  28. 
Here,  as  shown  by  the  following  words,  a  present  unfolding  of 
these  future  events  to  the  vision  of  the  Seer  is  meant,  a  use  of 
2e  417 


418  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [1. 1 

the  noun  not  found  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.;  for  a  kindred  use  of 
the  vb.  of.  1  Co.  2^^.  The  added  clause,  'Irjaov  .  .  .  r^eveadai 
shows  that  the  word  cannot  here  be  understood  to  designate 
the  class  of  literature  to  which  the  book  belongs,  as  in  the  titles 
the  Apocalypse  of  Paul,  of  Peter,  etc.  But  the  word  here  used 
led  to  the  designation  of  the  book  as  the  Apocalypse  of  Jno,, 
and  this  seems  to  be  the  origin  of  the  application  of  the  term 
apocalypse  to  the  class  of  kindred  writings.  At  all  events  the 
use  of  the  word  as  a  literary  designation  is  unknown  before  the 
time  of  our  book.     Cf.  p.  167. 

The  Syi'iac  Apocalypse  of  Bariich  bears  the  title  'The  writing  of  the 
Apocalypse  of  Baruch  ' ;  but  while  the  original  of  that  book,  or  its  compila- 
tion, may  belong  to  abont  the  same  time  as  the  Apocalypse  of  Jno.  the  date 
of  the  Syriac  title  may  be  much  later,  for  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the 
book  was  written  first  in  Heb.  The  Gk.  version  then  from  which  the  extant 
Syriac  version  was  made  belongs  to  a  later  time.  Cf .  Kautzsch  410 ;  Charles 
Ap.  Bar.  XLUI.  ff. 

'It^otov  XpicTTOv,  of  i.e.  given  hy  -Jesvs  Christ :  the  words  rjv 
.  .  .  ev  Tdj^ei  show  that  the  meaning  cannot  be  an  appearing 
of  Christ  objectively ;  the  gen.  is  subj.;  on  the  use  of  the  subj. 
gen.  with  cnroKaXv-yfri';  cf.  2  Co.  12^,  Gal.  1^^.  The  full  form  of 
the  title  Jesus  Christ  occurs  three,  possibly  four,  times  in  the 
book,  1^'^'^  possibly  22^1;  in  other  places  Jesus  alone  is  found, 
i.e.  eleven  or  ten  times.  In  most  places  it  might  be  said  that 
the  writer  in  the  former  is  thinking  of  the  heavenly  Christ,  in 
the  latter  of  the  historic  person  Jesus ;  but  this  distinction  can- 
not be  maintained  throughout ;  in  22^^  the  activity  referred  to 
is  the  same  as  in  1\  that  of  the  heavenly  Christ,  though  in  one 
the  designation  is  Jesus,  in  the  other  Jesus  Christ.  It  is  per- 
haps better  to  suppose  the  writer  to  use  Jesus  in  general,  in  keep- 
ing with  his  tendency  to  use  fixed  terms,  and  to  have  departed 
from  this  designation  only  in  the  formal,  elevated  style  of  the 
superscription  and  the  invocations.     Cf.  Bouss.  Kom.  176. 

r\v  €5a>K€V  .  .  .  5€i|ai,  which  G-od  gave  him  to  show :  the 
primary  source  of  the  revelation  is  God  the  Father  who  reveals 
through  the  Son  (v.  5,  5^,  Mt.  1125-27,  Gal.  li«''2).  as  in  other 
things,  the  Son  acts  as  his  agent  (Heb.  1^,  Ro.  2^^  Jno.  1^,  S^''), 
wlio  does  nothing  of  himself,  cf.  Jno.  S^^,  1249_  Yov  the  Cliris- 
tology,  cf .  pp.  312  ff .  —  Tots  SovXois   a-uxoii,  his  servants  :    by 


I.  1]  COMMENTARY  419 

servants  of  Q-od^  of  Christy  are  meant  sometimes  those  performing 
some  special  official  service,  as  Moses,  the  prophets,  the  apostles, 
etc.  (Rev.  10^,  W\  \b\  Ac.  4^^  Ro.  l^,  Phil.  \\  Col.  4^2,  2  Tim. 
2^4),  sometimes  believers  in  general.  Evidently  the  latter  is  the 
meaning  here,  since  the  message  is  intended  for  all  who  should 
hear  it  read,  v.  3;  while  the  former  is  the  meaning  at  the  end 
of  the  verse,  'his  servant  John.'  —  avTov,  Jds^  might  refer  to 
either  God  or  Christ,  but  the  parallel  words  in  22^  would  seem 
to  show  the  former  to  be  intended.  —  a  Set .  .  .  Iv  Tdx.€i, 
things  which  must  shortly  come  to  pass :  the  phrase  defines  the 
contents  of  the  revelation;  it  is  in  apposition  with  cnroKaXvy^L'i, 
or  it  may  be  taken  as  the  object  of  Sel^at,  so  RV  mrg.  —  Set, 
must:  i.e.  in  the  fulfillment  of  God's  purpose. — kv  Tdxtt, 
shortly  :  as  everywhere  in  apocalyptic  literature  and  in  the 
N.T.,  the  messianic  kingdom  with  its  immediate  precursors  is 
thought  to  be  near.  The  revelation  here  given  to  the  Apoca- 
lyptist  does  not  relate  to  medieval  or  modern  history  (cf. 
pp.  301  ff.).  It  is  however  true  that  the  characterization  of 
the  book  given  in  these  words  does  not  cover  all  its  contents; 
the  Seer  views  the  predictions  of  20'^-22'5  as  belonging  to  a 
period  more  than  a  thousand  years  in  the  future.  Likewise 
such  portions  as  the  epistles  to  the  seven  churches,  and  chapts. 
4-5  cannot  be  classed  in  the  category  here  described.  See  on 
V.  19. 

€(rT)|Jiav€V,  signified^  made  known:  the  relative  construction  is 
dropped.  The  agency  of  Christ  spoken  of  in  the  preceding 
words  shows  that  Christ  is  the  subj.  of  the  vb.;  cf.  22^^. — 
diroo-T€i\as:  sometimes,  without  expressed  object,  joined  to  a 
vb.  to  mark  the  act  as  carried  on  through  an  agent,  e.g.  Mt.  2^^, 
Mk.  6^'^,  Ac.  7^*;  here  the  intermediary  is  given  in  Std  rov 
ayyeXov,  which,  as  indicated  by  the  position  of  the  words  and 
by  the  parallel  construction  in  22^'  ^'^,  is  best  joined  .with  cnro- 
areiXat;,  not  with  earnxavev,  though  the  meaning  is  the  same  in 
either  connection.  Elsewhere  in  the  N.T.  the  agent,  if  ex- 
pressed with  aTToo-reXXtB,  is  in  the  ace,  but  the  construction 
here  used  is  supported  by  the  similar  expression  Tre/ii/ra?  hia 
Twv  fjbaOrjrSvy  Mt.  11^. — SovXco,  servaiit:  here  said  of  the 
special  service  of  the  prophet;  see  above. — 'Iwdvvfl,  John: 
though  using  the  first  person  in  the  body  of   the  work,  the 


420  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [I.  1 

writer  here  speaks  of  himself  objectively  in  the  third  person,  a 
usage  common  in  superscriptions  and  titles;  so  Jer.  1^~^'\ 
En.  1^'-,  tlie  Introductions  to  Herodotus  and  Thucydides;  cf. 
Zahn  Ein.  II.  607.  The  third  person  furnishes  no  evidence  that 
the  superscription  here  is  written  by  another  hand;  see  criti- 
cism of  vv.  1-3,  p.  422. 

The  office  of  mediating  the  revelation  here  assigned  to  an  angel  raises 
an  acknowledged  difficulty.  In  the  earlier  jiart  of  the  book  the  visions  are 
shown  by  the  Lord  himself,  1^^*^-,  4^;  and  through  most  of  the  remaining 
part  no  mention  is  made  of  any  intermediate  agent;  the  scenes  appear  to 
be  opened  to  the  Apocalyptist  in  his  own  immediate  vision;  if  any  agency 
were  supposed,  it  would  have  to  be  sought  in  that  of  the  Lord  continued 
on  from  4^.  Though  angels  are  frequently  present  as  a  part  of  what  is 
shown  in  the  visions,  it  is  not  until  we  reach  chapt.  17  that  the  act  itself 
of  showing  a  vision  to  the  Seer  is  assigned  to  an  angel,  and  it  is  not  quite 
clear  how  much  that  agency  includes  in  what  then  follows.  The  supposi- 
tion (Holtzm.  n/)  that  the  anr/elus  interpres,  a  common  figure  in  apocalyptic 
writings  {e.g.  Dan.  S^*"',  9-'-2,  Zee.  l^  2^;  cf.  p.  170)  is  meant  does  not  suit  the 
language  here  used,  nor  is  it  borne  out  by  the  facts  of  the  book,  since  such 
an  interpretation  is  attributed  to  an  angelic  being  at  most  but  twice,  7^^ 
17''.  The  view  (Ewald's)  that  the  angel  is  present  throughout  acting  as 
the  agent  of  Christ,  showing  and  explaining  the  visions,  though  not  men- 
tioned, is  lacking  entirely  in  evidence,  and  in  some  cases  is  at  variance  with 
the  distinct  assertion,  that  Christ  himself  is  the  revealer  and  interpreter; 
cf.  41,  120. 

The  difficulty  must  be  approached  through  22'''  *•  ^^,  where  the  same 
statement  is  made  regarding  the  angel.  The  purpose  there  is  to  emphasize 
the  divine  ratification  of  the  Apocalyptist's  message  (see  notes  in  loc.)  ;  and 
since  the  angel's  testimony  there  spoken  of  relates  to  all  the  visions  of  the 
book,  and  these  receive  their  final  seal  of  authority  from  his  solemn  utter- 
ance as  the  Lord's  messenger,  it  is  quite  possible  that  the  Seer  should  speak 
of  all  the  visions  themselves,  not  quite  accurately  to  be  sure,  as  ultimately 
given  to  him  through  the  agency  of  this  angel.  Such  an  abrupt  transition 
from  Christ  to  his  agent,  or  rather  the  blending  of  the  two,  is  not  difficult 
to  understand;  it  is  similar  to  that  found  in  many  places  where  God  and 
his  intermediary,  though  conceived  as  distinct,  are  also  identified,  e.g.  Gen. 
221^*-,  Ex.  -P^;  Jg.  6^1  ^-  (though  in  the  foregoing  cases  the  reference  to  the 
angel  may  come  from  a  later  document,  yet  the  writers  felt  no  difficulty  in 
the  combination  of  the  two  ideas),  also  Ezk.  4S^^;  Ac.  7^^-,  23"  compared 
with  2723.  In  later  Jewish  times  and  throughout  the  N.  T.  God's  com- 
munication with  men  is  almost  universally  represented  as  mediate.  And 
so  the  Apocalyptist  having  finished  the  rapt  recital  of  his  visions  in  22^, 
can  easily  be  understood  to  fall  into  the  language  of  current  belief  in  the 
unimpassioned  epilogue  in  which  he  resumes  the  epistolary  form  adopted 
in  the  beginning.     At  all  events  whatever  may  have  been  its  origin,  this 


1. 2]  COMMENTARY  421 

conception  of  the  epilogne  is  evidently  in  the  writer's  mind  and  determines 
his  form  of  expression  wlien  he  turns  baclt  to  write,  with  the  same  purpose 
of  divine  ratification,  these  words  of  the  Superscription,  I.  1-3,  the  part  of 
his  book  written  last,  as  in  general  witli  the  title  or  preface  of  any  book 
whether  in  ancient  or  modern  times ;  cf.  the  prefatory  words  in  Jer.  1^"*, 
Lk.  11-*  (cf.  Zahn  Ein.  11.  598,  389;  Bouss.  Kom.  182).  That  the  writer 
in  his  Superscription  is  speaking  of  a  completed  work  is  shown  by  ifiaprv- 
prjcrev,  v.  2,  and  to.  ycypa/xixeva,  v.  3.  This  variation  of  the  Superscription 
and  the  epilogue  from  the  body  of  the  book  does  not  as  some  suppose 
(cf.  p,  422)  prove  diversity  of  authorship;  on  the  contrary  so  apparent  a 
dissimilarity  is  more  easily  traceable  to  the  same  author  than  to  another, 
who  is  at  pains  to  maintain  his  identity  with  the  author  of  the  rest  of  the 
book. 

2.  e|xapTvpt]0'ev,  has  borne  tvitness  :  i.e.  in  this  present  book, 
the  Revelation;  cf.  22^0. — xov  Xd-yov  ktX.  the  word  of  Grod: 
in  its  most  general  sense  the  word  of  God  denotes  any  declara- 
tion, revelation,  or  truth  coming  from  God.  The  particular 
reference  is  to  be  determined  by  the  context ;  here  it  refers  to 
the  revelations  of  this  book,  as  is  shown  by  the  following 
words,  'the  testimony  ...  he  saw.' — tt^v  (xapTupiav  «tX., 
the  testimony  of ,  i.e.  borne  by  Jesus  Christ:  in  the  N.  T.  the 
gen.  with  naprvpia  is  probably  always  subj.  ;  that  is  its  use 
in  Rev.  l^,  11',  12"'",  19io,  20^  (see  notes 'm  loc).  That  to 
which  the  testimony  relates  is  generally  shown  by  the  context. 
When  fxaprvpia  'Irjaov  refers  to  the  gospel  the  meaning  is  the 
truth  to  which  Jesus  bore  testimony,  cf.  Jno.  3^-*^-,  8^*.  The 
writer,  here  following  a  usage  common  with  him  (cf.  p.  242), 
introduces  first  the  general  expression,  the  ivord  of  Grod.,  and 
then  makes  this  more  specific  by  the  added  words,  the  testimony 
of  Jesus  Christ.  In  such  cases  Kai,  not  and.,  but  namely.,  that  is, 
is  epexegetical,  a  use  very  frequent  in  the  Apoc.  ;  cf.  Blass 
§  77,  7  ;  Kiihn.  II.  §  521,  2.  — oaa  ctSev,  Jiamely  of  all  that  he 
saw :  the  clause  is  in  apposition  with  the  foregoing  words  and 
shows  that  reference  is  made  there  to  the  revelations  which 
form  the  subject  of  this  book  and  not  to  the  Fourth  Gospel 
and  the  Epistles,  as  some  earlier  scholars  have  taken  it,  an 
interpretation  now  generally  rejected.  The  Apocalyptist  in 
prefixing  the  Superscription  to  his  book  already  completed 
(see  above)  defines  in  this  verse  his  own  part ;  he  has  borne 
witness  of  a  revelation  which  he  describes  in  language  repeat- 


422  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [1.3 

in^  V.  1 ;  it  is  a  revelation  from  God  mediated  by  the  testi- 
mony of  Jesus  Christ,  and  made  known  to  himself  in  visions. 
3.  [laKdpios,  blessed:  there  are  seven  of  these  beatitudes  in 
the  book,  l^,  14i3,  IG^s,  lO'^,  20*5,  22"' i*.  The  blessedness  de- 
clared is  to  be  attained  in  the  coming  messianic  kingdom.  — 
6  dvavivtoo'KtoV,  ol  dKOvovTcs,  he  that  readeth,  those  who  hear :  the 
variation  in  number  shows  that  by  the  first  phrase  the  public 
reader  is  meant,  and  by  the  second  those  who  hear  the  book 
read,  ukovco  here  does  not  mean  give  heed  to;  that  thought 
is  expressed  in  the  next  clause,  TrjpovvT€<;  kt\.  The  Apocalyp- 
tist  makes  clear  that  his  book  is  intended  to  be  read  in  the 
assemblies  of  the  churches  addressed.  The  reading  of  the  O. 
T.  in  the  meetings  of  the  synagogue  (Ac.  15^^)  was  continued 
in  the  Christian  assemblies,  1  Tim.  4^^,  in  which  was  also 
added  from  the  earliest  time  reading  of  writings  of  the  apos- 
tles. Col.  416,  1  Thess.  527.  Justin  Martyr,  Apol.  I.  67,  de- 
scribing the  Sunday  services  of  his  time  says  that  it  was 
customary  to  read  the  '  Memoirs '  written  by  the  apostles.  — 
TT]S  irpo(j)T|T€ias,  the  prophecy :  the  author  describes  his  book 
as  that  of  a  Christian  prophet,  and  he  emphasizes  elsewhere 
this  aspect  of  his  work ;  lO",  19io,  22«' '- "'  i«'  i«' '' ;  see  p.  292.  —  rd 
'Y€"Ypa,}i|i€va,  tlie  things  which  have  been  written :  not  simply  the 
commands  of  the  seven  epistles,  but  the  warnings  and  counsel 
which  underlie  the  whole  book.  The  Apocalypse  is  written 
for  a  distinctly  practical  purpose,  the  primary  object  of  all 
prophecy.  —  6  Kaipds,  the  time  :  the  time  of  the  events  foretold 
is  near;  see  on  v.  1.  The  sentence  gives  a  ground  for  hope 
in  distress  and  for  constant  heed  to  warning.  The  Epilogue 
also  contains  the  same  admonition,  22^'  ^''~^*. 

Textual  notes,  vv.  2-3.  After  ocra,  R  with  some  min  adds  re;  wanting 
in  unc.  most  sources,  edd.  —  3.  rovs  Aoyous  ACP  min  vers  edd ;  tov  \oyov 
XQ  100  Ti.  —  some  min  and  vers  add  TavTr)<i  to  7rpo<^7jT€tas. 

Criticism  of  I.  1-3.  Many  critics,  Volter,  Spitta,  Sabatier,  J.  Weiss,  al., 
attribute  this  superscription  to  an  editor,  or  to  a  later  hand  after  the  man- 
ner of  the  long  descriptive  titles  prefixed  to  certain  epistles  in  some  Mss., 
of.  Ro.  James  in  Ti.  The  chief  grounds  urged  are  that  such  a  superscrip- 
tion is  superfluous,  the  appropriate  beginning  of  the  book  being  made  in 
vv.  4  ff. ;  that  the  Apocalyptist  is  spoken  of  objectively  in  v.  2;  and  that 
the  agency  attributed  to  the  angel  in  v.  1  is  at  variance  with  the  rest  of  the 
book.     It  is  trvie  that  if   the  book  were  an  epistle,  pure   and  simple,  we 


1. 4]  COMMENTARY  423 

should  not  expect  anything  to  precede  v.  4  (we  might,  however,  if  no  such 
words  had  preceded,  expect  at  least  SovXos  Of-ov  or  Xpio-rou  to  be  added  to 
'Iwavvijs  in  v.  4,  after  the  analogy  of  the  epistles  generally)  ;  but  as  the 
epistolary  form  is  incidental,  such  introductory  words  are  in  place  as  a 
preface  prefixed  by  the  author  before  sending  forth  his  completed  work. 
Against  the  other  objections  see  notes  on  vv.  1  and  2.  Terms  characteris- 
tic of  the  author  of  the  book  appear  in  this  paragraph,  e.g.  Bi8o)fu,  Sclkw/xl, 
fjiapTvpeo)  and  its  cognates,  A.6yos  •  •  •  fixiprvpta,  TrpocjirjTeia,  Trjpioi  with 
commandments.  If  the  use  of  these  were  a  studied  imitation  of  the  author, 
the  striking  variance  regarding  the  agency  of  the  angel,  see  above  pp.  420 
f.,  could  hardly  have  occurred. 

I.  4-8.  The  Exordium.  See  pp.  255  f.  (1)  vv.  4-(3.  Address 
and  Salutation. 

4.  ^l(i)dvvr}<i,  John:  the  writer  adds  nothing  to  define  his 
personality  ;  he  is  evidently  so  well  known  to  the  churches 
addressed  that  the  name  John  alone  is  sufficient  to  identify 
him.  That  he  stands  in  some  special  relation  to  these  churches 
is  shown  not  only  by  his  intimate  knowledge  of  their  affairs, 
as  seen  in  the  seven  epistles,  but  also  by  the  fact  that  he  is  the 
chosen  agent  to  bear  this  authoritative  message  to  them.  See 
above,  p.  344.  —  rais  eiTTd  .  .  .  €V  tt]  'Aata,  to  the  seveyi 
churches  in  Asia:  Asia  as  always  in  the  N.  T.,  except  perhaps 
in  Ac.  2^,  is  the  Roman  province  embracing  the  western  part 
of  Asia  Minor.  The  seven  churches  are  those  specified  in  v. 
11.  On  the  use  of  the  article  cf.  p.  247.  Other  churches  ex- 
isted in  the  province,  e.g.  at  Colossae,  Col.  1^ ;  Hierapolis,  Col. 
413;  Troas,  2  Co.  2^2,  Ac.  205;  probably  Miletus,  Ac.  2Q^\ 
2  Tim.  42^;  at  Magnesia  and  Tralles,  Ignat.  Epist.  ;  and 
doubtless  at  other  places.  See  on  v.  11.  The  choice  of  seven 
in  the  address  is  quite  certainly  due  to  the  author's  fondness 
for  the  number  seven  as  a  determining  number  throughout  the 
book ;  cf .  pp.  253  f .  He  regards  these  seven  as  representing 
the  whole  group  of  churches  in  the  province  ;  his  message  is 
for  them  all.  Cf.  Ezekiel's  selection  of  seven  nations  as  rep- 
resenting all  the  Gentiles,  chapts.  25-32.  And  it  is  certain 
.  that  while  the  book  is  addressed  directly  to  a  limited  circle  of 
Asian  churches,  the  author's  purpose  must  also  reach  beyond 
these  to  all  churches  throughout  the  world.  The  revelations 
of  the  future  which  are  given  to  him  concern  the  final  desti- 
nies of  the  whole  Church  and  world.     After  the  close  of  the 


424  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [1.4 

special  messages,  chapts.  2-3,  the  writer  speaks  throughout  to 
(christians  in  terms  altogether  general,  without  thought  of 
local  limitations.  The  consciousness  of  this  universal  destina- 
tion of  the  book  shows  itself  in  the  repeated  injunction,  '  He 
that  hath  an  ear  let  him  hear  what  the  Spirit  saith  to  the 
churches';  cf.  also  22^-21.  gee  above,  p.  210. 

vdpLS,  eLpTJVTi,  grace^  peace:  combined  in  most  of  the  episto- 
lary salutations ;  the  former  denotes  the  divine  favor^  the  latter 
its  result,  peace  of  soul.  Elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.  the  Spirit  is 
not  mentioned  in  these  salutations.  With  the  striking  Trini- 
tarian formula  used  here  cf.  Mt.  28l^  2  Co.  13i4.  —  6  oiv  .  .  . 
€p)(^d|X€vos,  the  one  who  is  and  who  was  and  who  cometh  :  this  para- 
phrase of  the  divine  name,  describing  God  as  the  eternal  one, 
found  also  in  v.  8,  4^  and  with  the  omission  of  6  e/o;^;o'/xet'o?  in 
111^  16^  is  derived  from  familiar  usage.  In  Ex.  S^*  the  LXX 
has  6  wv  taking  the  place  of  the  name  of  God  ;  a  Targum  on  the 
passage  gives  qui  fuit  est  et  erit  dixit  mundo  ;  a  Targum  on  Dt. 
32^^  has  ego  ille,  qui  est,  et  qui  fuit,  et  qui  erit.  Wetstein  and 
others  cite  similar  designations  of  the  gods  in  Greek  writers. 
We  might  expect  here  6  eaoixeva,  who  shall  he,  but  the  writer 
substitutes  o  epxoi^€vo<i,  who  cometh,  as  especially  appropriate  to 
the  subject  of  his  book.  6  rjv  is  boldly  used  as  the  parallel  of  the 
two  participial  clauses,  since  the  vb.  has  no  imperfect  participle 
form.  The  whole  clause  follows  airo  as  an  indeclinable  noun. 
This  use  is  not  found  elsewhere,  but  is  evidently  adopted  by  the 
author  designedly ;  he  perhaps  regards  the  unchangeable  form 
more  appropriate  to  the  majesty  of  God  and  to  the  grandioseness 
of  the  apocalyptic  style.  The  grammatical  anomalies  are  not 
due  to  ignorance  of  Greek  construction,  as  shown  by  the  pre- 
dominantly correct  uses  in  the  book . 

Twv  €77X0,  TTveuiJLdTov,  the  seven  Spirits :  these  words  raise  three 
difficult  questions  :  («)  What  is  meant?  (J)  Why,  if  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  meant,  is  it  designated  as  seven?  (c)  Why  then  placed 
before  Christ  ?  (a)  The  expression  occurs  in  3^  4^  5*^  also,  but 
not  elsewhere  in  the  Scriptures  or  the  Jewish  writings.  Many 
scholars,  ancient  and  modern,  have  identified  the  seven  spirits 
with  the  seven  angels  of  the  Presence  in  8'^.  But  this  is  certainly 
wrong,  for  angels  everywhere  in  the  book  are  called  distinctly 
angels  and  are  seen  in  distinct  angelic  form  ;   but  the  seven  Spir- 


1. 4]  COMMENTARY  425 

its  are  represented  only  in  symbols,  the  seven  lamps  burning  be- 
fore the  throne  of  God,  4'^,  and  the  seven  eyes  of  the  Lamb,  5*'. 
Neither  when  Christ  is  described  as  he  that  hath  the  seven  spirits, 
3^,  could  tlie  words  be  easily  understood  of  the  angels.  But 
conclusive  is  the  connection  in  which  the  words  stand  here. 
The  writer  is  using  the  form  of  benediction  customary  in  the 
Epistles,  in  which  the  grace  and  peace  invoked  upon  the  readers 
come  only  from  a  divine  source,  God  and  Christ ;  a  created 
being  could  not  then  be  inserted  as  the  object  of  such  invoca- 
tion. It  appears  certain  then  that  the  Holy  Spirit  is  meant. 
And  this  conclusion  is  borne  out  by  3^,  4^,  5^.  The  designation 
of  Christ  as  having  the  seven  Spirits,  3^,  and  of  the  seven  Spirits 
as  belonging  to  both  God  and  Clirist,  4^,  5^,  is  in  keeping  with 
N.  T.  usage  which  identities  the  Holy  Spirit  with  the  Spirit  of 
God,  and  the  Spirit  of  Christ ;  cf .  Ro.  8^.  The  representation 
of  the  seven  Spirits  as  seven  lamps  before  the  throne  of  God 
and  as  the  seven  eyes  of  the  Lamb  is  taken  from  Zee.  4^-'^^  (a 
favorite  passage  with  our  author ;  cf.  also  Rev.  11^),  where,  as 
the  angel  explains  to  the  prophet,  the  same  symbols  represent 
the  Spirit  of  God  active  in  the  world,  the  eyes  of  God  which 
run  through  the  earth,  vv.  6,  10  (on  that  passage  cf.  Hitzig, 
Davidson  in  Hast.  L  96).  (6)  In  denominating  the  Spirit 
seven  Spirits,  in  these  four  places  which  are  virtually  one,  the 
writer  departs  from  his  own  usage  as  well  as  that  of  others. 
In  all  other  places  (13  oi"  14;  on  19^^  see  note  there)  he  speaks 
of  the  Spirit  as  one.  /Some  take  the  number  seven  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  relation  of  the  Spirit  to  each  several  one  of  the 
seven  churches.  'The  Spirit  is  one,  yet  in  reference  to  the 
seven  churches  there  are  seven  Spirits,  for  there  is  one  mani- 
festation ...  of  the  Spirit's  manifold  life  for  each  according 
to  the  needs  of  each,'  Swete,  TJie  Holy  Spirit  in  the  N.  T.  274. 
But  this  interpretation  is  clearly  wrong ;  the  description  in  4^ 
and  5^  relates  to  what  is  fundamental  and  universal ;  there 
is  no  specific  reference  to  the  seven  churches.  •  Most  older  and 
many  modern  commentators  have  understood  the  phrase  to  de- 
note the  sevenfold  operation  of  the  Spirit,  and  find  the  origin  of 
the  designation  in  Is.  11^,  which  late  Jewish  interpreters  made 
the  ground  of  attributing  seven  gifts  to  the  Spirit  of  God  (a 
wrong  interpretation,  as  only  six  gifts  are  mentioned  there)  5 


V 


426  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [1.4 

so,  Targum  Jonathan  in  loc.  ;  En.  Gl^i ;  so  also  Justin  Dial.  87, 
Cohort,  ad  G-neeos  32.  It  is  true  that  manifoldness  in  the  oper- 
ations of  the  Spirit  is  a  conception  common  enough,  e.g.  1  Co. 
12^,  Ro.  12*^,  En.  49^;  and  the  special  significance  attaching  to 
the  number  seven  would  easily  lead  to  the  designation  sevenfold 
to  express  the  fullness  and  perfection  of  the  Spirit's  operations, 
a  designation  which  has  become  familiar  in  Christian  termi- 
nology ;  cf .  the  hymn,  Veni  Creator  S^iritus.  But  the  passages 
in  our  book  are  not  parallel  with  those  mentioned  above  ;  there 
is  here  no  question  of  the  various  operations  of  the  Spirit,  there 
is  no  intimation  of  a  connection  with  the  Isaian  passage  in  the 
author's  thought,  or  of  an  idea  of  a  sevenfold  character  in 
the  activities  of  tlie  Spirit.  It  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  the 
writer  would  seek  to  express  the  perfection  of  the  one  Spirit  by 
representing  it  as  seven  distinct  Spirits. 

The  origin  of  the  term  must  be  sought  elsewhere.  A  com- 
parison of  vv.  4-6  with  chapts.  4-5  throws  light  upon  the 
subject.  As  in  the  opening  of  the  Pauline  epistles  the  lan- 
guage used  in  the  address  and  salutation  is  often  determined 
by  certain  themes  which  appear  later  in  the  letter,  so  it  is  in 
our  book  ;  the  address  with  the  benediction  has  the  appearance 
of  being  written  after  the  body  of  the  work  was  completed  ;  at 
all  events  the  vision  of  chapts.  4-5,  showing  the  divine  person- 
ages that  are  active  in  the  great  scenes  of  the  book,  was  very 
vividly  before  the  writer's  mind  in  this  opening  part.  But  in 
that  vision  the  Spirit  is  represented  under  the  symbols  of  the 
lamps  and  the  eyes,  a  symbolism  taken  directly  and  without 
essential  change  from  Zee.  4^"^*^  (see  above);  and  as  often inthe 
use  of  symbolical  language,  the  symbol  and  the  thing  symbolized 
are  here  identified,  at  least  so  far  that  the  writer  speaks  of  the  Seven 
Spirits,  meaning  the  one  Spirit  represented  in  the  seven  symbols. 
Now  in  the  opening  salutation,  1^~^,  having  that  vision  of 
chapts.  4-5  distinctly  in  mind  the  writer  takes  over  the  same 
characteristic  designations  ;  that  is,  the  characterization  of  the 
Father  given  in  4-'^^  proclaiming  him  in  his  eternity  and  al- 
mighty power,  is  reproduced  in  1* ;  that  of  Christ  given  in  5-'*-^", 
proclaiming  him  in  his  character  as  the  messianic  King  of  kings 
and  the  Savior  who  by  his  death  and  resurrection  has  redeemed 
and  exalted  his  people,  is  reproduced  in  1^"*^,  wliile  the  symbol- 


1. 5]  COMMENTARY  427 

ical  designation  of  the  Spirit  given  in  4^,  5^'  is  repeated  here  in 
1*  verbally  in  the  phrase,  the  seven  Spirits ;  in  other  words  the 
phrase  occurs  here  in  the  salutation  as  an  unchanged  trans- 
ference from  the  vision,  where  it  is  due  to  a  literal  following 
of  Zechariah  in  blending  reality  and  symbol.  It  is  highly 
probable  that  behind  the  seven  lamps  and  eyes  of  Jehovah 
found  in  the  imagery  of  Zechariah  there  lies  an  oriental  con- 
ception taken  up  in  modified  form  into  Hebrew  popular  belief, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  seven  angels  in  8^  see  note  there ;  but 
doubtless  neither  the  prophet  nor  the  Apocalyptist  was  con- 
scious of  that  origin  of  the  figure.  It  should  be  noticed  that 
the  article  in  the  seven  Spirits  does  not  necessarily  mark  the 
phrase  as  a  familiar  term,  see  p.  247  ;  in  view  of  the  close 
identification  of  the  Spirit  of  God  and  God  in  Hebrew  thought 
the  designation  is  not  likely  to  have  existed  as  a  concrete  term 
and  apart  from  some  such  symbolical  connection  as  is  found  here. 

(c)  This  relation  of  the  Salutation  to  the  vision  of  chapts. 
4-5  explains  the  position  of  the  Spirit  immediately  after  the 
Father.  The  first  part  of  that  vision  is  conceived  in  strict 
Hebraic  form;  and  the  inseparable  connection  of  the  Spirit  of 
God  with  God  in  Hebrew  thought  causes  the  Spirit  to  be 
placed  in  immediate  association  with  the  throne  of  God  and 
before  the  mention  of  Christ.  Furthermore  the  part  of  Christ 
in  the  vast  scenes  which  are  immediately  to  follow  that  vision 
makes  natural  his  introduction  in  closest  proximity  to  those 
scenes  and  after  the  other  persons  of  the  Godhead.  The  Salu- 
tation then  follows  the  vision  in  the  order  of  the  divine  per- 
sons, as  well  as  in  the  designations  respectively  given  to 
them.  This  order  does  not  indicate  a  subordination  of  the 
Son  to  the  Spirit  in  the  author's  theology.  On  the  order  cf. 
1  Pet.  11-2. 

5.  6  fjidpTvs  6  iricTTds,  the  faithful  witness:  i.e.  one  whose 
testimony  can  be  relied  on  :  see  on  S^^.  The  appositive,  as  in 
the  following  words,  is  put  in  the  nominative  after  a  common 
usage  of  the  author's  ;  see  p.  224.  The  construction  is  doubt- 
less intended  ;  perhaps  the  writer  feels  that  the  characteristic 
is  expressed  with  more  solemnity  in  the  absolute  form  of  an 
indeclinable.  The  term  faithful  witness  stands  without  limi- 
tation   here  and  might  in  itself  refer  to  any  revelation  made 


428  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [1.5 

by  Christ  (see  on  v.  2),  to  the  gospel  to  which  he  bore  witness, 
or  to  the  witness  borne  in  liis  death  (1  Tim.  6'^^).  But  these 
references  are  not  in  phice  here.  As  the  blessing  is  here  in- 
voked from  the  heavenly  presence,  and  as  the  two  following 
epithets  refer  to  the  glorified  Christ,  evidently  this  epithet 
also  is  to  be  understood  of  the  same  activity.  The  writer  is 
thinking,  as  in  v.  2,  of  the  revelation  of  the  future  given  in 
this  book  ;  cf.  22^^^-  It  is  not  certain  that  /xctpru?  is  ever 
used  in  the  N.  T.  in  the  sense  of  martyr,  though  it  occurs  in 
cases  where  the  witness  suffered  death  in  consequence  of  stead- 
fastness ;  cf.  2^3,  17*^,  Ac.  22^'^.  —  6  irpwroTOKos  /crA.,  the  first 
horn  of  the  dead:  i.e.  the  first  of  the  dead  born  through  the 
resurrection  to  a  new  life.  The  language  implies  the  future 
resurrection  of  the  saints.  The  two  clauses  6  wpcororoKo^  kt\. 
and  apx(ov  .  .  .  rrj^  yij'i  standing  together  seem  to  show  that  the 
writer  has  in  mind  Ps.  88^^  LXX.  (EV.  89^'^),  irpcoroTOKov 
OrjdOjxaL  avTov,  v-yjnjXov  irapa  toU  ^acrtXevaiv  Trj<i  77)9  ;  but  the 
words  Twv  veKpoiv,  gen.  part,  show  that  he  does  not  take  irpo)- 
r6TOKo<i  in  the  Heb.  sense  of  foremost,  })rincely  rank,  but  rather 
of  priority  of  birth  into  a  life  into  which  other  veKpot  will 
follow.  The  language  recalls  the  Pauline  words  o?  ia-riv  ap)(^i], 
7rpa)TOTo«o9  e'/c  toov  veKpwv,  Col.  1^^;  in  the  next  sentence  the  men- 
tion of  Christ's  work  of  redemption  from  sin  by  his  blood  is 
parallel  with  the  Pauline  teaching  found  in  the  same  chapt.  of 
the  Colossian  epistle,  vv.  14,  20.  Our  writer  in  his  connection 
with  the  church  at  Laodicea,  3^*,  must  have  become  familiar 
with  that  epistle  of  St.  Paul ;  cf .  Col.  4^^. 

6  dpxov  /ctX.,  the  ruler  of  the  kings  of  the  earth:  the  common 
Jewish  idea  of  the  Messiah's  rule ;  he  is  to  be  King  of  kings 
and  Lord  of  lords  in  the  messianic  kingdom,  when  it  shall  be 
established  upon  earth;  cf.  17^*,  19^'^.  In  the  words  immedi- 
ately preceding  and  following  this  clause  there  is  found  con- 
nected with  this  Hebraistic  idea  the  Christian  doctrine  of  the 
Messiah's  redemption  of  his  people  by  his  death  and  resurrec- 
tion ;  cf.  p.  230. — T(S  d'yaircovTL  /ctX.,  to  him  who  loveth  us, 
etc. :  the  appositive  construction  might  have  been  continued, 
making  these  epithets  parallel  with  the  preceding,  but  the 
thought  of  what  Christ  in  his  love  has  done  and  will  do  for  his 
people  causes  the  writer  to  throw  the  utterance  into  the  form 


1. 6]  COMMENTARY  429 

of  a  doxology.  For  similar  doxologies  in  this  book,  in  which 
honor  is  ascribed  to  CHirist  in  the  same  terms  as  in  ascriptions 
to  God,  see  S^^-  is,  710 ;  and  in  other  books  2  Tim.  418,  Heb.  I321 
1  Pet.  411,  2  Pet.  31'^.  The  present  a'yaiTSiVTL  marks  the  con- 
tinuing love  which  prompts  to  the  particular  acts  expressed  in 
the  aorists  XvcravTc^  iTroirjaev.  —  X-ucavTi  .  .  .  €V  T«  ai^JLaxi 
avTov,  loosed  hy  his  blood:  as  in  the  parallel  passage  5^,  Christ's 
death  is  spoken  of  as  a  loosing  from  the  penalty  of  sin.  Cf. 
Col.  V\  Mt.  2028,  Ac.  2028,  q.^I.  313,  Eph.  1^,  1  Pet.  li^.  On 
the  reading  XovaavTi,  washed,  see  below,  p.  431. — €V  here  is 
instrumental,  denoting  price  ;   cf.  5^,  1  Cliron.  2124. 

6.  €TTOiT|a€V  :  instead  of  iroLrjaavn,  the  writer  breaking  off 
into  an  anacoluthon,  returning  to  the  former  construction  in 
avT(p.  The  clause  can  hardly  be  treated  as  a  parenthesis  (WH), 
as  the  thought  is  too  important  a  member  in  the  period.  — 
PaaiXctav,  Uptis,  a  kiyigdom,  priests  :  the  meaning  is  determmed 
from  the  parallel  S^*^,  which  the  writer  has  in  mind  here,  and 
from  20'\  passages  which  show  that  reference  is  made  not  to 
the  saints  as  forming  the  kingdom  over  which  Christ  now  rules, 
nor  their  present  priestly  character,  but  to  the  reign  of  the 
saints  and  their  priesthood  in  the  messianic  kingdom  when  it 
shall  be  established  (see  notes  in  loo.}.  The  past  tense  in  eTroi- 
rjaev  denotes  what  has  been  ideally  or  potentially  accomplished 
in  the  act  or  purpose  of  God,  while  the  actual  realization  Ls  in 
the  future  —  an  idiom  common  in  the  N.  T.;  cf.  Ro.  824-30, 
Eph.  2^'  8,  2  Tim.  1^.  /SaatXeia,  kingdom,  here  denotes,  then, 
not  the  sphere  of  rule,  but  a  sovereign  potver.  This  share  of 
the  saints  in  the  messianic  rule  is  frequently  asserted  in  Hebrew, 
eschatology,  cf.  Dan.  718-27^  Wis.  38,  En.  IO812,  cf.  also  1  Co.  62. 
The  priestly  character,  lepeU,  priests,  assigned  to  the  members 
of  the  messianic  kingdom  is  not  a  prominent  thought  in  Jewish 
eschatology,  though  it  is  mentioned,  cf.  Is.  61*^.  It  follows, 
however,  as  the  full  realization  of  what  is  declared  to  be  the 
present  privilege  of  the  people  of  God.  It  is  said  of  them  in 
Ex.  19'^  that  they  shall  be  'a  kingdom  of  priests,'  i.e.  made  up 
of  priests,  a  phrase  translated  in  the  LXX  ^aalXeiov  lepdrevfia, 
a  royal  2y)'iesthood,  which  is  followed  in  1  Pet.  2^.  The  Tar- 
gums  give  'kings,  priests,'  or  'kings  and  priests'  (Ewald, 
p.  Ill),  with  which  thought  our  author  agrees,  1*^,  5^*^;   cf.  also 


430  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [1.6 

Jub.  3320.  Whatever  be  the  exact  significance  of  the  phrase 
in  the  Petrine  use  (cf.  Huther  in  loc.)  it  is  clear  that  Ex.  19^ 
was  commonly  understood  to  combine  the  two  ideas  of  kingdom 
or  kingship  and  priesthood.  Since  the  special  priestly  func- 
tions of  sacrifice  and  mediation  are  not  attributed  to  the  body 
of  Christian  believers  except  in  the  symbolical  sense,  the  term 
evidently  denotes  the  privilege  of  free,  unmediated  access  to, 
and  communion  with,  God,  such  as  in  the  worship  of  the 
Hebrew  ritual  is  permitted  to  the  priests  only.  That  is  the 
significance  in  Ex.  19^.  For  the  same  thought,  cf .  Heb.  10^^~^\ 
boldness  to  enter  irdo  the  holy  place;  Heb.  4^6,  Eph.  2^^,  access 
unto  the  Father^  1  Pet.  8^^,  though  in  these  places  the  term 
priest  is  not  used.  In  the  present  passage  te/aet?  is  in  apposi- 
tion with  ^a(Tt\eiav\  in  5^^  the  words  are  connected  by  Kai. 
The  difference  is  not  material,  for  while  the  two  ideas  are  for- 
mally distinct,  they  are  in  reality  one  ;  the  kingship  of  God's 
people  in  the  messianic  kingdom  is  another  aspect  of  their 
priesthood,  their  spiritual  union  with  God.  The  latter  idea  is 
more  appropriate  to  Christian,  the  former  to  Hebrew,  eschatol- 
ogy. — The  words  eTroirjaev  /crX.,  made  tis  a  kingdom,  are  cor- 
relative with  0  apxoiv  ktX.,  rule)'  of  the  kings  of  the  earth,  v.  5; 
in  that  verse  Christ's  supreme  lordship  in  the  coming  messianic 
kingdom  is  declared,  in  this  verse  is  shown  what  he  in  his 
redeeming  love  has  provided  for  his  children  as  their  part  in 
that  kingdom.  While  there  is  a  sense  in  which  Christ's  king- 
dom is  already  present  and  the  members  of  it  are  now  priests, 
that  is  not  the  thought  with  which  the  writer  is  concerned  in 
this  place.  The  sentence  has  sole  reference  to  the  future.  — 
T(3  66(3  ktX.,  to  his  Grod  and  Father:  the  use  of  a  single  art. 
favors  the  connection  of  avTov  with  both  nouns ;  cf .  Ro.  15^, 
2  Co.  1131,  Eph.  13^  I  Pet.  13.  For  the  words  his  G-od,  cf.  Jno. 
2017,  Mt.  27*6,  Eph.  117,  Heb.  1^.  The  dat.  denotes  the  one  to 
whom  the  priest's  service  belongs ;  the  same  relation  is  ex- 
pressed by  the  gen.  in  20^  where  Christ  is  added. — avTco, 
to  him:  i.e.  Christ.  'The  adoration  of  Christ  which  vibrates 
in  this  doxology  is  one  of  the  most  impressive  features  of  the 
book,'  Moffatt  in  loc. 

Textual  Notes,  vv.  4—6.     a  without  ccrrtv  CQ  most  min  edd ;    twv  i<A  a 
few  miu;  eortv  added  with  a,  P  a  few  min  R.  —  5.   ayairaiVTL  KACQ  most 


1. 7]  COMMENTARY  431 

mill  edd;  ayaTrrja-avTi  P  many  min  K.  —  Aucravn  €k  t^AC  many  min  some 
vers  edd;  Aovaavrt  airo  PQ  most  min  vers  R,  which  is  in  accord  with  other 
passages,  of.  7^*,  washed  their  robes  and  made  them  white  in  the  blood  of  the 
Lamb,  cf .  also  3*, !»,  44,  Q^\  22" ;  analogies  elsewhere  are  Ps.  512,  jg,  ^le,  is^ 
1  Co.  6",  Ileb.  91*'  22^  1  Jno.  1".  But  the  weight  of  textual  authority  favors 
the  former  reading.  —  6.  r;/xas  ^PQ  most  min  R  edd ;  rjfXLV  A  some  min  ; 
■qiJUDv  C  some  vers.  —  /Sao-iAeiav  tepets  XAC  most  min  vers  edd;  Kai  inserted 
i?'^'  min  some  anc  com ;  jSao-tAets  Kat  tepfts  P  some  rain  R ;  (iadiXuov  iepaTev/xa 
some  min.  The  variety  of  readings  attests  the  efforts  of  correctors  to  avoid 
a  difficulty  felt  to  exist  in  the  original. 

(2)  vv.  7-8.  Proclamation  of  Christ's  advent  —  the  motto 
of  the  book.     See  pp.  256  f. 

7.  This  verse  has  been  compared  with  Amos  l'-^,  as  a  senten- 
tious statement  of  the  theme  of  a  prophetic  book  placed  at  its 
opening  (Diist.).  The  words  in  which  the  Lord's  coming  is 
announced  are  derived  from  the  O.  T. ;  the  original  of  the  first 
clause,  Cometh  ivith  the  clouds^  is  Dan.  7^^  and  with  variations 
in  the  preposition  before  the  word  clouds  {fierd,  iiri,  ev)  it 
becomes  a  common  eschatological  refrain  ;  cf.  Mk.  IS^'',  14^^, 
Mt.  2430,  2664,  Lk.  2127,  2  Es.  133.  xhe  second  part,  every  eye 
shall  see  him,  etc.,  is  taken  freely  from  Zee.  12^^'  ^^. 

The  same  combination  of  the  passages  from  Dan.  and  Zee.  is  found  in 
Mt.  248'' ;  also  Koi/'ovrat  Tracrai  at  ^vAat  Trj<:  yrj<;,  derived  ultimately  in  sub- 
stance from  Zee.  I212,  agrees  in  form  with  Mt.  24^0  rather  than  with  Zee. 
These  facts  are  thought  by  many  to  show  a  familiarity  of  our  author  with 
Mt.  (the  reverse  cannot  be  the  case ;  see  pp.  207  f .  on  the  date  of  the  Apoc.) ; 
but  the  possibility  of  the  use  of  some  current  apocalyptic  fragment  in  the 
composition  of  Mt.  24,  Mk.  13  (see  pp.  143  f.)  may  account  for  the  agreement. 

oiTiv€S  €|€K€VTTio-av,  who  pierced:  i.e.  those  who  put  him  to 
death,  a  special  class  included  in  those  spoken  of  in  the  preced- 
ing clause.  Many  understand  the  Jews  only  to  be  meant ;  but 
the  Romans  also  are  likely  to  be  included  in  the  thought  of  a 
writer  so  strongly  anti-Roman. 

Jno.  193'  also  cites  this  passage  from  Zee.  (121°)  in  connection  with  the 
crucifixion,  though  applied  to  the  actual  spear-thrust,  and  uses  k^eKivT-qaav, 
a  correct  translation  of  the  Masoretic  text,  instead  of  KaTuipxW"-^'''^  *^^  *^'® 
LXX.  The  agreement  is  thought  by  many  to  indicate  identity  of  author- 
ship in  the  two  books ;  cf.  Zahn,  Ein.,  II.  574.  But  a  Greek  version  differ- 
ing from  the  extant  LXX  may  have  been  used.  The  same  rendering  occurs 
in  Justin  1  Apol.  52,  Dial.  32.     The  application  by  two  writers  of  the  words 


432  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [1.7 

of  Zee.  to  the  crucifixion  might  quite  conceivably  be  due  to  a  current  use 
of  prophetic  passages;  cf.  Diist.,  Bouss.  in  loc. 

K6\\f0VTai  €17 '  avTov,  shall  mourn  on  account  of  Jdm:  i.e.  on  ac- 
count of  the  terrible  judgment  which  they  associate  with  him 
at  his  appearing.  After  vbs.  of  emotion  eVt  with  the  ace.  regu- 
larly denotes  the  object  toward  which  the  feeling  is  directed, 
cf.  Mt.  15^2,  Lk.  23^*^  ;  but  the  thought  here  is  expressed 
loosely.  The  meaning  cannot  be  that  Christ  himself  is  the 
object  of  sorrow,  nor  that  the  sorrow  is  that  of  repentance  (as 
in  Zee),  for  that  idea  has  no  place  in  our  book  in  the  events 
which  follow  the  Advent.  The  sense  here  is  the  same  as  in 
Mt.  24^*^,  where  however  eV  avrov  is  wanting.  —  TrdcaL  al 
(t>u\ai,  all  the  tribes :  no  nation,  not  even  the  Hebrew,  had 
accepted  the  Messiah  ;  the  world  as  a  whole  rejected  him, 
cf .  Jno.  1^"  S  1  Jno.  5^^.  The  fulfillment  of  the  prophecies  in 
this  verse  is  not  described  in  detail  in  the  closing  scenes ;  it  is 
however  summarized  in  19^^"^^. — vai,  d|JiT)V,  even  so,  amen: 
To  the  announcement  of  the  Lord's  coming  given  in  familiar 
prophetic  words  the  writer  responds  with  strong  asseveration, 
combining  the  Greek  (yai^  and  Heb.  (^a/x'^v^  particles.  The 
particles  are  brought  together  in  2  Co.  1^^,  not  elsewhere  in  the 
N.  T. 

8.  The  speaker  here  is  God,  as  shown  by  /cvpto?,  o  ^eo'?.  The 
words  declare  the  sure  ground  of  the  announcement  in  verse  7; 
God  the  eternal  one,  the  one  who  holds  sway  over  all  Qiravro- 
KpoLTwp^  will  consummate  his  purpose.  This  abrupt  introduc- 
tion of  God  declaring  some  attribute  or  determination  of  his 
own,  as  a  sure  ground  of  the  writer's  thought  in  the  context, 
finds  parallels  in  Ps.  46^'^,  89'^  ^^  For  a  similar  unannounced 
change  of  speaker,  see  below  16l^  18^°  ;  cf.  p.  244.  —  t6  dX<})a 
/ctA,.,  the  Alpha  and  the  Omega :  the  first  and  last  letters  of  the 
Gk.  alphabet.  The  formula,  found  also  in  21^,  22^'^,  where  it  is 
explained,  the  heginnhig  and  the  end,  expresses  the  eternity  of 
God,  as  do  the  words  here  following  6  wv  ktX.  The  same  formula 
with  the  first  and  last  letters  of  the  Heb.  alphabet  occurs  in  the 
rabbis.  On  the  thought,  cf.  Is.  41^  44^,  48^2.  Language 
essentially  the  same  as  this  here  applied  to  God  is  in  22^^  ap- 
plied to  Christ ;  see  also  on  v.  13  and  p.  313.  —  6  oiv  kt\.^  he 
who  is.,  etc  :  see  on  v.  4. 


I.  9]  COMMENTARY  433 

Criticism  of  vv.  7-8.  Objection  to  these  verses  is  raised  by  Vblter,  Spitta, 
al,  chiefly  on  the  ground  that  the  introduction  closed  with  v.  6,  and  that 
these  words  have  no  appropriate  connection  with  the  context;  they  are  held 
to  be  disturbing  between  vv.  4-6  and  vv.  9  fE.  But  their  place  as  a  fitting 
close  of  the  exordium  is  shown  in  the  Summary,  p.  256  ;  see  also  notes  in  loc. 

I.  9-III.  22.  Tlie  Initial  Vision.  See  p.  257.  Christ's  ap- 
pearance to  the  Prophet  with  the  command  (1)  to  send  a  book 
of  all  the  visions  revealed  to  him  to  seven  Asian  churches  (the 
Church)  l^'-^o,  see  p.  257;  (2)  to  include  a  special  message  to 
each  of  these  several  churches,  chapts.  2—3,  see  pp.  258  ff. 

I.  9.  l-yoi) '  I(odvvT|S,  I  John :  the  apocalyptic  writers  often  men- 
tion themselves  by  name  ;  cf.  Dan.  8^,  lO^,  2  Es.  2*2,  .3\  En.  12^, 
252.  —  6  d8€\(})6s  .  .  .  €V  TTJ  6Xi\|/€t  ktK..,  your  brother  and 
felloiv-sharer  in  the  affliction.,  etc.  :  the  writer's  purpose  in  these 
words  is  to  emphasize  the  feeling  of  close  relationship  between 
himself  and  his  readers.  It  is  urged  by  many  that  if  he  had 
been  an  apostle,  he  would  have  so  designated  himself  here  ;  cf.  p. 
352.  On  the  other  hand  his  very  self-effacement  in  the  passage 
is  viewed  by  some  as  a  mark  of  identity  with  the  author  of  the 
P'ourth  Gospel.  But  neither  contention  is  of  weight.  The 
author's  thought  here  is  his  oneness  with  his  readers  ;  the  au- 
thority of  his  message,  whatever  may  have  been  his  official  posi- 
tion, is  in  explicit  terms  here  referred  to  Christ.  The  two 
terms  aheK<^6<i  and  avvKoivcovo^  kt\.  are  connected  as  one,  hence 
the  art.  is  not  repeated.  —  0Xii}/€l,  pacriXeiijL,  trihulation,  king- 
dom :  the  two  predominant  thoughts  of  the  book,  the  tribulation 
preceding  the  parousia,  in  part  already  begun  in  the  persecu- 
tions, and  the  coming  messianic  kingdom,  in  both  of  which 
Christians  are  all  alike  to  share,  are  properly  brought  together 
here.  Then  is  added,  as  it  were  in  an  afterthought,  the  vTro/xov^, 
steadfast  endurance,  which  must  be  exercised  in  the  former  as  a 
condition  of  inheriting  the  latter ;  cf .  2  Tim.  2^^.  The  order 
of  the  three  nouns  which  has  given  difficulty  to  some  (De  Wette, 
al.)  is  therefore  natural.  The  close  connection  of  the  words  ex- 
plains the  non-repetition  of  the  art.  —  iv  'li](yov,  in  Jesus:  the 
words,  like  iv  Xpia-rq),  in  Christ,  so  frequent  in  St.  Paul,  denote 
the  Christian's  spiritual  union  with  Christ.  It  is  in  this  union 
that  the  endurance  is  to  be  exercised  ;  and  if  the  phrase  be 
joined  with  the  two  other  nouns  also,  this  union  is  denominated 


434  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [1.9 

the  cause  of  the  tribulation^  and  the  ground  of  sharing  in   the 
messianic  kingdom. 

€Y€v6|JLTiv  €V  .  .  .  ndT|Ji(o,  r/'rts  (exactly,  twwe  fo  ^e)  mPa^wos; 
yLvofiai  here,  as  often,  is  virtually  equivalent  to  elfir,  cf.  Ac. 
9^^,  Mt.  10^^  Ja.  3^^.  The  language  implies  that  he  is  no  longer 
in  Patmos  when  he  wrote  this  book.  Patmos  is  a  rocky, 
sparsely  peopled  island,  some  ten  miles  long  and  five  or  six 
miles  wide,  in  the  ^^^gean  Sea  in  a  southwesterly  direction 
from  Miletus.  Pliny,  II.  N.  IV.  12,  23,  mentions  it  as  a  place 
of  banishment.  —  8id  tov  Xo-yov  kt\.,  because  of  the  word  of 
God.,  etc. :  these  words  state  the  occasion  of  the  writer's  being 
in  Patmos ;  but  they  have  received  three  different  interpreta- 
tions, all  linguistically  possible:  (1)  because  of  i.e.  in  banish- 
ment for  preaching,  the  word  of  God ;  the  view  of  most  scholars; 
(2)  for  the  sake  of  preaching  there  (Hartwig,  Spitta,  aV); 
(8)  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  the  visions  of  this  book  (Bleek, 
Diist.,  B.  Weiss,  Holtzm.,  Bouss.,  Baljon,  al).  The  interpreta- 
tion of  the  book  is  not  affected  by  the  choice  among  these  views. 

In  favor  of  (3)  it  is  urged  that  the  terni  llie  Word  of  God  and  tliv  tcsti- 
1110711/  of  Jesus  is  most  naturally  taken  in  the  same  sense  as  in  the  preceding 
context,  V.  2,  where  the  revelation  of  this  book  is  meant.  But  if,  as  is 
almost  certain,  the  Superscription  was  written  after  the  body  of  the  book  — 
and  this  paragraph  belongs  to  the  body  of  the  book  —  the  iisage  throwing 
light  on  our  passage  is  found  not  in  the  Superscription  but  in  the  following 
chapters.  And  there  the  phrase  and  its  equivalents  refer  uniformly  to  the 
gospel;  cf.  6^,  12i^,  19^0,  20'.  The  supposed  journey  to  Patmos  to  receive 
the  revelations  has  been  compared  with  the  selection  of  the  banks  of  the 
Chebar  for  the  visions  of  Ezekiel,  Ezk.  P,  and  the  solitudes  near  Ciimae  and 
Arcadia  for  those  of  Hermas,  T7.s.  I.  1,3,  Sim.  IX.  1,  4.  But  Ezekiel  was  at 
Chebar  because  the  Hebrew  captives,  of  whose  number  he  was  one,  had 
been  brought  there,  Ezk.  1^ ;  and  Hermas  expressly  mentions  his  raptu.re  to 
the  solitudes  as  a  part  of  the  work  of  the  Spirit  in  giving  him  the  visions. 
If  our  Apocalyptist  had  gone  to  Patmos  by  a  similar  direction,  or  had  been 
rapt  away  thither  by  the  spirit  —  cf.  17^  211°  —  he  could  hardly  have  failed 
to  mention  it  in  his  evident  effort  to  show  fully  the  diviue  source  and 
authorization  of  his  message.  The  second  view  spoken  of  above  has  received 
little  favor  with  scholars,  because  it  is  unlikely  that  the  preacher  would 
have  left  tlie  great  work  among  the  Asian  churches,  where  many  a  Ovpa 
IxeydXr)  kol  ivipyrj<;,  1  Co.  16^,  was  open  to  him,  to  go  on  a  mission  to  an 
insignificant  islet  remote  from  centers.  The  first  view  is  suggested  directly 
by  6^  and  20-'  where  the  words  express  the  ground  of  Christian  persecution. 
And  this  interpretation  is  strengthened  by  the  early  tradition  of  the  banish- 


I.  10]  COMMENTARY  435 

ment  of  John  to  Patmos  (Clement  Quis  dives  42,  Or.  Mt.  XVI.  6,  Tert.  de 
pnesc?:  36  ;  cf.  Swete  CLXXIII).  And  this  tradition  is  not  satisfactorily 
accounted  for  as  derived  wholly  from  our  passage,  the  view  of  those  who 
reject  the  interpretation  in  question ;  for  the  language  of  the  passage  does 
not  in  itself  point  with  sufficient  clearness  to  banishment ;  in  fact  it  has 
been  argued  that  if  the  writer  had  had  any  such  banishment  in  mind,  he 
could  not  have  failed  to  express  the  thought  more  distinctly  (De  Wette). 
But  if  he  had  been  exiled  to  Patmos,  it  was  known  well  to  all  the  Asian 
churches,  and  a  vague  allusion  is  sufficiently  clear  to  them.  At  all  events  a 
legend  of  this  kind  is  not  likely  to  have  grown  up  on  the  basis  of  an  expres- 
sion so  obscure  in  itself,  and  apart  from  any  historic  fact.  A  possible 
confusion  of  a  different  Asian  John  with  the  Apostle,  whether  in  this 
tradition  or  in  the  authorship  of  the  Apoc.  or  in  both,  need  not  be  consid- 
ered here. 

10.  kyi.v6\i.T]v  €V  irvcviiaTL,  I  was  in  (lit.  came  to  be  iri)  the 
Spirit:  i.e.  caught  away  by  the  power  of  the  Spirit  into  an 
eostacy ;  cf.  4^,  17^,  21^*^.  For  the  equivalent  expression 
r^evecrdai  iv  eKcrTaaei  cf .  Ac.  22^^ ;  the  reverse  is  yeveaOai  iv 
eavTO),  cf.  Ac.  12^1.  The  writer  claims  the  ecstatic  experience 
of  the  prophet;  see  pp.  292  f. — rfj  KupiaKTJ  T)H-^pa,  the  Lord^s 
day:  the  special  observance  of  the  first  day  of  the  week  by 
Christians  is  indicated  in  1  Co.  16^,  Ac.  20^.  Our  passage  is  the 
earliest  in  which  it  is  called  the  Lord's  day,  but  the  manner  in 
which  the  name  is  used  here  shows  it  to  be  an  established  desig- 
nation, and  as  such  it  occurs  in  the  earliest  post-apostolic 
writers ;  cf .  Didache  14,  Ignat.  Mac/.  9.  That  the  day  was  so 
named  and  was  celebrated  because  it  was  the  day  of  the  Lord's 
resurrection  seems  evident  and  is  directly  stated  in  Barnab.  15^. 
Deissmann's  suggestion  (iVew.  Bihelst.  45,  Licht  vom  Osten 
268  ff.)  that  as  the  first  day  of  the  month  was  called  in  Asia 
Minor  the  Imjyerial  day.,  so  Cliristians  in  contrast  witli  this 
usage  called  the  first  day  of  the  week  after  their  supreme  Lord, 
lacks  support.  The  view  of  Wetstein  (followed  by  a  few 
scholars,  e.g.  Hort.  Ap.  of  Jno.  I-TIL  15  f.,  Deissmann  in  En. 
Bib.  111.  2815),  that  the  Apocalyptist  conceived  himself  trans- 
ported to  the  day  of  Judgment,  is  opposed  to  the  meaning 
uniformly  given  to  the  term  Lord's  day  found  elsewhere,  and  is 
at  variance  with  the  subject  matter  of  the  vision  here  intro- 
duced.—  omcro)  |iov,  hehhid  me:  the  language  follows  closely 
Ezk.    3^2,  aveXa/Sev  ae  Trvevua.,  ical   rjKOvaa   KaroTTtadev   jxov.,  Kal 


436  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [I.  10 

■iJKOva-a  (^(ovTfV ;  so  that  no  special  symbolical  significance  is  to 
be  sought  in  the  words  behind  me,  which  are  appropriate  to  a 
voice  coming  suddenly  from  an  unseen  person.      Cf.  Diist.  inloc. 

(JxovTiv,  a  voice :  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  this  voice  is, 
as  some  take  it,  the  voice  of  an  angel,  or  other  than  that  of 
Christ  who  speaks  in  the  following  scene ;  v.  12  seems  to  pre- 
clude other  reference.  The  two  descriptions  of  the  voice,  as  the 
sound  of  a  trumpet,  v.  10,  and  as  that  of  many  waters,  v.  15, 
are  not  inconsistent,  see  on  v.  15;  nor  does  4^  compared  with 
5^  require  the  supposition  of  two  different  persons;  see  on  4^ 
—  (bs  crdXiri'y'YOS,  as  of  a  trumpet:  i.e.  loud  and  clear. 

11.  Xt-YO-OaTiS :  attracted  into  agreement  with  aaX'in'y'yo^, 
though  referring  to  ^cof 77 1';  cf.  Xakova-rj'i  4} . — "YpaxJ/ov  .  .  .  Kal 
ircfJLVJ/ov,  ivrite  .  .  .  and  send:  the  commission  relates  not 
merely  to  the  following  vision  but  to  all  those  which  make  up 
the  book.  The  content  of  the  message  is  expressed  here  in 
general  form,  and  in  v.  19  more  specifically,  cf.  p.  242.  The 
command  tvi'ite  is  not  to  be  thought  of  as  executed  while  the 
Seer  is  in  the  ecstatic  state;  like  the  seviding  it  is  a  real,  not  a 
visional  act,  and  is  to  be  performed  as  the  Apocalyptist  recalls 
the  visions  and  gives  them  their  present  literary  form  after  he 
has  returned  to  his  normal  state.  —  TaXs  ciTTd  cKKXticriais,  the 
seven  churches:  for  the  number  seven  see  on  v.  4.  It  is  not 
possible  to  say  certainly  what  determined  the  choice  of  these 
particular  churches  to  make  up  the  seven.  The  Apocalyptist 
may  have  stood  in  some  special  relation  to  these,  or  there  may 
have  been  that  in  their  respective  conditions  and  circumstances 
which  made  them  especially  suited  to  his  purpose,  or  especially 
in  need  of  the  admonitions  given;  see  on  v.  4  and  p.  210. 
Ramsay,  Letters  19,  points  out  that  because  of  their  location  on 
an  important  circular  route  these  cities  were  the  best  points  to 
serve  as  centers  of  communication  with  seven  different  districts. 
The  prominence  of  Ephesus  as  the  capital  city  of  the  province, 
its  geographical  situation  and  its  importance  as  a  center  of  work 
in  the  apostolic  Church,  would  explain  its  position  at  the  head 
of  the  list.  Beginning  with  this,  the  cities  are  named  in  geo- 
graphical order  :  Ephesus,  Smyrna,  Pergamum,  these  three  on 
the  Roman  road  running  north  from  Ephesus;  and  then  on  the 
road    running    southeast    from    Pergamum,    Thyatira,    Sardis, 


I.  13]  COMMENTARY  437 

Philadelphia,    Laodicea.      On     the    respective    cities    see    on 
chapts.  2-3. 

12.  tiTTd  \t)X.vtas,  seven  lampstands:  symbols  of  the  seven 
churches,  as  explained  in  v.  20.  The  lampstand  is  easily  made 
the  symbol  of  a  church  through  the  common  representation  of 
Christians  as  the  light  of  the  world ;  cf .  Mt.  b^\  Phil.  21^. 
The  writer's  repeated  use  of  Zee.  4,  where  the  great  candela- 
brum of  the  temple  with  its  seven  lamps  is  a  conspicuous  part 
of  the  imagery,  accounts  for  the  suggestion  of  that  familiar 
object  as  a  symbol  of  the  seven  churches.  It  is  true  that  the 
temple  had  but  one  candelabrum,  though  with  seven  lights 
(1  K.  7^9,  which  mentions  ten,  is  of  doubtful  authenticity,  cf. 
En.  ])ib.  I.  644),  while  there  are  here  seven  separate  candela- 
bra. The  difference,  however,  is  characteristic  of  the  freedom 
of  our  author  in  adapting  his  material  (cf.  pp.  221  f.),  and 
does  not  support  the  theory  of  Gunkel,  Schdpfnng  295  ff.,  that 
he  derived  the  symbol  from  a  mythological  conception  current 
in  popular  tradition ;  though  it  is  not  improbable,  as  Gunkel 
shows,  that  the  different  representations,  seven  torches,  seven 
stars,  seven  eyes,  and  seven  angels,  are  originally  one  and 
derived  through  popular  tradition  ultimately  from  a  worship 
which  viewed  the  seven  planets  as  gods ;  see  on  8^.  But  of 
such  an  origin  our  writer  is  certainly  unconscious  ;  and  the 
meaning  with  which  he  uses  the  symbol  here  is  unquestionable. 

13.  Christ,  portrayed  in  traits  of  superhuman  glory,  is  now 
seen  in  the  midst  of  the  lampstands,  i.e.  in  the  midst  of  the 
churches.  On  the  significance  of  details  in  the  representation, 
see  p.  258. —  5|ioiov  ulov  dvOprnTrov,  like  unto  a  son  of.  man: 
that  Christ  is  meant,  and  not  an  angel  (some  older  com.),  is 
shown  by  vv.  17  f.  In  the  omission  of  the  art.  before  vlov  the 
writer  agrees,  not  with  the  N.  T.,  but  with  Dan.  (7^'^)  whom 
he  is  following  in  much  of  the  description.  The  term  occurs 
in  one  other  place  in  the  Apoc,  14^^  and  the  ace.  is  used  there 
also,  though  6ixoio<;  in  all  other  places  in  the  book,  19  in  all, 
takes  the  dat.  The  disregard  of  grammar  here  is  evidently, 
then,  designed.  See  on  vv.  4,  5.  —  tvSeSufie'vov  .  .  .  I^covtiv, 
clothed  tvith  a  garment  reaching  to  the  feet  and  girt  ahont  at  the 
breasts  tvith  a  golden  girdle:  this  epithet,  and  in  vv.  14-15,  his 
eyes^  etc.,  his  feet.,  etc.,  his  voice.,  etc.,  are  taken  with  variations 


438  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  .  [I.  13 

from  the  description  of  the  angelic  being  in  Dan.  10^"^,  and 
the  epithet  his  head,  that  is,  his  hair,  etc.,  v.  14,  is  adapted  from 
the  description  of  Jehovah  in  Dan.  7^.  With  this  representa- 
tion compare  that  of  the  angels  who  appear  to  Enoch,  Slav. 
En.  I.  5,  '  Their  form  shone  like  the  sun,  and  their  eyes  were 
like  burning  lamps,  and  fire  came  forth  from  their  lips.'  Our 
writer's  combination  and  free  modification  of  the  O.  T.  passages 
are  in  keeping  with  his  manner ;  cf.  note  on  v.  12.  The  ex- 
alted christology  of  the  book  (cf.  pp.  312  f.)  makes  natural 
the  ascription  to  Christ  of  attributes  assigned  to  God  in  the 
O.  T.  In  this  place  the  application  of  the  description  of  Jeho- 
vah given  in  Dan.  may  perhaps  have  been  suggested  by  the 
reading  of  Dan.  7^^  in  the  LXX,  he  was  there  as  the  ancient  of 
days.  On  the  belief  in  the  preexistence  of  the  Messiah  see 
p.  73 ;  cf.  Baldensperger  134  f .  —  iro8T|pTi,  reaching  to  the 
feet :  the  TroSijprj'i  (sc.  p^itrcoi^)  was  a  mark  of  rank  or  dignity. 
The  word  is  used  of  the  vesture  of  the  high  priest  (Ex.  25^), 
but  also  of  others,  e.g.  Ezk.  9^' i\  Barnab.  7^. — irepiel^oDO-iJLe- 
vov  ktX.,  girt  about  at  the  breasts:  'high  girding,'  like  the  'gar- 
ment reaching  to  the  feet,'  a  mark  of  dignity,  was  characteristic 
of  the  dress  of  the  high  priests  (Joseph.  Ant.  III.  7,  2),  but  not 
of  theirs  exclusively,  e.g.  Rev.  LS*^.  Neither  epithet,  then,  shows 
Christ  to  be  represented  here  in  his  priestly  character,  as  many 
com.  interpret.  That  office  of  his  is  not  mentioned  in  our 
book. 

14.  K€<|>a\TJ,  Tpix^s,  head,  hair :  the  general  term  followed  by 
the  more  specific  ;  cf.  p.  242.  —  Kai :  not  and.,  but  that  is;  see 
on  V.  2.  The  clauses  throughout  the  description  are  added 
loosely,  after  the  writer's  manner,  without  strict  regard  to  con- 
struction. —  o>s  €piov,  (OS  X'-'^^'  ^^  wool,  as  snow :  on  the  am- 
plification see  p.  241. — ol  6(|>6aX|JLol  ktX.,  his  eyes  as  aflame 
of  fire  :  the  flaming  eyes  generally  express  fierceness  against 
adversaries  (e.g.  Dan.  lO** ;  common  in  classic  writers  also), 
but  sometimes  also  penetrating  vision,  cf.  Ecclus.  23^^ ;  both 
senses  may  be  united  here,  as  in  2^^,  19^2, 

15.  x°'^'^°^*'P^v^  •  the  RV  translates  hur)iished  brass,  which 
expresses  suffic-iently  well  what  is  intended  in  the  comparison, 
though  the  word  is  uncertain  in  meaning,  etymology,  and  exact 
form.     It  is  found  in  2^^  also,  but  not  elsewhere. 


I.  15]  COMMENTARY  439 

Suidas  defines  it  as  a  kind  of  ^Xe/crpov,  electrum,  a  word  however  which 
is  itself  ambiguous,  in  some  cases  denoting  amber,  in  others  a  compound  of 
gold  and  silver;  see  L.  &  S.  s.v.  In  Ezk.  1*  the  LXX  uses  ■^XeKTpov,  not  in 
a  way  to  determine  its  precise  nature,  but  in  connection  with  fire  to  denote 
a  bi'illiantly  glowing  appearance.  In  Dan.  10^  the  LXX  reads  ol  ttoScs  wcret 
XhAkos  e^ao-TpttTTTwv,  his  feet  were  like  gleaming  brass ;  essentially  the  same 
expression  occurs  in  Ezk.  l'^,  the  original  of  the  imagery  used  in  Dan.  In 
view  of  these  passages  and  the  words  here  following,  ws  iv  Kafji.Lvw  ktX.,  it 
seems  clear  that  a  brightly  gleaming  metal,  or  metallic  compound,  is  meant. 
As  regards  gender  the  word  is  conmionly  taken  to  be  neuter,  but  if  in  the 
following  clause  the  reading  TreTrvpo/xevT/s  be  adopted,  the  nom.  is  )(a\Ko\i- 
/Savos,  fem.     Cf.  on  the  word,  Thayer,  Bouss.  Kom. 

ir£Tr\)po)|i.€VT|S,  refined :  lit.  having  passed  through  the  fire  and 
become  purified;  cf.  8^%  Job  22^5,  Ps.  11^  in  the  LXX.  The 
construction  is  the  gen.  abs.  sc.  ti)?  ;)^a\/co\t;Sai'oi'.  See  text 
note  p.  446.  w?  has  its  usual  relative  force,  as  when  refined. 
If  TreTTvpcofjievQ)  is  adopted,  it  is  to  be  joined  with  x'^XkoXi- 
^dva>;  Kafiivcp  is  fem.  — (j)a>vt)  vSoLTwv  ktX.,  voice  of  many  waters: 
i.e.  the  deep,  awe-inspiring  sound  of  masses  of  moving  water; 
cf.  142,  196^  2  Es.  61',  Dan.  10^  LXX.  It  is  noticeable  that 
this  reference  to  the  voice  is  put  in  the  midst  of  the  description 
(vv.  12-16)  of  what  the  Apocalyjjtist  perceived  after  he  had 
turned  to  behold  the  speaker  who  had  called  to  him  in  the 
outset  ;  it  belongs  therefore  to  what  followed  the  words  of  the 
call  in  V.  11,  that  is,  it  anticipates  the  utterances  of  the  rest  of 
the  vision.  Such  anticipation,  a  common  trait  with  the  writer 
(cf.  pp.  243  f.),  is  easily  accounted  for  when  we  remember  that 
he  is  struggling  to  portray  a  series  of  visions  now  wholly  past. 
In  his  vivid  recollection  of  the  scene  as  a  whole,  disregarding 
chronological  order,  he  combines  kindred  matter  ;  in  this  case, 
whatever  pertained  to  the  Lord's  personal  manifestation  — 
features,  vesture,  voice,  surroundings.  —  The  difference  be- 
tween V.  10  and  v.  15  as  regards  the  simile  used  is  significant. 
The  loud  clarion  of  the  trumpet  performs  an  introductory  office, 
it  prefaces  a  summons,  an  announcement,  or  a  brief  command  ; 
cf.  110,  41^  37-13^  91,13^  10^  1115;  but  the  simile  would  be  inap- 
propriate to  the  utterances  of  the  Lord's  great  commission  here, 
extending  to  the  end  of  the  seven  epistles.  The  tones  of  these 
utterances,  like  those  of  the  angelic  hymns  in  14 2,  19*^  are  com- 
pared to  the  sound  of  many  waters. 


440  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [1.16 

16.  €x,wv  ktX.:  for  the  looseness  in  construction  see  on  v.  14. 
The  words,  had  in  his  rii/ht  hand,  imply  safe  keeping,  cf.  Jno. 
10^8  ;  perhaps  also  the  idea  of  controlling  is  included.  In  2^ 
the  stronger  word  Kpareco,  hold  fast  (cf.  2^^,  7^)  is  substituted 
for  €X(^,  but  neither  word  contains  in  itself  more  than  what 
belongs  to  holding  in  firm  power.  —  daTcpas  eiTTd,  seven  stars  : 
symbols  of  the  seven  angels  of  the  churches,  v.  20.  The  use 
of  stars  as  an  appropriate  symbol  in  connection  with  the 
churches  may  have  been  suggested  by  the  familiar  eschato- 
logical  words  in  Dan.  12^,  the^  shall  shine  as  stars  forever ;  cf. 
also  En.  104'^,  ye  shall  shine  as  the  lights  of  heaven.  But  it  is 
not  unlikely  that  the  writer  having  in  mind  the  representation 
of  the  churches  by  their  angels  (v.  20)  is  influenced  by  some 
fancy  existent  in  popular  tradition  of  seven  stars  as  seven 
angels  ;  see  on  8^.  Whatever  may  be  the  exact  meaning  of 
the  '  angels '  of  the  churches  (see  on  v.  20),  they  represent  the 
churches  in  such  a  way  that  they  are  practically  identical  with 
these.  We  have  then  in  the  passage  two  symbols  of  the 
churches,  the  lampstands  in  the  midst  of  which  Christ  is  seen, 
and  the  stars  which  he  holds  in  his  hand.  But  these  are  really 
a  representation  under  two  aspects  of  the  one  fact  of  Christ's 
close  relation  to  his  Church  ;  the  former  represents  his  abiding 
presence  in  it,  the  latter  his  abiding  power  in  sustaining  it. 
The  effort  of  some  commentators  to  explain  the  holding  of 
seven  stars  in  the  hand  by  supposing  a  garland  of  jewels,  or  a 
constellation  bound  solidly  together,  lays  upon  the  interpreta- 
tion of  a  vision  the  law  of  too  strict  realism  ;  cf.  pp.  248  f. — 
€K  Tov  aT6|xaTos  kt\.,  from  his  month,  etc. :  the  words  denote  the 
destroying  power  of  Christ's  condemnation  ;  cf.  2}^^,  19^^, 
Is.  11*,  2  Es.  13*' 1",  Wis.  1815.  The  figure  used  combines  the 
earlier  conception  of  God  as  a  warrior  smiting  his  foes  with  the 
sword,  and  the  later  conception  of  annihilation  by  his  sentence 
of  judgment,  boldly  represented  here  as  a  visible  accompani- 
ment of  Christ  —  6vj;is,  eounteiiance  or  appearance :  the  former  is 
to  be  preferred  ;  in  this  enumeration  of  traits  in  detail  the 
words  of  the  clause  are  more  easily  understood  as  referring  to 
a  single  one  than  as  embracing  all.  —  ws  6  tiXlos  ([>aiv€i  kt\.  as 
the  sun  shineth,  etc. :  i.e.  like  the  sun  when  it  shineth,  etc  For 
the  brachylogy  cf.  Jno.  6^,  1  Jno.  3'^.  —  xfj  5\)vafJL€i,  hi>i  might : 


I.  18]  COMMENTARY  441 

i.e.  when  not  dimmed  by  clouds  or  mist.     The  simile  denoting 
the  dazzling  splendor  of  Christ's  countenance  is  from  Jg.  5^^ 

17.  Prostration  to  the  earth  under  the  overpowering  influ- 
ence of  supernatural  manifestations  is  a  familiar  feature  in  the 
narratives  of  visions;  cf.  Ezk.  128,  Dan.  S^^,  10^,  Mt.  17^, 
Ac.  26^^,  En.  1-4 1*.  —  tB-qKCV  T-qv  Stltdv  attA,.,  laid  his  right  hand, 
etc. :  the  act  as  well  as  the  words,  fear  not.,  gives  assurance  to 
the  Seer.  A  criticism  which  finds  difliculty  in  adjusting  the 
representation  to  tliat  of  v.  16,  holding  the  stars.,  overlooks  the 
abrupt  changes  natural  in  visions;  cf.  pp.  248  f. — eyci  €L|ii 
/ctX.,  /  am  the  first,  etc. :  Many  commentators  connect  with  /xr) 
(fio/3ovfear  7iot,  after  the  analogy  of  Mt.  14^'^,  Mk.  6^*^,  Jno.  6^°; 
but  in  those  cases  ijot  elfxi  precedes  the  ijlt)  ^o^ov  ;  also  the 
parallel  in  v.  8  is  against  such  connection  ;  furthermore  the 
clause  probably  does  not  give  a  ground  for  imtj  ^o^ov,  see  on 
V.  18  at  the  end. — 6  irpwros  /crX.,  the  first,  etc.:  the  epithet 
given  to  God  in  v.  8  is  here  ascribed  to  Christ  (see  on  v.  14) 
and  declares  his  existence  from  eternity  to  eternity. 

18.  6  t^&v,  the  living  one:  an  epithet  of  God,  common  espe- 
cially in  late  Jewish  writings  and  the  N.  T.,  describing  him  as 
possessing  life  in  his  essential  nature.  Here  the  words  describe 
Christ  as  possessing  the  same  inherent  life;  'As  the  father 
hath  life  in  himself,  even  so  gave  he  to  the  Son  to  have  life  in 
himself,'  Jno.  5^*^.  The  epithet  has  a  broader  significance  than 
the  following  words  which  speak  of  the  resurrection  ;  it  con- 
tains the  ground  of  the  latter.  —  iye.v6\kr[v  :  see  on  v.  9.  — 
€X<«>  Tcls  k\€IS  ktX.,  I  have  the  kegs,  etc.:  the  words  are  con- 
nected closely  with  both  the  foregoing  clauses,  which  contain 
the  ground  and  the  evidence  of  Christ's  power  over  death  ;  as 
one  who  has  life  in  himself  he  has  power  to  give  life  (Jno. 
526-28^  _^  and  in  his  resurrection  to  unending  life  that  power 
has  been  manifested.  He  has  power  to  leave  in  death,  or  to 
release  therefrom,  he  has  the  keys  of  death.  Here  again  a 
prerogative  of  God  is  aflirmed  of  Christ.  According  to  the 
Targums  (collected  by  Wetstein  in  loc.^  four  keys  were  in  the 
hands  of  God  alone,  those  of  life,  the  tombs,  food,  and  rain;  or 
as  otherwise  given,  three  keys,  those  of  birth,  rain,  and  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead.  For  the  form  /cXet?  =  /cXetSa?  see 
Win.  §  9,  2,  e  ;   Blass  §  8,  2.      The  expression  the  kegs  of  death  is 


442  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [I.  18 

a  part  of  the  figure  of  the  gates  of  death,  i.e.  of  the  prison-house 
of  the  dead,  or  of  the  palace  of  their  king,  a  figure  common  in 
Greek  writers  from  the  time  of  Homer  (^II.  V.  646,  Od.  XIV. 
156),  and  in  the  Bible  (Ps.  91^,  Is.  38io,  Wis.  1Q^\  Mt.  16i8). 
The  writer's  habit  of  amplification  (cf.  p.  241)  appears  here  in 
the  phrase  death  and  Hades;  cf.  6^  20^^*-  If  any  distinction  is 
thought  of,  the  former  refers  rather  to  the  state,  the  latter  to 
the  place  ;  or  if  personification  is  intended  here,  the  former 
refers  rather  to  the  slayer,  and  the  latter  to  the  ruler  of  the 
underworld  ;   the  gen.  then  is  gen.  poss. 

This  utterance  of  Christ,  beginning  with  /  am  the  first,  etc., 
and  ending  with  the  keys  of  death,  is  connected  by  most  com- 
mentators with  the  foregoing,  as  giving  a  ground  for  the  in- 
spiriting call,  fear  7iot.  But  the  assuring  touch  of  the  Lord's 
hand  and  the  words  jxr]  (f)o^ov  are  enough.  These  awful  utter- 
ances of  divine  majesty  and  power  are  fitted  to  increase  rather 
than  assuage  terror.  Neither  can  the  mention  of  the  power 
over  death  (which  in  reality  forms  only  a  part  of  the  passage), 
taken  by  commentators  to  point  to  a  connection  with  eirea-a  oo'i 
veKp6<i,  I  fell  as  one  dead,  be  fittingly  associated  with  those  words, 
for  the  words  as  one  dead  contain  only  a  comparison  to  express 
the  sudden  and  complete  prostration  of  the  Seer,  who  is  not  in 
a  state  of  death,  or  unconsciousness  even.  The  use  of  ovv, 
therefore,  introducing  the  command  of  v.  19,  shows  the  proper 
connection  of  the  passage ;  it  gives  the  basis  of  the  message 
which  Christ  bids  the  Seer  to  write  to  the  churches.  It  is  as 
the  eternal  one  and  the  Lord  of  life  and  death  that  he  sends  to 
his  Church  the  message  of  this  book  with  its  commands  and 
promises,  assuring  his  faithful  ones  of  the  certain  ti'iumph  of 
his  kingdom  over  death  and  all  the  powers  of  evil ;  see  Summary 
p.  258.  The  office  of  the  passage  is  similar  to  that  of  v.  8  ;  see 
note  there. 

19.  'Ypd\]/ov  «;t\.,  write  etc. :  the  words  relate  to  the  whole  book 
which  the  Prophet  is  bidden  to  write.  The  command  is  the 
same  as  that  in  v.  11,  but  in  the  repetition  is  made  more  spe- 
cific, after  the  author's  manner. — ovv,  therefore:  see  on  v. 
18. — a  €t6€S  Kal  a  €L(jIv  kt\.,  the  things  which  thou  hast  seen, 
that  is,  the  things  which  are,  and  the  things  which  shall  come  to  pass 
hereafter.     A  correct  interpretation  of  the  relation  of  the  clauses 


I.  19]  COMMENTARY  443 

in  this  passage  is  of  the  iirst  importance  for  understanding  the 
author's  definition  of  the  scope  of  his  book.  The  command  is 
generally  understood  to  embrace  three  distinct  objects,  the  tldrujn 
which  thou  hast  seen,  referring  to  the  preceding  vision  in  vv. 
10  ff.;  the  things  that  are,  referring  to  the  state  of  the  churches 
spoken  of  in  the  seven  epistles ;  and  the  things  which  are  re- 
vealed in  the  book  as  yet  to  come  to  pass.  But  as  the  com- 
mand in  this  verse  is  a  repetition  of  that  in  v.  11,  a  elSe?  repeats 
6  /3\€7r€i<i,  and  like  that  refers  to  the  whole  book  ;  it  must  then 
include  the  things  referred  to  in  both  the  following  clauses. 
The  a  /xeWei  yiveadai,  the  thiyigs  which  shall  come  to  pass,  are 
made  known  to  the  writer  only  through  the  visions ;  and  evi- 
dently the  a  elcrlv,  the  things  that  are,  are  not  made  known  other- 
wise —  what  these  are  will  be  seen  below.  The  two  clauses 
then  define  what  has  been  seen  in  the  visions ;  and  Kai,  before 
a  eicriv,  is  not  and ;  it  is  epexegetical,  even,  that  is,  a  use  occur- 
ring in  numberless  cases  in  the  book,  where  an  appositive  term 
makes  more  specific  a  general  term  ;  see  on  v.  2  and  p.  242. 
The  aor.  in  etSe?  then  refers  not  merely  to  what  is  past  at  this 
moment  of  speaking,  but  to  what  is  past  at  the  time  when  the 
command  to  write  is  executed ;  cf.  <ypdyfrov  ktX.  19^  where  the 
perf .  K€/cXrj/x€vot  anticipates  the  yet  future  event  of  the  marriage 
of  the  Lamb.  The  scope  of  the  book  then  is  here  defined  as 
revelations  of  two  classes  of  objects,  things  that  are,  and  things 
that  shall  come  to  pass.     For  the  former  see  following  note. 

a  cicTLV,  the  thirigs  that  are:  the  class  of  visions  designated  in 
these  words  certainly  includes  things  spoken  of  in  the  epistles 
to  the  churches,  chapts.  2-3,  which  are  chiefly  concerned  with 
facts  then  present,  though  the  consciousness  of  the  future  un- 
derlies the  whole.  But  the  actual  condition  of  the  churches  as 
described  there  was  known  to  the  writer  apart  from  any  revela- 
tion —  that  is  not  the  kind  of  thing  which  forms  the  subject  of 
a  special  divine  revelation.  What  is  made  known  to  him  in 
the  vision  is  the  Lord's  special  and  direct  message  to  the 
churches,  his  personal  words  of  chastisement,  approbation,  and 
promise.  There  is  however  in  the  book  much  more  than  these 
two  chapters  that  belongs  to  the  category  of  things  which  are 
rather  than  to  that  of  things  which  shall  come  to  pass.  Such 
is  the  revelation  of  the  vision  just  seen,  vv.  10  ff.;  this  is  the 


444  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [I.  19 

eternally  present  fact  of  Christ's  exalted  being  and  his  relation  to 
his  Church.  So  likewise  the  vision  of  the  court  of  heaven,  chapts. 
4-5,  reveals  facts  independent  of  time,  great  truths  which  may 
always  be  denominated  things  that  are.  Chapt.  12  depicts  a 
power  at  work  already  at  that  time  in  the  events  taking  place  ; 
much  of  chapt.  17  and  other  shorter  passages  are  likewise  to 
be  placed  in  the  same  category.  A  very  considerable  part  of 
the  book  has  to  do  with  a  revelation  of  things  existent,  upon 
which  the  future  is  conditioned.  As  a  work  of  true  prophecy 
the  book  is  intimately  concerned  with  picturing  the  persons, 
powers,  and  causes  at  work  in  the  events  that  are  coming  on  the 
earth.  This  is  an  aspect  of  his  work  which  the  author  distinctly 
announces  in  these  words  here  at  the  outset,  and  which  differen- 
tiates it  from  the  Jewish  apocalypses  in  general.  Failure  to 
recognize  this  as  a  part  of  the  writer's  aim  is  the  cause  of  much 
of  the  criticism,  which  rejects  considerable  portions  of  the  book 
as  having  no  place  in  a  unified  plan.  —  Some  commentators 
(Ewald,  DeWette,  al)  take  a  elaiv  in  the  sense  of  what  they 
mean,  that  is,  what  the  a  eihe<i,  interpreted  to  refer  solely  to  the 
preceding  vision,  mean  as  explained  in  v.  20.  But  the  explana- 
tion of  V.  20  touches  only  a  part  of  that  vision ;  and  moreover 
the  evident  contrast  between  a  elaCv  and  a  /xeWei  kt\.  is  against 
that  interpretation.  —  /xera  ravTa,  hereafter :  for  this  meaning 
cf.  912,  Jno.  137. 

20.  The  symbols  of  the  lamps tands  and  the  stars,  which  ap- 
pear in  the  vision  with  a  meaning  not  as  a  matter  of  course 
clear  to  the  reader,  are  now  explained.  —  to  ixvaTTipiov,  as  to 
the  mystery :  not  the  obj.  of  'ypd^^ov,  nor  in  apposition  with  a 
etSe?,  probably  not  a  nom.  like  the  title  of  a  paragraph  or  book 
(the  ace.  Xv')^v/a<;  is  against  this)  ;  best  construed  as  the  ace. 
in  apposition  with  ol  eirTa  .  .  .  eKKXrjacai  elaiv;  for  the  con- 
struction cf.  1  Tim.  26,  Ro.  83,  12i,  see  Blass  §  81,  1,  Kiihn.  II. 
§  406,  6.  The  word  /xvaTT^piov,  mystery,  denotes  something  secret, 
hidden,  which  is  disclosed  only  to  special  persons,  or  in  a  special 
way ;  among  derived  senses,  as  here,  something  containing  a 
hidden  or  symbolical  meaning,  which  can  be  interpreted ;  cf . 
17*' ^  Dan.  2^^.  See  on  the  word  Thayer  s.v.,  Stewart  in  Hast. 
III.  465  ff.  — Im  TTJs  8€|ids  :  equivalent  to  ev  rrj  he^ia  v.  16, 
but  the  stars  are  here  spoken  of  as  resting  upon  the  open  hand, 


1. 20]  COMMENTARY  445 

cf.  5\  20^  —  Xux^vias:  parallel  with  aardpwv ;  it  takes  ir- 
regularly the  case  of  /Mvar'qpiov.  —  d'y'YtXoi,  angels :  the  stars 
symbolize  the  '  angels '  of  the  churches,  a  term  of  uncertain 
meaning ;  but  the  interpretation  of  the  book  is  not  affected  by 
the  uncertainty,  since  the  '  angel '  is  completely  identified  with 
his  church  in  the  seven  epistles. 

The  different  explanations  of  '  angel '  as  used  here  may  be  grouped  into 
the  following  general  classes :  (1)  The  angel  is  the  bishop,  or  college  of 
presbyters,  or  chief  teacher,  who  represents  the  church.  In  support  of  this 
use  of  ayyeXos  reference  is  made  to  Mai.  2'',  3';  so,  many  commentators, 
ancient  and  modern,  among  the  latter  Zahn,  J.  Weiss,  Baljon.  But  a  de- 
cisive objection  to  this  view  appears  to  exist  in  the  fact  that  the  epistles  are 
in  each  case  addressed  to  the  angel  throughout,  and  yet  presuppose  a  body 
of  persons  who  are  censured,  praised,  warned,  and  in  general  made  to  bear  a 
responsibility  which  could  be  laid  upon  no  individual  officer.  Moreover, 
such  a  meaning  of  ayycXos  has  no  support  in  Christian  terminology,  and  is 
contrary  to  the  unvarying  use  of  the  Apocalypse.  If  rrjv  yvvalKo,  aov  were 
the  certain  reading  in  2'^°,  it  would  furnish  strong  ground  for  this  interpre- 
tation;  but  see  text-note  in  loc.  (2)  The  word  is  taken  in  its  ordinary 
sense,  angel,  and  is  explained  as  guardian  angel,  or  at  least,  heavenly  repre- 
sentative. As  such  angelic  patrons  were  assigned  to  persons  (Mt.  18i°,  Ac. 
12'^)  and  to  peoples  (Dan.  10'^- 2"),  so  a  church  also  may  be  conceived  as 
having  its  personal  patron  or  representative  in  heaven;  so,  Origen,  Andreas, 
Bleek,  B.  Weiss,  Porter,  Moffatt,  ul.  But  the  first  objection  raised  above 
against  No.  (1)  has  equal  force  here.  Clirist  addresses  in  the  epistles  the 
churches  themselves  and  not  an  intermediary.  And  moreover  no  ingenuity 
has  successfully  removed  the  difficulty  in  supposing  that  Christ  sends  a 
communication  to  certain  heavenly  beings  through  an  earthly  agent,  the 
Apocalyptist,  in  order  to  reach  through  these  angelic  representatives  the 
spiritual  life  of  the  churches.  (3)  The  angel  of  a  church  is  equivalent  to 
the  church  itself,  or  its  personified  life ;  so,  Arethas,  Beatus,  Liicke,  De 
Wette,  Diist.,  Holtzm.  al. ;  others,  as  Bouss,  Swete,  Hort,  accept  this  view  as 
tenable.  This  interpretation  grows  out  of  No.  (2).  The  highly  developed 
angelology  of  late  Judaism  which  assumed  special  angels  not  only  for  per- 
sons and  peoples,  but  also  for  inanimate  things,  is  adopted  by  the  author  of 
our  book.  He  uses  the  word  angel  nearly  seventy  times,  including  angel  of 
the  winds,  7S  of  fire,  li^^  of  the  waters,  16^  of  the  abyss,  9" ;  it  is  not  hard 
then  to  suppose,  that  in  a  work  of  this  poetic  character,  in  which  personi- 
fication is  common,  he  should  have  identified  the  angel  and  the  sphere  of 
his  activity.  Doubtless  some  such  vague  identification  occurred  in  popular 
usage,  when  the  angel  of  fire,  of  the  winds,  etc.,  were  spoken  of.  It  is  cer- 
tain that  our  author  blends  the  angel  and  the  church  in  the  destination  of 
the  letters  and  their  contents;  compare  1"  with  the  address  and  contents  of 
the  several  letters.  It  is  true  that  we  have  then  two  distinct  representations 
of  a  church,  the  lampstand  and  the  angel;  but  the  difficulty  found  here  is 


446  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [H.  1 

not  weighty ;  the  former  may  be  understood  to  symliolize  a  church  as  hav- 
ing a  visible,  organic  existence ;  the  latter  to  represent  it  in  its  invisible 
spiritual  life  ;  the  latter  is  not  so  much  a  symbol  of  a  church  as  an  ideal  con- 
ception of  its  immanent  spirit.  The  outward  symbol  of  this  sjiirit  is  the 
star,  which  is  correlative  with  the  lampstand  (cf .  Liicke  II.  433) .  On  the 
whole  this  view  seems  to  account  best  for  the  language  of  the  epistles  and 
to  present  the  least  difficulty.  (4)  The  view  of  Ebrard,  Volter,  Spitta,  al., 
that  messengers  sent  from  the  Asian  churches  to  John  in  Patmos  are  meant 
does  not  call  for  serious  consideration.  Such  delegates  could  not  hold  the 
jtlace  in  the  Church  universal  which  is  symbolized  by  the  stars  in  the  hand 
of  Christ,  nor  could  the  author  be  thought  of  as  writing  a  letter  to  persons 
in  his  presence. 

Criticism  of  v.  20.  This  verse  has  been  attributed  by  some  critics  (Spitta 
31  ff.,  Volter  Problem  387  f.,  Erbes  124  f.,  al.)  to  a  redactor,  on  the  ground 
that  it  introduces  a  false  explanation  of  the  lampstands  and  the  stars.  The 
argument  is  as  follows :  (1)  The  lampstands  in  the  vision,  w.  10  ff.,  do  not 
symbolize  the  churches,  but  the  seven  Spirits,  as  shown  by  4^,  and  by  a  com- 
parison of  21  with  3^  where  the  lampstands  are  parallel  with  the  Spirits  in 
distinction  from  the  stars.  (2)  The  stars  are  not  a  symbol  of  the  churches, 
but  a  part  of  the  picture  of  Christ's  glory  in  the  vision,  an  ornament  of  his 
person  ;  or  they  represent  the  luminaries  that  light  his  way  when  he  comes 
as  a  thief  in  the  night,  3* ;  but  the  cliurches  with  all  the  faults  described  in 
the  letters  could  not  be  thought  of  as  ornaments  to  the  Christ  or  as  lights  to 
his  way.  Wellhausen  (p.  5)  argues  that  the  lampstands  cannot  symbolize 
the  churches,  because  the  heavenly  Christ  cannot  be  thought  of  as  walking 
about  between  Ephesus,  Smyrna,  etc.  Such  criticisms  need  only  to  be 
stated ;  their  fancifulness  is  apparent.  The  appropriateness  of  the  symbols 
to  represent  the  churches  is  pointed  out  above  in  the  notes  on  vv.  12,  16. 
The  Apocalyptist,  in  conceiving  the  imagery  of  the  vision,  must  have  had 
distinctly  in  mind  the  significance  of  the  symbols  as  given  in  v.  20. 

Textual  notes,  vv.  9-19.  9.  Irjaov  (alone)  K*CP  38  some  vers  edd; 
XptcTToi;  is  added  in  Q  many  min  and  vers  R.  — 11.  After  Acyorcriys,  P  some 
min  R  insert  eyw  et^t  to  A  Kat  to  Q,  o  Trpwros  koll  o  eaxo-To<;  Kai ;  wanting  in 
most  sources  edd.  — 13.  vtov  K  Q  many  min  edd;  vna  ACP  many  min  R,  a 
correction. — /AacrTots  CPQ  min  edd;  im.<j6oi<s  X  some  min  Ti ;  /Aa^ots  A 
many  min  Lch.  —  ^^^pvaav  ^* A.i^  edd;  )(pva7]v  K'^PQ  min  R  Sod. — 1.5. 
-Tre-TrvpcDfxevri';  AC  Lch  Ws  WH ;  -fitvoi  X  some  min  and  vers  Blj  Bouss ; 
-jU,evot  PQ  many  min  R  Ti  WII  mrg  Sod.  — 19.  ytvecr^ai  K"  A  many  min  R 
Lch  WH  Sod  al;  yev^aOat  K*CPQ  some  min  Ti  Ws. 

Chapts.  II-IIL  Initial  Vision.  (2)  Special  Messages  to  the 
several  Asian  churches.     See  pp.  257,  258-261. 

We  have  come  very  generally  to  call  these  seven  jjaragraphs 
epistles.  In  reality  they  are  not  such.  No  one  of  them  is  in 
complete  epistolary  form;  they  are  special  words  addressed  to 
the  respective  cliurches  individually,  l)ut  included  in  the  one 


II.  1]  COMMENTARY  447 

common  epistle  (the  book  is  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  of.  p.  255) 
sent  to  all  the  seven.  From  this  very  fact,  as  well  as  from  the 
admonition  at  the  close  of  each.  Let  everyone  hear  what  the 
Spirit  saith  to  the  churches,  it  is  clear  that  like  the  rest  of  the 
book  each  several  message  is  also  meant  for  all.  While  in  each 
case  the  condition  and  circumstances  of  the  particular  congre- 
gation addressed  are  directly  aimed  at,  there  is  in  every 
'  epistle '  spiritual  truth  for  all.  Every  great  revelation, 
whether  O.T.  prophecy,  or  N.T.  epistle,  is  given  in  view  of 
definite  contemporary  and  local  circumstances,  but  it  brings  in 
this  form  truth  of  universal  significance. 

II.  1-7.  The  message  to  the  Church  in  Ephesus.  Ephesus 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Cayster  was  at  this  time  the  foremost 
city  of  Asia  Minor;  it  formed  also  a  prominent  center  of  non- 
Christian  cults.  It  was  the  '  temple-keeper  of  great  Artemis,' 
Ac.  19'^^,  whose  shrine  here  was  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world; 
it  became  one  of  the  chief  seats  of  the  worship  of  the  deified 
Roman  emperors;  it  was  the  special  home  of  magic  arts,  whose 
formulas  were  known  as  'Ecfieaia  rypdfjL/xaTa,  cf.  Ac.  19^^.  In 
the  spread  of  Christianity,  it  became  an  important  center;  St. 
Paul  made  it  the  seat  of  his  long  missionary  work  in  Asia,  Ac. 
191^10;  Apollos  labored  there,  Ac.  18^^^-,  Timothy  was  placed 
there  for  a  considerable  time,  cf.  1  and  2  Tim.  passm/  the 
church  there  was  one  of  those  to  which  was  sent  the  circular 
letter  known  to  us  as  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians;  it  was  the 
center  of  the  work  of  the  John  of  Asia  Minor.  These  circum- 
stances explain,  at  least  in  part,  why  the  epistle  to  that  church 
should  stand  first  among  the  seven,  and  why  as  a  kind  of  intro- 
duction to  the  others  it  should  possess  certain  general  features; 
e.g.  the  emphasis  on  brotherly  love,  the  first  essential  in  any 
Christian  society;  the  epithet  of  Christ  in  v.  1  and  the  promise  in 
V.  7  are  comprehensive  and  equally  applicable  to  all  the  churches. 

The  condition  of  the  Ephesian  church  which  determined  the 
nature  of  the  specific  message  sent  to  it  was  this :  itinerant 
preachers,  calling  themselves  apostles,  known  as  adherents  of 
the  teaching  of  the  Nicolaitans,  had  appeared  there  and  had  so 
far  gained  influence  tliat  opposition  to  them  had  cost  the  church 
a  painful  struggle  (^Koiro'i  v.  2);   it  had,  however,  proved  itself 


448  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [11.  1 

equal  to  its  task.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  peculiar  doc- 
trinal error  of  these  teachers,  it  would  appear  that  they  had 
sophistically  defended  unchastity  and  participation  in  idolatrous 
feasts,  vv,  14,  20,  24.  The  church  had  tested  and  rejected  them 
and  had  broken  their  hold;  it  was  persevering  still  in  its  intol- 
erance of  evil  men  and  its  abhorrence  of  the  Nicolaitans,  v.  6. 
These  were  the  circumstances  in  which  it  had  won  the  Lord's 
commendation,  because  it  had  endured  steadfastly,  had  borne 
trial  for  Christ's  name,  and  had  not  grown  weary  in  hard  toil, 
vv.  2  f.  Doubtless  there  were  in  such  a  community  other  cir- 
cumstances also  in  which  the  Christians  had  exercised  the  same 
virtues,  and  the  Lord's  approval  here  expressed  may  be  under- 
stood of  these  triumphs  likewise.  But  in  this  rigorous  struggle 
to  maintain  purity  of  morals  and  teaching  in  the  congregation, 
Christian  charity  had  suffered;  the  earlier  spirit  of  free  and 
fervid  brotherly  love  had  been  checked,  v.  4;  with  all  its  splen- 
did zeal  for  truth  and  right  conduct,  its  patient  endurance  and 
toil,  the  church  had  not  risen  above  the  inevitable  danger  of  a 
certain  hardness  of  spirit  toward  the  erring.  And  so  with  the 
Lord's  words  of  commendation  comes  his  reproof  and  the  com- 
mand to  return  to  its  first  spirit  of  brotherly  love,  the  foundation 
virtue  without  which  it  must  cease  to  exist,  its  candlestick  must 
lose  its  place  among  the  churches. 

1 .  For  the  '  angel '  of  the  church  see  pp.  445  f .  —  rdSc 
Xe-yei,  these  tJiirif/s  saith  he :  see  p.  260.  —  The  twofold  epithet 
given  to  Christ  in  this  verse,  taken  from  1^'''^'',  expresses  his  firm 
power  over  the  churches  to  do  with  them  as  he  will,  and  his 
watchful  presence  in  the  midst  of  them.  The  epithet  is  appro- 
priate here,  but  in  all  the  other  epistles  as  well.  It  stands  here, 
not  with  sole  reference  to  the  contents  of  this  epistle,  but  is 
chosen  apparentl}^  because  this  epistle  holds  an  introductory 
place  at  the  beginning  of  the  whole  series  of  the  epistles,  which 
in  the  mind  of  the  writer  form  a  connected  unit.  In  all  the 
epistles  the  epithets  of  Christ  are  designed  to  enforce  his 
message  ;  at  the  same  time  they  mark  the  oneness  of  the  speaker 
with  the  glorified  Christ,  as  he  manifests  himself  elsewhere  in 
the  book,  principally  in  the  vision  of  li^^-,  and  as  it  were  intro- 
duce him  again  as  visibly  present  in  connection  with  each 
epistle.  —  KpaTcov :  stronger  than  e%«i)v,  see  on  1^^.  —  ireptiraTwv 


II.  :i]  COMMENTARY  449 

€V  jxc'aco,  tralkiii;/  hi  the  tnidst  of:  the  words  denote  constant  and 
visi'ilant  presence  ;  cf.  Lev.  26'^.  irepLTrareo)  is  a  favorite  word 
in  the  Johannine  writings,  occurring  17  times  in  the  Gospel,  10 
times  in  the  Epistles,  5  times  in  the  Apoc. 

2-3.  ep'ya,  works:  here,  as  elsewhere  in  the  epistles,  not 
merely  deeds  done,  but  life  and  conduct  in  general,  including 
both  outward  and  spiritual  activities,  as  shown  by  the  explan- 
atory clauses  added  in  each  instance  ;  for  this  use  of  the  word 
cf.  Jno.  (i)^^.  —  Kal  Tov  kottov,  /ctX,.,  even  thy  toil,  etc. :  in  appo- 
sition with  TO,  epya,  thy  works,  of  which  the  whole  passage  to 
the  end  of  v.  3  is  an  explanation.  The  '  works '  of  the  Ephe- 
sians  consist  in  two  things,  their  hard  toil  (/co'ttoi/),  especially 
in  opposition  to  false  teachers,  and  their  steadfast  endiirance 
(yiropLovriv).  These  two  virtues  are  then  spoken  of  in  order 
more  fully  in  the  following  clauses  ;  the  ko'tto?,  hard  toil,  is  made 
definite  in  the  words  ov  Bvvrj  .  .  .  i^euSet?,  i.e.  the  active  op- 
position to,  and  testing  of,  the  false  teachers ;  the  vTro/jbovrj, 
steadfast  endurance,  is  taken  up  again  in  v.  3,  vTrofiovrjv  e;\;ei? 
repeating  rrjv  vTro/xovrjp  crov  of  v.  2,  and  explained  as  referring  to 
the  inward  state  of  bearing  trial  and  of  unweariedness  in  well- 
doing; in  V.  3  /3ac7Ta^&),  ^^ear,  refers  rather  to  inward  endurance 
of  trial,  in  v.  2  to  tolerance  of  something  in  others,  as  in  Ro.  15^, 
Ignat.  Pol.  1.  Kai  before  ort,  v.  2,  does  not  introduce  a  third 
activity  parallel  with  the  two  preceding,  but  an  explanation ; 
it  is  epexegetical,  see  on  1^.  —  8vvt)  :  this  form,  not  occurring 
in  Attic  prose,  is  found  in  a  few  places  in  the  N.T.,  e.y.  Mk.  9^^, 
Lk.  16^;  cf.  Blass  §  28,  2. — tTreipacras,  hast  tested:  the  aor. 
refers  to  a  definite  past  act,  while  the  presents,  Bvvrj,  e;)^et9,  show 
the  present  continuance  of  the  feeling  toward  the  Nicolaitans. 
—  dTTOcTToXous,  apostles:  the  term  is  used  here  in  a  sense  wider 
than  in  its  application  to  the  original  apostles,  denoting  a  class 
of  itinerant  missionaries  bearing  this  name,  whose  existence  in 
the  Church  is  attested  by  Didache  11,  also  2  Co.  IP'  ^\  12".  Ac- 
cording to  Ac.  20^^  Paul  had  foretold  the  entrance  of  ^  grievous 
wolves '  among  the  Ephesians  ;  false  teachers  appear  everywhere 
in  the  apostolic  Church  almost  simultaneously  with  the  true. 
The  faithful  are  often  warned  of  the  necessity  of  testing  those 
who  claim  to  come  with  messages  of  the  Spirit ;  1  Jno.  4^,  1 
Thess.  52«^-,  1  Co.  1429,  Mt.  7'^S  Didache  11  f.  The  church  at 
2g 


450  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [II.  4 

Ephesus  had  done  this ;  i7reipaaa<;  here  =  iBoKifjiaaa^.  Ignat. 
also  {Uph.  9)  commends  the  Ephesians  because  they  had  not 
suffered  certain  persons  bringing  false  doctrine  to  sow  seed 
among  them. 

4.  From  commendation  the  message  now  turns  to  reproof 
and  warning.  —  aya.Tn\v,  love:  i.e.  love  toward  the  brethren, 
so  most  among  recent  com.  The  virtues  praised  in  vv.  2-3 
presuppose  a  continuing  love  of  Christ,  while  the  zeal  in  oppos- 
ing the  false  teachers  might  naturally  lead  to  divisions  and  a 
slackening  of  love  toward  some  of  the  brethren.  This  insist- 
ence in  the  introductory  epistle  upon  brotherly  love  accords 
with  the  emphasis  put  upon  it  throughout  the  N.  T.,  especially 
in  the  Johannine  writings. 

5.  |jlvti[jl6v€U£,  remember:  the  pres.  denotes  the  continued  act 
of  calling  to  mind  as  an  impulse  to  the  change  (^ixeravorjaov^, 
which  is  conceived  as  a  single  act,  brought  to  pass  once  for  all, 
and  so  expressed  by  the  aor.  —  xd  Trptoxa  ep-ya,  the  first  works : 
i.e.  the  same  activities  of  love  toward  the  brethren  as  in  the 
Ijeginning.  —  cp^op^ai,  /  ^vill  come :  the  pres.  here  witli  the 
force  of  the  fut.,  as  often  with  this  and  similar  vbs. ;  cf.  Kiihn. 
II.  §  382,  6  ;  Blass,  §  56,  8.  The  coming  here  spoken  of  may 
be  the  parousia,  which  is  conceived  as  near,  or  a  visitation  in 
some  preliminary  judgment,  as  in  v.  22. — coi :  probably  dot. 
incommod..,  though  possibly  a  Hebraism;  cf.  Mt.  21^,  Blass 
§  37,  5.- — KLvqcro  «;tX. ,  will  remove  thy  candlestick^  etc.:  i.e. 
deprive  it  of  its  place  among  the  churches,  destroy  it.  With- 
out brotherly  love  a  church  must  become  extinct.  —  Xuxviav : 
the  use  of  the  word  here  agrees  with  1^^  against  the  criticism 
which  finds  the  explanation  there  given  erroneous ;  see  pp.  446  f . 
—  €dv  fJiT)  |JL6TavoTi(rT|s,  if  thou  shalt  not  have  repented  :  i.e.  before 
the  coming.  The  aor.  subjv.  with  idv  has  the  force  of  the  fut. 
perf.;  cf.  Kiihn,  11.  §  388,  A  2. 

6.  From  reproof  the  message  turns  back  again  to  the  praise- 
worthy '  works '  of  the  church  spoken  of  in  vv.  2  f .  But  as 
usual  with  the  author  (as  with  the  autlior  of  the  Fourth  Gos- 
pel) repetition  is  joined  with  amplification  ;  the  false  teachers 
of  V.  2  are  here  defined  as  belonging  to  the  Nicolaitans,  and  the 
Lord's  detestation  of  their  teaching  is  emphasized.  On  the 
Nicolaitans  see  on  v.  14. 


II.  7]  COMMENTARY  451 

7.  6  €X,«v  ovs  /ctX.,  he  that  hath  an  ear,  etc. :  every  individual 
member  of  the  Church  is  bidden  to  lieed  the  message  of  the 
epistle. — TO  irvevixa  Xt-yci,  the  Spirit  saith :  the  words  attrib- 
uted to  Christ  from  v.  1  throughout  the  epistle  are  here  at- 
tributed to  the  Spirit.  Christ  speaks  to  the  Prophet  through 
the  Spirit ;  the  Spirit  is  his  (cf.  3^,  5^)  and  is  here  identified 
with  him ;  cf.  Ro.  8^,  see  also  p.  316.  It  is  noticeable  in  this 
sentence,  which  appears  in  all  the  epistles,  that  whether  the 
words  be  taken  as  those  of  Christ  or  as  an  appeal  thrown  in  by 
the  writer  in  his  own  person,  the  representation  changes,  in  so 
far  as  the  exalted  person  of  the  Son  of  man  pictured  in  the 
vision  and  speaking  in  the  rest  of  the  epistle  is  now  conceived 
as  having  given  his  message  through  the  Spirit  rather  than  in 
oral  words  spoken  directly  to  the  prophet.  It  is  as  if  the  writer 
exchanged  the  visional  representation,  suited  to  an  apocalyptist, 
for  the  customary  one  of  a  prophet ;  and  accordingly  adapting 
his  language  to  his  practical  purpose,  he  substitutes  the  ordi- 
nary term,  the  Spirit,  for  the  visional  symbol,  the  seven  Spirits. 
—  T(o  viKwvTi,  to  him,  that  overcometh :  this  phrase  occurs  in  all 
the  epistles  and  without  specification  of  a  particular  object  of 
conflict ;  it  is  to  be  understood  of  final  victory  over  all  spiritual 
foes,  including  of  course  the  special  evil  denounced  in  each 
epistle  respectively.  —  <j)a'Y€iv  .  .  .  l^caris,  to  eat  of  the  tree  of 
life :  the  promise  to  the  victor  is  everlasting  life  (cf.  Gen.  3^2) 
in  the  messianic  kingdom.  This  promise,  like  the  epithet  of 
Christ  in  v.  1,  does  not  have  specific  reference  to  the  circum- 
stances of  the  Ephesians,  it  is  applicable  to  all  alike ;  and  it  is 
placed  appropriately  in  this  introductory  epistle  as  fundamental 
to  the  promises  in  all  the  others.  Eating  of  the  tree  of  life,  as 
spoken  of  in  the  story  of  Eden,  becomes  a  common  feature  in 
descriptions  of  the  eschatological  state;  cf.  22^,  Ezk.  47^^, 
2  Es.  8*^^  Test.  Lev.  18,  En.  25,  4  f.  The  tree  is  represented 
as  now  in  the  Garden  of  God,  to  winch  the  saints  will  be  ad- 
mitted in  the  messianic  age. 

Textual  notes,  vv.  1-5.  The  titles  of  the  epistles  vary  in  the  Mss.  The 
principal  difference  is  in  the  art.  after  a-yyeAo) :  (1)  rw  ayyeAco  Tr)<;  ev  .  ■  . 
eKKXri<Tia<; ;  (2)  tw  ayyeXco  tw  ev  .  .  .  €KKXr)cna<i  (the  chnrcli-angel  //?,  etc.)  ; 
(1)  is  the  form  for  all  seven  epistles  in  NPQ  and  most  other  sources  ;  in  three 
epistles,  2^^  3S  3'',  it  is  the  only  form  supported  by  the  Mss.  and  is  adopted 


452  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [II.  8 

for  all  by  most  of  the  recent  edd.  But  (2)  has  good  authority,  especially  in 
three  epistles,  2^  AC  Prim,  2^  A  min,  21**  A  Prim,  and  is  adopted  in  these 
three  epistles  by  Lch  WH  Sw.  There  are  some  slighter  variations  in  the 
Mss.  and  the  exact  form  of  the  original  must  remain  questionable.  Proba- 
bly the  epistles  were  uniform  in  this  respect.  Cf .  Ws  64  f.,  Zahn  Ein.  II. 
620,  WH  Select  Readings  136  f.  —  2.  Q  some  min  and  vers  R  add  aov  to 
KOTTOV,  generally  omitted,  aov  after  viroixov-qv  belonging  to  the  one  compound 
phrase  explaining  e/aya.  —  A  omits  km  before  on,  but  see  Com.  in  loc. — 
5.    Q  most  rain  some  vers  Prim  add  ra^v  after  ctoi;  R  Ta)(€.L. 

II.  8-11.  The  message  to  the  church  in  Smyrna.  Smyrna, 
north  of  Ephesus,  at  the  head  of  a  deep  gulf  of  the  ^gean, 
was  in  wealth,  commercial  importance,  and  splendor  one  of  the 
foremost  cities  of  Asia  Minor.  It  was  a  seat  of  the  emperor- 
worship,  with  which  the  Christians  must  come  into  conflict ; 
and  a  Jewish  element  existed  among  its  inhabitants,  bitterly 
hostile  to  the  Christians  and  strong  enough  to  exert  influence 
with  the  Roman  authority.  Hence  the  church  there  was  in 
special  peril.  Already  it  was  suffering  {OXi-yjriv  9),  perhaps 
through  various  persecutions,  certainly  through  the  calumnies 
of  the  Jews  {/SXaacji-q/xiav  9).  These,  though  possessing  no 
power  to  inflict  punishment,  were  quick  to  bring  slanderous 
accusations  against  the  Christians  before  the  Roman  courts,  as 
their  fellow  countrymen  had  done  in  the  case  of  the  Lord  (Jno. 
1912)  j^j-^(j  Paul  (Ac.  24^).  Here  at  Smyrna  a  little  later  they 
joined  in  '  ungovernable  wrath '  with  the  Gentile  mob  in  calling 
for  the  death  of  Polycarp,  bishop  of  the  church  there ;  they 
assisted  with  their  own  hands  in  his  martyrdom,  and  prevented 
the  Christians  from  getting  possession  of  his  body  (Mart,  of 
Pol.  12  f.,  17  f.).  Whether  through  Jewish  calumnies  alone, 
or  through  other  influences  also,  some  of  the  (Christians  at 
Smyrna  were  already  facing  imprisonment,  and  even  the  mar- 
tyr's death  was  possible,  v.  10.  The  Christians  there  were 
poor  and  this  increased  their  helplessness ;  but  withal  the  Lord 
declares  they  are  rich  in  their  spiritual  state  (v.  9)  and  he 
encourages  them  to  fidelity,  even  to  the  extremity  of  death,  by 
the  promise  of  the  crown  of  life.  He  has  for  this  church  praise 
alone. 

8.  6  irpcoTos  «tX.,  the  first  etc.:  see  on  P''^-,  from  which  this 
epithet  of  Christ  is  taken.  In  this  epistle  the  close  connection 
of  the  epithet  with  the  condition  of  those  addressed  is  apparent. 


II.  9]  COMMENTARY  453 

In  view  of  possible  martyrdom  the  Smynifeans  are  to  be  en- 
couraged by  the  remembrance  that  Christ  himself,  the  eternal 
one,  shared  the  martyr's  death,  but  revived  again. 

9.  After  otSa,  /  hiow,  the  analogy  of  the  other  epistles,  ex- 
cept that  to  Pergamum,  would  lead  us  to  expect  ra  epya  aov, 
thy  works,  for  which  there  is  indeed  some  authority,  see  text- 
note.  —  0\i\}/tv,  tribulation :  the  context  shows  that  persecu- 
tion of  some  kind  is  meant ;  the  meaning  cannot  be  restricted 
to  the  sufferings  of  poverty.  That  the  poverty  of  the  Smyr- 
nsean  Christians  was  due  to  the  confiscation  of  their  property 
and  so  was  a  part  of  their  persecution  (the  view  of  some  com.) 
is  without  intimation  here,  though  it  is  conceivable.  —  irXovaios, 
rich:  i.e.  in  spiritual  possessions,  cf.  3^^,  2  Co.  6^*^,  Mt.  6^0.  For 
the  writer's  habit  of  inserting  a  parenthesis  see  p.  243. — 
pXao-<|)T|pLiav,  reviling,  calumny :  What  the  calumnious  charges 
were  is  not  indicated,  but  they  were  evidently  of  a  kind  to 
expose  the  Christians  to  the  penalties  of  the  Roman  law.  — 
eauTovS  :  for  this  use  of  the  reflex,  pron.  in  the  ace.  with  an 
infin,,  especially  elvai,  whose  subject  is  the  same  as  that  of  the 
governing  word  {Xeyovrcov^,  cf.  3^,  Ac.  5"'^'^,  8'-* ;  see  Blass  §  72, 
2.  Usually  a  certain  emphasis  is  given  to  the  pron.,  but  that 
is  not  the  case  here.  —  ovk  cLaiv  they  are  7iot :  'He  is  not  a  Jew 
who  is  one  outwardly,'  Ro.  2-'^*-  Throughout  the  book  the 
Christian  is  with  the  writer  the  true  Jew  ;  with  him  Christians 
constitute  the  '  Israel  of  God,'  as  with  Paul  (Gal.  6^^),  and  he 
writes  as  himself  a  Jew,  with  a  jealous  claim  of  the  name  for 
those  who  form  the  true  people  of  God. 

In  this  use  of  the  name  Jew,  the  writer  is  said  by  many  scholars  to  stand 
in  contrast  with  the  author  of  the  Fourth  Gospel,  with  whom  the  Jews  is 
the  designation  of  the  foes  of  Jesus  and  his  disciples,  though  of  the  same 
nationality.  But  however  weighty  may  be  the  objections  to  identity  of 
authorship  in  the  two  books  (see  pp.  354  ff.),  it  is  doubtful  whether  a  fun- 
damental difference  in  the  use  of  this  name  can  be  maintained.  The 
author  of  the  Fourth  Gospel  writing  far  from  Palestine  and  the  days  of 
Jesus'  earthly  life,  and  dealing  often  with  events  in  which  the  mass  of  the 
Jewish  people  with  their  rulers  and  leaders  manifested  their  hostility  to 
Jesus,  uses  the  national  name,  though  himself  a  Jew,  with  reference  to  the 
general  attitude,  as  one  might  naturally  do  in  addressing  another  people, 
and  especially  when  the  popular  distinction  between  Jew  and  Christian  had 
become  marked.     But  a  writer  who  says,  '  salvation  is  of  the  Jews,'  4^^,  who 


454  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [II.  9 

speaks  of  an  '  Israelite  indeed,'  i.e.  a  true  Israelite,  1*',  and  of  '  the  Jews  that 
believed '  8^^  who  denies  by  implication  that  certain  of  the  Jews  are  truly 
the  children  of  Abraham  8^''~^*  (the  real  sense  of  this  passage  is  not  mate- 
rially affected  whether  we  read  in  v.  39  kaTf.  or  rjTf.,  cf.  Zahn  Kom.  in  loc), 
agrees  essentially  in  the  matter  here  spoken  of  with  the  author  of  the 
Apocalypse. 

auvavwyTi  tov  (raxavd,  a  syyiagogue  of  Satan :  so  also  in  3^. 
Instead  of  being  as  they  called  themselves  and  were  doubtless 
known,  a  synagogue,  a  congregation  of  Jews,  which  would  be 
'  the  congregation  of  Jehovah '  (J]  a-vvajooyr]  Kvpiov,  Num. 
16^  20^),  as  also  they  probably  called  themselves,  they  were 
really  a  synagogue  serving  Satan  (cf.  J  no.  8^^),  whom  they 
served  in  this  persecution  of  the  Christians. 

10.  If  fji-qSev  be  read  instead  of  fjn]  (see  text-note)  the  full 
construction  is  /jirjBh  tovtwv  a.  —  6  Sid^oXos,  the  devil :  the  real 
author  of  the  persecutions  is  Satan,  working  through  his  ser- 
vants the  Jews  and  the  Romans.  —  €|  ii|xwv  :  this  substitute  for 
the  indef.  pron.  with  part.  gen.  occurs  as  subj.  or  obj.  of  a  vb.; 
cf.  39,  119,  Lk.  1149,  see  Blass  §35,  4.— iva  ueipao-eTiTC,  that 
ye  may  he  tried  :  it  is  God's  purpose  that  they  may  be  tested 
in  their  trials.  Some  take  it  of  Satan's  purpose  to  te'mj)t  them 
to  fall  ;  both  thoughts  may  be  included.  — €|€T€  .  .  .  5€Ka,  ye 
shall  have  tribulation  ten  days :  in  the  circumstances  known  to 
the  writer  the  imprisonment  appears  inevitable  (yueXXet 
/3aA,\ety),  but  it  is  to  continue  for  a  fixed  time  of  not  great 
length.  On  the  symbolical  number  ten  see  p.  254.  If  exv'^^ 
be  read  instead  of  e^ere,  it  is  parallel  with  ireipaadriTe.,  express- 
ing purpose  ;  but  that  reading  is  inferior  as  regards  sense  and 
authorities  ;  see  text.  note.  —  T)|JL6p(ov  :  we  should  expect  the 
ace.  which  in  fact  occurs  as  a  variant  ;  the  gen.  with  vbs.  de- 
notes not  duration  of  time,  but  a  period  to  some  point  in  which 
an  event  belongs  ;  that  is  the  meaning  of  rov  Xolttov  Gal.  6^^, 
Eph.  G^^  probably  also  of  the  reading  of  D*Ac.  1^  which  omits 
8id  before  rjfjiepoyv.  In  this  place  rjfxepMv  may  be  a  gen.  of 
measure  after  6\i-\\nv,  a  tribulation  of  ten  days ;  cf.  Lk.  2*^, 
Kuhn.  II.  353,  3. — 'yivou  ttio-tos  ktX.,  show  thyself  faithful 
etc. :  i.e.  be  ready  to  meet  the  extreme  penalty  of  death,  if  it 
should  come  to  that,  as  was  possible  and  as  had  been  the  case 
at  Pergamum,  v.   13.  —  tov  cni^avov  tt^s  i^o>t^s,    the  crown  of 


II.  12]  COMMENTARY  455 

life :  i.e.  everlasting  life  as  the  crown,  the  reward,  of  victory. 
The  phrase  occurs  also  in  J  a.  1^^.  The  crown  occurs  so  often 
in  antiquity  as  a  mark  of  royalty,  honor,  a  prize  of  victory,  etc., 
that  it  is  unnecessary  to  seek  (so,  some  com.)  for  a  local  origin 
of  the  metaphor,  i.e.  in  the  games  celebrated  at  Smyrna.  The 
metaphorical  use  of  the  word  is  common  ;  with  the  Hebrews 
it  denotes  honor,  dignity,  e.g.  Ps.  8^  103*,  Job  Sl^e,  Wis.  S^*^  ; 
in  the  N.  T.  it  often  denotes  the  eschatological  reward  of 
victory  over  evil  ;  e.g.  1  Co.  9^5,  2  Tim.  4^,  Ja.  l^^.  The 
reference  in  the  context  to  struggle  and  victory  shows  that  to 
be  the  meaning  here  and  in  3^^. 

11.  See  (m  v.  7.  — €K  :  denoting  properly  the  source  whence 
the  effect  proceeds,  and  so  the  agency  or  instrument ;  see  Thayer 
s.v.  II.  5;  Kiihn.  §430,  2,  3. — tov  SavaTOu  tov  Sevrepot),  the 
second  death:  the  first  is  the  natural  death  to  which  all  are  sub- 
ject ;  the  second,  the  eternal  death  to  which  the  condemned  are 
given  over  at  the  judgment,  20"- ",  21^.  This  designation  of  it 
occurs  also  in  the  Targums  (see  Wetstein),  but  our  writer  does 
not  assume  a  full  comprehension  of  the  term  on  his  readers' 
part ;  he  therefore  explains  it  in  20^*,  21^.  The  promise  in  this 
epistle  is  determined  directly  by  the  peril  of  the  readers.  They 
are  in  danger  of  the  martyr's  death  here,  but  life  eternal  awaits 
them  as  their  reward ;  after  this  first  death,  the  second  can 
have  no  power  to  harm  them.  The  reward  promised  here  is  the 
same  as  that  of  the  former  epistle,  v.  7  ;  but  while  it  is  there 
spoken  of  in  its  general  aspect,  here  it  is  viewed  in  special  con- 
trast with  the  martyr's  death,  and  with  reference  to  delivery 
from  the  horrors  of  the  second  death. 

Textual  notes,  w.  8-10.  8.  See  on  v.  1.  —  9.  Before  OXlij/lv,  K  Q  most  min 
some  vers  and  anc  com.  R  read  ra  epya  Kai,  in  agreement  with  the  other 
epistles  except  v.  13 ;  wanting  in  ACP  some  vers  Prim  edd ;  but  Sod  in- 
serts in  brackets.  The  evidence  for  the  words  in  v.  13  is  similar,  but  i<  also 
omits  them  there.  — 10.  fx-q  ACQ  some  min  Lch  Tr  Ws  WH  Blj  nl ;  /x-qS^v 
K  P  most  min  some  vers  and  anc  com.  R  Ti  Sod,  the  more  diiScult  reading. 
—  ciere  H  Q  most  min  vers.  R  Ti  Ws  Sod  Blj  al ;  exrjTe  A  some  min  Prim 
WTI  nl,  proliably  conformed  to  TrcipaaOrjTe  by  a  copyist.  —  rjfxeptov  i<ACP 
min  edd ;  r/ftcpa?  Q  most  min,  a  copyist's  change  to  an  easier  construction. 

II.  12-17.  The  message  to  the  Ohurch  in  Pergamum.  Perga- 
mum,  or  Pergamus   (the  neuter  is  the  more  common  form  in 


456  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [II.  12 

authors  and  inscriptions),  in  a  northeasterly  direction  from 
Smyrna,  in  the  valley  of  the  Caicus,  though  less  important  as  a 
commercial  center,  was  in  political  and  religious  significance,  in 
wealth  and  in  the  beauty  of  its  public  buildings,  a  rival  of 
Ephesus.  It  possessed  shrines  of  Zeus,  Athene,  Dionysos,  and 
Asklepios.  Of  the  last,  the  god  of  healing,  its  shrine,  with  its 
college  of  medical  priests,  formed  a  center  for  the  gathering  of 
sufferers  from  all  quarters.  But  what  is  of  special  importance 
for  the  interpretation  of  this  epistle,  it  was  the  foremost  seat  of 
the  worship  of  the  Roman  emperors.  In  this  city  as  the  first 
place  in  the  Asian  province  a  temple  had  been  consecrated  (29 
A.D.)  to  the  'divine  Augustus  and  the  goddess  Roma,'  and 
Pergamum  continued  to  lead  in  tliis  cult.  Attitude  toward 
this  worship  was  made  in  time  a  test  of  loyalty  to  C»sar. 
Pergamum  therefore  became  in  the  vision  of  the  Apocalyptist 
a  very  center  of  Satan's  devices  against  the  Churcli,  for  the 
Asian  Christians  the  seat  of  '  Satan's  throne,'  v.  13.  In  spite 
however  of  the  powerful  temptation  to  deny  the  faith,  the 
church  there  had  thus  far  stood  firm.  One  member  at  least, 
Antipas,  had  fallen  a  martyr  (v.  13),  and  the  Lord  bestows 
upon  the  church  its  meed  of  praise. 

But  the  Nicolaitans,  the  same  false  teachers  who  had  appeared 
in  other  churches  (Ephesus,  Thyatira)  with  their  lax  doctrine 
regarding  fornication  and  sharing  in  idol  feasts,  were  active  in 
Pergamum  also;  and  the  church  liere,  with  all  its  steadfast 
loyalty  to  the  name  of  Christ,  had  not  taken  the  same  rigorous 
stand  against  these  teachers  as  had  the  Ephesians  (vv.  2,  6). 
The  possibility  of  regarding  such  laxity  with  a  degree  of  leni- 
ency cannot  be  judged  altogether  by  the  ideal  Christian  stand- 
ard. The  congregations  were  made  up  chiefly  of  converts 
from  the  Gentiles,  with  whom  fornication  was  for  the  most  part 
looked  upon  as  a  matter  of  indifference,  and  was  likely  to  be 
excused  by  sophistical  arguments,  cf.  v.  24,  Eph.  5*^.  And  also 
in  such  communities  it  was  difficult  for  Christians  to  continue 
social  intercourse  with  their  non-Christian  friends  without  par- 
taking, at  least  at  a  meal  in  a  friend's  house,  of  food  which  in 
its  preparation  for  the  market,  or  by  some  table-rite  had  been 
consecrated  to  a  god.  Questions  about  both  of  these  practices 
must  have  arisen  in  most  Gentile  congregations,  and  teachers 


II.  13]  COMMENTARY  457 

who  found  arguments  for  their  excuse  were  likely  to  gain 
hearers.  St.  Paul  discusses  both  subjects  in  the  First  Epistle 
to  the  Corinthians  (chapts.  5,  6^2-20^  g-^  ,^^^  one  of  them  in  his 
circular  letter  sent  to  some  of  these  Asian  churches  (Eph. 
5^~^*).  Apparently  the  influence  of  the  lax  teaching  had  not 
become  so  great  at  Pergamum  as  at  Thyatira ;  at  all  events,  the 
threats  are  less  severe,  cf .  vv.  21  ff. ;  but  there  were  among  the 
Pergamene  Christians  those  who  held  the  false  views,  even 
if  they  had  not  carried  them  out  into  practice,  and  the  church 
suffered  these  to  remain  in  its  numbers  (e;^ei9  v.  14).  It  is  to 
meet  the  peril  thus  arising  that  this  message  is  sent.  The 
church  is  bidden  to  repent  of  its  leniency.  Though  some 
might  condone,  or  find  arguments  to  defend,  the  practices  in 
question,  tlie  sentence  of  the  Lord's  lips,  '  the  sword  of  his 
mouth,'  condemns  them,  and  in  some  signal  visitation  he  will 
cut  off  those  (^avTOiv  v.  16)  who  thus  offend.  The  candlestick 
of  the  church  might  remain  in  its  place,  but  this  visitation  of 
some  of  its  members  will  fall  as  a  penalty  upon  the  whole  con- 
gregation. The  purpose  of  the  warning  is  of  course  to  lead 
the  Pergamene  church  to  lieal  the  fault  itself  and  to  avert 
the  visitation.  If  there  were  Jews  at  Pergamum,  as  there 

probably  were,  their  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  Christians  was  not 
such  as  to  call  for  mention  in  the  epistle. 

12.  6  'iyjmv  t\\v  po[jL<j)aiav  /crX.,  he  that  hath  the  sivord,  etc.  : 
this  epithet  of  Christ,  taken  from  l^*"  (see  note  there)  and  ex- 
pressing the  destroying  power  of  his  sentence  of  condemnation 
is  chosen  with  special  reference  to  the  visitation  threatened  in 
V.  IG. 

13.  6  Gpovos  Tov  (xaTavd,  Satan^s  throne:  the  principal  inter- 
pretations of  this  phrase  as  applied  to  Pergamum  derive  its 
meaning  from  some  one  of  the  following  circumstances  :  (1) 
The  conspicuousness  of  the  city  as  a  seat  of  pagan  worship.  It 
contained  temples  of  at  least  four  of  the  most  prominent  Greek 
divinities  (see  above),  who  were  also  represented  on  its  coins. 
(2)  Its  prominence  as  the  place  of  the  worship  of  Asklepios, 
with  his  title  '  Savior,'  and  his  symbol,  the  serpent,  which  would 
remind  the  Christians  of  Satan  (cf.  12^,  20^).  (3)  The  exist- 
ence on  its  acropolis  of  the  marvelous  altar-platform  of  Zeus,  a 
work  of  enormous  dimensions  and  splendid  sculptures,  which 


458  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  III.  13 

might  suggest  a  'throne'  of  the  god,  i.e.  in  Christian  thought, 
a  demon,  Satan.  (4)  The  martyrdom  of  Antipas,  which  re- 
vealed a  fierceness  of  Satan's  power  not  yet,  so  far  as  recorded 
in  these  epistles,  seen  in  other  Asian  cities.  (5;  The  promi- 
nence of  Pergamum  in  the  emperor-worship.  It  was  here  that 
this  worship  first  appeared  in  the  Asian  province,  and  the  city 
seems  to  have  retained  a  leading  influence  in  the  cult.  This 
explanation  is  probably  to  be  preferred  and  is  adopted  by  many 
recent  interpreters,  because  it  agrees  with  the  importance  which 
the  book  assigns  to  the  emperor-worship,  as  an  agency  of  Satan's 
power,  and  because  the  other  explanations  give  to  Pergamum, 
in  the  respects  spoken  of,  a  prominence  which  the  Christians, 
and  especially  our  author,  would  not  be  likely  to  assign  to  it. 
The  reference  of  the  phrase  to  the  worship  of  Asklepios  at  Per- 
gamum is  adopted  by  a  considerable  number  of  scholars,  but  this 
worship  was  highly  developed  elsewhere,  e.g.  at  Epidauros ;  and 
neither  a  writer  of  so  wide  an  outlook  as  our  Apocalyptist, 
nor  the  Christians  generally  in  Asia  Minor  are  likely  to  have 
attached  such  superior  significance  to  the  Asklepian  cult  as  to 
call  a  seat  of  it  the  center  of  Satan's  rule.  The  words  at  the 
end  of  the  verse,  '  where  Satan  dwells,'  have  essentially  the 
same  sense  as  these  words,  '  where  Satan's  throne  is,'  and  the 
repetition  in  the  two  different  relations  indicates  reference  to  a 
power  which  is  now  testing  the  church  in  the  midst  of  it,  and 
which  was  active  in  the  past  in  effecting  the  death  of  Antipas. 
These  activities  are  most  easily  understood  of  a  power  seeking 
to  maintain  the  emperor-worship.  See  on  the  phrase  En.  Bil). 
III.  3(358. 

KpaT€  IS,  art  holding  fast :  in  spite  of  a  power  calling  to  the 
denial  of  their  discipleship,  probably  the  insistence  on  emperor- 
worship,  the  Pergamene  Christians  had  not  denied  the  name  of 
Christ,  but  were  holding  fast  to  it,  as  that  of  their  Lord  and 
Master.  — ovk  T|pvT|(rco  kt\.,  didst  not  deny,  etc.  :  the  aor.  refers 
to  a  specific  incident  in  the  past.  The  Church,  under  a  special 
stress  of  trial  in  the  presence  of  Satan's  power,  had  shown  the 
same  steadfastness  as  now.  While  there  may  already  have  been 
other  martyrdoms  in  the  Asian  cities,  these  were  probably  not 
numerous,  as  no  intimations  to  that  effect  appear  in  the  epistles. 
The  martyrdom  of  Antipas  may  have  been  due  to  an  outbreak 


II.  15]  COMMENTARY  459 

of  mob  violence  (so,  Zahn  Ein.  II.  612  f.)  ;  but  if  throughout 
the  verse  reference  is  made  to  one  and  the  same  temptation,  the 
call  to  recognize  the  emperor-worship,  his  death  was  probably 
an  act  of  some  sort  of  judicial  sentence.  This,  however,  would 
not  prove  that  it  had  already  become  the  settled  course  of  the 
imperial  government  to  enforce  the  cult  by  the  execution  of  all 
who  evaded  it.  Nothing  is  known  of  Antipas  beyond  what 

is  here  given.  Legends  that  he  was  bishop  of  Pergamum,  that 
he  was  burned  to  death  in  a  brazen  bull,  etc.,  are  without 
value.  — mcTTiv  \iov,  faith  in  me:  gen.  obj.,  cf.  Ro.  3^,  Gal.  2^^. 

—  '  AvTiiras  :  in  the  text  here  adopted,  taken  as  indeclinable  in 
the  gen.  depending  on  rjixepac^  ;  the  appos.  o  ixaprv^;  is  put  in 
the  nom.  after  the  writer's  manner,  cf.  p.  224.  If  with  some 
authorities  ev  ah  be  inserted  after  rjixepai^;,  'Avtittu^  is  nom. — 
|JLdpT\)S,  tvitness:  see  on  1^ 

14.  From  praise  the  message  now  turns  to  censure.  —  t'x^ts 
€K€L  kt\.,  thou  hast  there,  etc.  :  the  language  shows  that  the 
persons  meant  are  not  teachers  from  abroad  as  at  Ephesus 
(v.  2),  but  members  of  the  congregation  itself,  whose  presence 
is  tolerated.  —  tt|v  SiSaxilv  Ba\ad|i,  the  teachitig  of  Balaam : 
the  teaching,  which  countenances  fornication  and  ^participation 
in  idolatrous  feasts,  is  like  that  which  Balaam  gave  to  Balak, 
counseling  him  by  these  enticements  to  ensnare  Israel  to  its 
destruction.  In  Num.  25^  ^-  (belonging  to  document  JE)  no 
mention  is  made  of  the  agency  of  Balaam  in  the  seduction  of 
Israel  ;  it  is  excluded  by  his  attitude  as  described  in  the  earlier 
part  of  the  narrative.  But  in  Num.  31^^  (belonging  to  docu- 
ment P)  the  course  of  the  Moabites  is  attributed  to  his  counsel. 

—  T(3  BaXcLK  :  the  dat.  is  a  Hebraism,  or  popular  idiom  (if  the 
correct  reading)  instead  of  ace;  see  Blass  §  34,2,  footnote  2.  - — 
CTKoLvSaXov,  a  stumbling -block :  the  word  characterizes  the  deadly 
consequences  of  the  teaching. 

15.  ovTcos  €X.€tS  Kal  av,  so  hast  thou  also :  the  teaching  of  the 
Nicolaitans  is  thus  declared  to  be  identical  with  the  '  teaching 
of  Balaam,'  i.e.  it  countenances  fornication  and  partaking  of 
idolatrous  feasts ;  and  it  is  the  same  as  that  of  Jezebel's  follow- 
ers at  Thyatira  as  defined  in  v.  20.  Our  author  is  wholly  con- 
cerned with  the  practical  error  which  has  appeared  in  the  three 
churches  at  Ephesus,  Pergamum,  and  Thyatira,  perhaps  else- 


460  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  111.15 

where  also.  No  allusion  is  made  to  a  dogmatic  or  philosophical 
system  ;  perhaps  none  existed,  but  if  so,  it  is  without  importance 
for  the  understanding  of  these  epistles  (cf.  Blj.  60).  The  use 
of  SiBa'x^i]  does  not  show,  as  some  maintain,  that  a  doctrinal 
system  was  held,  for  the  same  word  is  used  of  Balaam's  coun- 
sel. On  the  use  here  made  of  the  example  of  Balaam  cf.  2  Pet. 
215,  ju^ie  V.  11. 

Some  have  held  the  Nicolaitans  to  be  Pauline,  or  ultra-Pauline  Christians; 
so,  e.g.  Van  Manen  in  En.  Bib.  III.  3410 ;  but  certainly  they  could  not 
themselves  claim,  or  by  others  be  held,  to  be  followers  of  Paul,  the  teaching 
of  whose  epistles  on  at  least  one  of  these  practical  questions  was  well  known 
in  the  Asian  churches,  cf.  Eph.  5^"^,  Col.  3^""^.  Nicolaitans  are  mentioned 
by  Irenseus,  Tertullian,  and  other  early  writers ;  cf.  Hast.  III.  547,  Bouss. 
Kom,  on  v.  6.  They  are  said  to  have  derived  their  name  from  Nicolas  of 
Antioch,  one  of  the  seven  mentioned  in  Ac.  6*^,  supposed  to  have  apostatized, 
and  their  teaching  is  associated  with  that  of  the  Gnostics.  But  all  this  is 
uncertain  and  throws  no  real  light  on  the  Nicolaitans  of  this  earlier  age ; 
of  these  latter  we  have  no  knowledge  beyond  that  given  in  our  book.  The 
purely  symbolical  interpretation  of  the  name  based  upon  a  supposed  iden- 
tity of  the  Greek  word  Nicolaos  with  the  Heb.  Balaam  is  not  supported  by 
certain  etymology  and  is  too  artificial;  see  Ilast.  III.  .547.  There  is  no 
good  ground  for  not  regarding  the  name  his  orical;  cf.  Zahn  Ein.  II.  623  f. 
Swete  on  V.  6. 

16.  |jL€Tav6Ti(rov,  repent  :  i.e.  of  their  tolerance  of  the  false 
teaching.  —  €p)(^o|xai,  /  will  come :  see  on  v.  5.  Some  special 
visitation  of  judgment  seems  to  be  meant.  —  avTwv,  them:  the 
destructive  judgment  will  fall  directly  upon  those  who  hold 
the  teaching  of  Balaam,  but  in  this  visitation  of  its  members 
the  church  will  suffer  punishment  for  failure  to  repent  of  its 
leniency.  —  ttj  pofi(|>aia  /ctA,.,  the  sword  of  my  mouth:  see  on  v. 
12,  and  l^^. 

17.  See  on  v.  7. — tw  vikcovti  kt\.,  to  him  that  overcometli., 
etc.  :  here  again,  though  the  promise  is  universal,  its  form  is 
determined  by  the  circumstances  of  those  addressed  in  this 
epistle.  Those  who  resist  the  temptation  to  join  in  the  pagan 
banquet  shall  in  the  messianic  kingdom  share  in  the  feast  of 
heavenly  manna.  The  particular  blessing  promised  is  one 
found  elsewhere  in  Jewish  eschatology.  A  pot  of  manna  was 
stored  up  as  a  memorial  in  the  ark  (Ex.  16-^^"^^,  Heb.  P'*),  and 
according  to  Hebrew  tradition,  when  the  temple  was  destroyed, 


11.  17]  COMMENTARY  461 

Jeremiah  (2  Mace.  2**^)  or  an  angel  (Ap.  Bar.  6^~i0)  rescued 
the  ark  and  other  sacred  objects,  and  they  were  miraculously 
hidden  in  the  earth  to  be  preserved  till  the  messianic  time, 
when  they  would  be  restored.  And  feeding  on  manna  became 
one  of  the  promised  blessings  to  be  given  in  the  messianic 
kingdom.  '  In  that  time  tlie  treasures  of  manna  will  fall 
again  from  above,  and  they  will  eat  thereof  in  those  years,' 
Ap.  Bar.  29^.  The  same  thought  occurs  in  the  rabbinical 
writings  (cf.  Volz  350),  and  is  evidently  referred  to  in  Sib. 
Or.  Proem.  87 ;  III.  746.  The  idea  is  the  source  of  the  sym- 
bol used  by  the  Apocalyptist  in  this  verse.  A  reference  of  the 
promise  to  the  eucharist,  or  to  the  grace  of  Christ  sustaining 
the  Christian  in  trial  (so,  some  of  the  older  com.)  is  impossi- 
ble ;  the  promise  here,  as  well  as  in  all  the  epistles,  relates  to 
the  reward  in  the  messianic  kingdom,  when  the  final  victory 
shall  have  been  won.  —  KeKpu)Ji|JL€VOv,  hidden:  it  is  now  hidden, 
but  will  be  revealed  in  the  coming  age.  The  gen.  is  part.,  the 
only  case  of  this  use  in  the  N.  T.  with  a  vb.  of  giving ;  Win. 
§  30,  7  5 ;  Blass  §  36,  1,  footnote. 

\j/fi<j)ov  XtuKTiv  «:t\.,  a  white  stone,  etc.  :  As  in  all  the  promises, 
the  gift  here  spoken  of  belongs  to  the  eschatological  state,  and 
as  will  be  seen  below  (fine  print)  it  is  a  promise  of  defense 
against  hostile  powers  ;  an  amulet  containing  as  its  secret  in- 
scription the  victor's  own  new  name  will  be  bestowed  upon 
him  to  give  him  power  against  every  enemy.  St.  Paul  bor- 
rows the  figure  of  the  Christian's  panoply  of  defense  in  the 
conflicts  of  the  present  life  from  contemporary  warfare  (Eph. 
6^^  "■)  ;  but  an  apocalyptist  more  naturally  takes  the  symbol 
of  power  and  security  in  the  future  kingdom  from  familiar 
beliefs  and  practices  regarding  supernatural  means  of  defense. 
The  victor's  new  name  characteristic  of  his  new  state  will  be 
given  to  him  on  a  pebble,  whose  color  befits  his  victory  and 
glory,  but  none  save  himself  will  know  that  name  written  on 
the  stone.  Thus  he  will  have  a  secret  charm  which  will  give 
him  power  against  every  assailant  and  avert  every  evil.  With- 
out, beyond  the  pale  of  the  messianic  kingdom,  will  be  forni- 
cators and  idolators  (22^^),  as  here  at  Pergamum  now;  but  he 
who  comes  off  victor  over  these  present  temptations  will  be 
rewarded  by  immunity  from  every  allurement  to    evil.      The 


462  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [II.  17 

promise  then,  like  that  of  the  manna  in  the  preceding  clause, 
has  a  relation  to  the  present  circumstances  of  the  readers. 
The  choice  of  the  victor's  own  new  name  (denoting  his  new 
state),  instead  of  some  other  formula,  as  the  secret  inscription 
for  the  amulet,  may  be  suggested  by  the  fact  that  none  but  the 
redeemed  himself  can  fully  know  his  blessedness  in  the  future 
state ;  at  all  events  his  defense  in  that  state  will  be  found  in 
himself,  in  his  new  character  and  condition. 

This  promise,  '  I  will  give  him  a  white  stone,'  etc.,  has  received  many  dif- 
ferent explanations.  The  following  considerations  will  be  helpful  in  avoid- 
ing some  untenable  interpretations  offered  and  in  finding  a  clue  to  the 
probable  meaning.  (1)  iprj(f>o<;  is  a  small,  smooth  stone,  usually  s,pebhle,  such 
as  was  used  in  voting  or  counting ;  sometimes  it  is  a  gem.  (2)  White  in 
the  Apocalypse  is  usually  the  color  belonging  to  victory  and  glory.  (3)  Tlie 
name  written  on  the  pebble  is  known,  not  to  others,  not  even  to  fellow- 
victors,  but  only  to  the  individual  to  whom  it  is  given.  It  cannot  then  be 
any  of  the  names  of  God,  or  Christ,  for  these  are  known  to  all,  except  the 
secret  name  of  Christ  spoken  of  in  19^2,  but  that  is  there  said  to  be  known 
only  to  Christ  himself.  It  cannot  be  Christ's  new  name  spoken  of  in  S^% 
for  that  is  promised  to  all  victors  alike,  as  are  the  other  names  mentioned 
in  that  verse.  It  is  clear  from  the  emphatic  form  of  the  expression  used 
that  this  absolute  secrecy  of  the  name  is  an  important  characteristic. 
(4)  What  is  written  on  the  pebble  is  the  name  of  a  person,  not  a  mere  for- 
mula ;  this  is  indicated  by  the  word  ovofxn.  (not  ypa/x/AaTa,  cf .  'E</)e'o-ia  y/sa/jt- 
/Aara,  p.  447),  and  by  the  similar  phrase  in  3'2.  In  view  of  what  is  said 
above  (no.  3)  this  can  hardly  be  other  than  a  name  given  to  the  victor  him- 
self, as  declared  in  the  word  Kaivov ;  a  new  and  secret  name  is  given  to  him. 
The  practical  identity  of  the  name  and  the  personality  in  biblical  thought 
leads  to  the  familiar  representation  of  the  bestowal  of  a  new  name  upon 
entrance  into  a  new  state  or  character.  '  Thou  shalt  be  called  by  a  new 
name,'  Is.  62^,  cf.  65i5,  Gen.  3228,  Rev.  S^^.  So  the  victor  when  he  enters 
into  the  glorified  state  of  membership  in  the  messianic  kingdom  receives 
a  new  name. 

What  now  is  the  meaning  when  this  new  name  is  said  to  be  given  as 
a  secret  one,  inscribed  on  a  white  pebble?  Various  answers  have  been 
given,  (fl)  The  judges  in  the  Greek  courts  used  black  pebbles  for  a  vote 
of  condemnation,  white  for  acquittal;  hence  the  victor's  acquittal  in  the 
day  of  judgment  is  symbolized.  (J)  At  the  games  tickets  were  given  to 
the  victors,  entitling  them  to  food  at  public  expense,  and  admitting  them 
to  royal  banquets ;  hence  admission  to  the  heavenly  feast  of  manna  is 
meant,  (e)  A  rabbinic  tradition  tells  of  the  falling  of  pearls  together 
with  the  manna;  as  a  reminiscence  of  that  tradition  the  author  connects 
the  two  objects  here  somewhat  mechanically,  (r/)  The  symbol  is  taken 
from  the  jewels  engraved  with  the  names  of  tlie  twelve  tribes  and  set  in 


II.  18]  COMMENTARY  463 

Aaron's  breastplate  (Ex.  281^"'),  or  from  the  Urini  (Ex.  28^"),  assumed  to 
be  a  diamond  engraved  with  the  name  of  Jeliovah  and  set  in  the  breast- 
plate of  tlie  high  priest;  the  priestly  dignity  of  the  victors  is  therefore 
denoted,  (e)  It  was  common  to  engrave  various  things  on  small  stones ; 
the  pebble  then  is  used  here  merely  as  means  of  giving  to  the  victor  his  new 
name,  and  has  in  itself  no  significance.  (/)  Apart  from  objections  which 
may  be  urged  against  details  in  these  several  explanations  of  the  symbol, 
they  all  fail  to  combine  the  characteristics  pointed  out  above  as  essential 
in  the  author's  description,  i.e.  the  whiteness  of  the  pebbles,  the  victor's 
name  as  a  new  one,  and  the  emphasis  on  secrecy.  The  emphasized  secret 
name  points  to  the  probable  explanation.  A  strong  belief  in  the  power  of 
a  divine  name  in  invocations,  adjurations,  and  incantations  was  everywhere 
current  in  the  ancient  world,  among  the  Hebrews  as  well  as  among  other 
peoples.  Solomon's  seal  engraven  with  a  name  of  God  gave  him  power 
over  demons  (cf.  En.  Bib.  IV.  4690) .  Also  a  magic  power  was  attributed 
to  other  names  and  formulas.  But  the  value  of  the  mystical  name  or 
words  was  often  thought  to  depend  upon  its  being  kept  secret,  lest  others 
should  make  use  of  it.  Such  magical  words  were  written  on  pieces  of 
leather,  small  metallic  plates,  and  probably  on  small  stones ;  cf .  Heitmiiller 
Im  namen  Jesu ;  Jeremias  Bab.  im  N.  T.  104  ff. ;  Hast.  III.  211,  IV.  604, 
Extra  vol.  640  f.  This  prevalence  of  magical  practices  suggests  the  origin 
of  the  symbol  used  here;  the  Apocalyptist  takes  it  from  a  usage  familiar 
to  all  his  readers.  A  white  pebble  emblematic  of  victory,  engraven  with 
the  victor's  new  and  hidden  name,  will  be  given  to  him  marking  his  en- 
trance into  his  new  state  of  being,  and  bestowing  upon  him  a  talismanic 
power  against  every  evil.  The  interpretation  has  so  strong  probability  in 
its  favor  that  it  is  adopted  with  slight  variations  by  most  among  recent 
commentators ;  so,  Bouss.  Holtzm-Bauer,  Moffatt,  Swete,  al. 

Textual  notes,  vv.  12-16.  On  the  address  see  on  v.  1.  — 13.  On  the  in- 
sertion of  Ta  (.pya.  (Tov  after  oiBa  see  on  v.  2.  —  After  r^fupai^,  QP  most  min 
some  vers  R  insert  ais,  or  ev  at?,  apparently  a  correction,  AvriTras  being  con- 
sidered nom.  For  AvrtTras,  some,  Zahn  Blj  Sw  would  substitute  AvriTra, 
gen.  —  After  ttiottos,  AC  some  min  Ti  Ws  Rv  add  (xov,  WH  Sod  bracket. — 
OS  before  aireKravdr],  omitted  in  some  min.  — 14.  tcd  before  fiaXuK,  AC  some 
min  edd;  wanting  in  K;  tov  PQ  H^.  — 15.  o/xoico?  ACQ  most  vers  edd;  o 
fiKTUi  some  min  R.  — 16.   ow  wanting  in  K  P  many  min  R. 

II.  18-29.  The  message  to  the  chwrch  in  Thyatira.  Thyatira, 
southeast  of  Pergamum,  between  the  latter  and  Sardis,  though 
less  conspicuous  in  political  and  religious  history  than  most  of 
the  cities  wliich  make  up  the  seven,  was  an  important  indus- 
trial center.  Foremost  among  its  industries  was  that  of  dyeing 
and  manufacturing  woolen  goods. _  Lydia,  'a  seller  of  purple,' 
who  appears  in  the  story  of  Paul's  work  at  Philippi  (Ac.  16^^*), 
was   probably  an  agent  of   a  Thyatiran   establishment.      The 


464  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [11.18 

guild  of  dyers  was  prominent,  and  numerous  other  guilds  of 
craftsmen  existed  here,  as  seen  from  inscriptions.  The  church, 
perhaps  planted  by  St.  Paul  or  some  of  his  fellow-missioners  in 
the  course  of  his  long  stay  in  Asia  (Ac.  19^°),  was  doubtless, 
like  the  other  churches,  predominantly  Gentile  in  its  composi- 
tion. The  Jewish  element  in  the  community  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  epistle. 

From  its  beginning  the  Thyatiran  church  had  grown  in  love 
and  fidelity,  in  its  ministration  to  the  brethren,  and  patient 
endurance  of  trial.  For  these  virtues  the  Lord  bestows  upon 
it  his  meed  of  praise  (v.  19);  and  after  the  correction  of  the 
j)articular  failure  censured  in  the  epistle,  his  strongest  admoni- 
tion for  the  future  is  to  hold  fast  in  its  course  till  he  comes 
again  (vv.  24  f.).  But  the  same  erroneous  teaching  of  the 
Nicolaitans  regarding  fornication  and  idolatrous  feasts  which 
had  appeared  elsewhere  had  gained  a  still  stronger  hold  here. 
While  its  advocates  were  promptly  silenced  at  Ephesus,  and  a 
comparatively  small  number  of  its  adherents  were  tolerated 
among  the  brethren  at  Pergamum,  here  at  Thyatira  it  was 
authoritatively  taught  by  one  claiming  the  inspired  gift  of 
prophecy  and  therefore  possessing  great  influence  with  the 
Christians  (see  on  v.  20).  The  self-styled  prophetess  had,  in 
spite  of  distinct  warning,  carried  on  her  work  now  for  a  con- 
siderable time  (v.  21)  with  the  sufferance  of  the  church 
(a(f)€l'i  V.  20),  and  had  gained  a  body  of  adherents  who  were 
following  out  the  teaching  into  practice  (v.  22).  The  pro- 
phetic claim  and  the  powerful  influence  of  this  leader  gave  to 
the  false  teaching  here  at  Thyatira  a  significance  which  it  had 
not  assumed  in  the  other  cities.  This  fact  is  what  differen- 
tiates this  epistle  from  the  others  aimed  against  Nicolaitanism, 
and  what  causes  the  wrathful  tone  of  the  epistle,  from  the 
epithet  of  Christ  in  the  opening  to  the  promise  with  its  peculiar 
nature  at  the  end  (see  on  vv.  20,  27).  The  aim  of  the  epistle 
is  to  strengthen  the  imperiled  church,  to  summon  the  fallen 
members  to  repentance,  and  to  threaten  the  impenitent,  both 
the  '  prophetess '  and  her  followers,  with  a  signal  visitation  of 
judgment,  which  shall  vindicate,  in  the  sight  of  the  scandalized 
churches,  the  Lord's  abhorrence  of  the  evil  at  Thyatira 
(vv.  22  f.).     Doubtless  many  of  the  Christians  belonged  to  the 


II.  20]  COMMENTARY  465 

guilds  at  Thyatira,  and  as  feasts  having  a  more  or  less  idola- 
trous character  were  held  in  connection  with  these,  and  as  the 
temptation  to  unchastity  might  be  increased  through  such 
association,  it  is  evident  that  these  brethren  would  be  in  special 
peril.  There  is,  however,  nothing  in  the  epistle  to  indicate 
that  the  great  question  here  brought  before  the  church  was,  as 
some  suppose  (Ramsay,  aZ),  withdrawal  from  membership  in 
the  guilds.  The  exhortation  is  rather  to  hold  fast  to  Christian 
fidelity  and  purity,  as  most  of  the  brethren  had  hitherto  done, 
in  the  face  of  the  strong  temptation  which  must  beset  them  in 
their  necessary  connection  with  an  unchristian  society.  The 
treatment  whicli  the  church  itself  should  extend  to  the  erring  is 
not  specified  ;  the  Lord's  discipline  of  these,  in  case  of  con- 
tinued impenitence,  is  announced  in  the  threatened  visitation 
(vv.  22  f.). 

18.  6  vlos  Tov  6€oi),  the  Son  of  Grod:  this  title  of  Christ  is  not 
used  elsewhere  in  the  book,  though  it  is  implied  in  v.  27,  3^,  al. 
Its  choice  here  as  a  title  of  the  Messiah  is  probably  due  to  its 
presence  in  the  passage,  Ps.  2'"^,  which  the  writer  has  in  mind 
as  about  to  be  used,  v.  27.  —  6  'dyjav  tovs  6(})6a\|xo'us  kt\.,  ivhose 
eyes  are  etc. :  the  epithet,  taken  from  1^*  ^^  has  in  view  the 
teaching  of  the  '  projjhetess '  at  Thyatira ;  the  Lord's  keen, 
fierce  vision  penetrates  its  falseness,  and  he  will  tread  its  adher- 
ents beneath  his  feet.  —  )(aXKo\ipdvco,  burnished  brass :  see  on  1^^. 

19.  TO,  ep'ya,  thy  works  :  see  on  v.  2.  —  Kal  tt^v  a.ycnrr[v  kt\., 
even  thy  love  etc. :  the  words  define  the  '  works  '  (oh  /cat,  namely, 
even,  see  on  1^),  and  there  are  not  four  distinct  classes  men- 
tioned, but  two,  love  and  fait hfid7iess  (tticttlv),  spoken  of  first  in 
general  terms,  then  viewed  in  their  specific  aspects  as  shown 
in  the  appositional  clauses  immediately  added  (^icai  before 
hiaKoviav  eve7i),  love  manifesting  itself  in  ministration  to  the 
brethren's  needs  (hiaKoviav,  cf.  Ac.  11^^,  1  Co.  16^^)  and  faith- 
fulness showing  itself  in  steadfast  endvrance  of  trial  (vTro/xovrjv^. 
And  in  these  Christian  activities  the  Thyatiran  church  was  still 
increasing;  its  'last  works  are  more  than  the  first.'  The  par- 
ticular form  and  source  of  trial,  in  which  its  steadfastness  was 
shown,  are  not  indicated. 

20.  The  high  praise  of  the  church  precedes  severe  censure. 
—  d(j>€ts :  peculiar  contraction  for  a^iet<;,  see  Blass  §  23,  7.  — 

2h 


466  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [11.20 

Ti]v  'Y\)vaiKa( without  aov^,  the  womari :  this  reading  is  to  be  pre- 
ferred (see  p.  471),  but  if  with  some  authorities  crov  be  added, 
the  rendering  is  th^  wife,  explained  by  most  as  tlie  wife  of  the 
'angel'  of  the  church,  i.e.  its  head,  or  bishop;  against  this  see 
on  1^^.  But  some  understand  the  pron.  to  refer  to  the  church 
personified  and  the  form  of  expression  to  be  taken  directly  from 
the  words  '  Jezebel,  his  wife '  in  the  story  of  Ahab,  moved  to 
evil  by  his  wife,  1  K.  21'^^  (cf.  Afford  in  loc.'),  an  interpretation 
which  may  certainly  be  rejected. 

Jezebel  here  is  not  a  figurative  term  for  a  party  or  movement, 
it  designates  an  actual  person,  as  shown  in  vv.  22  f .  where  her 
distinction  from  her  followers  is  clear.  The  nume  however,  like 
Balaam  in  v.  14,  is  probably  symbolical  (cf.  p.  250),  and  char- 
acterizes the  woman  as  like  Ahab's  queen,  who  was  notorious 
for  her  support  of  idolatry  in  Israel  (1  K.  18*'^")  and,  as  our 
author  here  interprets  2  K.  9^2,  for  her  adultery.  — t|  Xe^ouo-a  : 
for  the  nom.  see  p.  224. — Trpo<j)fJTiv,  a  prophetess:  prophets 
take  a  very  high  rank  in  the  apostolic  Church ;  they  are  spe- 
cially inspired  messengers  from  God,  like  the  prophets  of  the 
O.  T.  ;  they  are  often  mentioned,  e.g.  Ac.  ll^'^,  13^  1  Co.  12^^, 
Eph.  4^1 ;  on  their  office  see  especially  1  Co.  14  passim.  The 
prophetic  gift  was  exercised  by  women  as  well  as  men.  Our 
author  insistently  claims  the  prophet's  character ;  see  pp.  292  f . 
It  is  easy  then  to  understand  the  indignation  felt  toward  this 
woman  who  claimed  to  come  with  sj^ecial  divine  authority  for 
her  corrupt  teaching,  who  not  improbably  had  come  into  direct 
personal  conflict  with  our  writer  in  his  earlier  work  among  the 
Asian  churches  (see  on  v.  21),  and  who  had  been  able  to  main- 
tain her  ground  now  for  some  time  and  gather  about  her  a  band 
of  followers.  The  woman  was  evidentl}^  a  member  of  the 
church.  The  theory  of  some  (following  Schiirer)  that  she 
was  a  priestess  of  the  Chaldsean  Sibyl  who  had  a  temple  at 
Thyatira  does  not  suit  the  facts  presupposed  here ;  her  teach- 
ing is  assumed  to  be  within  the  church,  and  the  church  is  held 
responsible  for  her  activity  (a^el-i^  ;  the  epistle,  like  the  others, 
has  to  do  with  members  of  the  church  only.  Cf.  Bouss.  in  loc. 
—  TTopvc-OcraL  kt\.  ;  to  commit  foimication  etc.:  this  definition  of 
her  teaching  shows  the  error  to  be  the  same  Nicolaitanism  which 
had  appeared  elsewhere. 


II.  23]  COMMENTARY  467 

21.  €5ci)Ka  avrfj  )(p6vov  ktX.,  I  gave  her  time  etc.:  a  definite 
event  of  the  past  is  in  view  here,  whether  the  warning  was  given 
by  some  special  visitation,  by  the  writer  himself  in  his  work  at 
Thj^atira,  or  in  some  other  way,  is  not  intimated ;  the  reference 
may  be  known  to  the  Thyatiran  readers.  —  iva  |X€Tavoii<rT) :  for 
this  use  of  iva  with  subjv.  instead  of  the  infin.  after  a  noun, 
common  in  the  N.  T.,  see  Burton  §  216 :  Blass  §  69,  5.  —  ov 
GeXci,  slie  trilleth  'not :  she  still  continues  her  course. 

22.  pdXXo) :  the  pres.  used  to  express  a  fut.  vividly  (Blass 
§  56,  8  ;  Burton  §  15),  as  shown  by  /jLeravotja-ovacv.  —  €is  kXCvt|V, 
into  a  bed:  a  visitation  is  threatened,  a  bed  of  sickness  in  con- 
trast with  the  bed  of  adultery.  For  kXivt],  a  bed  of  sickness,  in 
connection  with  /3aXX&)  cf.  Mt.  9^  Mk.  7^*^ ;  perhaps  a  Heb.  idiom  ; 
so,  tJharles  Studies  98  f .  —  (ji€t'  avriis,  tvith  her :  After  fiotx^ixo 
the  ace.  is  used  of  the  sharer  in  the  act  of  adultery,  cf.  Jer.  3^, 
Mt.  5^^  ;  the  construction  with  /nerd  found  with  Tropvevco,  17^, 
18^  does  not  seem  to  occur  with  this  vb.  The  meaning  of  the 
phrase  is  then,  apparently,  those  who  follow  her  course  in  com- 
mitting adultery.  Some  com.  (Alford  al.^  take  /xoL'^^evco  here 
in  the  figurative  sense,  common  in  the  Scriptures,  of  unfaithful- 
ness to  (lod,  idolatry,  and  so  including  both  faults  spoken  of 
here  ;  but  some  addition  would  be  essential  to  make  a  figurative 
meaning  clear  in  a  context  which  deals  wholly  with  the  literal 
sense.  —  GXC\|;lv,  tribulation :  some  severe  judgment  of  suffering 
is  meant.  — ^twv  cp-ycov  avrTis,  her  works :  works  springing  from 
her  influence. 

23.  TO.  T€Kva  avTf|s,  her  children:  generally  interpreted  her 
followers.  But  these  are  referred  to  in  the  preceding  sentence, 
and  there  is  a  marked  distinction  between  the  two  sentences, 
especially  in  the  punishments  threatened  ;  that  of  the  '  children  ' 
is  severer  than  that  of  the  'prophetess.'  It  is  better  therefore 
to  take  the  word,  like  the  other  terms  in  the  passage,  literally ; 
the  woman's  children  are  to  be  smitten  with  death  to  add  to 
her  punishment  (so,  Ewald,  Bouss.  Blj.  al.).  The  children 
born  of  her  adulteries  are  probably  thought  of.  This  part  of 
her  punishment  has  been  thought  to  be  suggested  by  the 
slaughter  of  Ahab's  sons,  2  K.  10^;  but  that  event  is  not  as- 
sociated in  the  narrative  with  vengeance  upon  Jezebel.  We 
might  rather  seek  a  parallel,  as  regards  both  cause  and  motive, 


468  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [11.23 

in  the  smiting  of  the  child  of  David  and  Bathsheba ;  cf .  v.  23 
with  2  Sam.  12^*. — €V  Bavdrco,  with  death,  or  pestilence:  the 
former,  after  the  analogy  of  the  Heb.  idiom,  an  intensive  ex- 
pression, utterly  slay;  for  the  xae-Awing  pestilence,  cf.  6^,  Jer. 
14^^,  Ezk.  33'^".  —  -yvoxrovTai  Trdcai  kt\.  ,  all  the  churches  shall 
Tcnow  etc. ;  the  state  of  things  at  Thyatira  was  widely  known  and 
called  for  a  manifestation  of  the  Lord's  displeasure.  — 6  Ipeuvwv 
/ctX.,  he  that  searcheth  etc.:  from  Jer.  17^*^,  cf.  Ps.  7^.  Such 
evil  as  that  at  Thyatira  is  not  hidden  from  the  Lord,  and  each 
one  in  the  church  there  will  receive  of  him  according  to  his 
deeds.  An  epithet  of  Jehovah  is  here  applied  to  Christ.  — 
€Kd(rT(o  Kara  rd  ipyci  vfxcov,  to  each  according  to  your  works :  both 
reward  and  punishment  are  included,  but  the  latter  is  prin- 
cipally thought  of  in  this  connection.  The  description  of 
Christ  given  in  this  verse  is  in  agreement  with  the  epithet  of 
V.  18  and  the  promise  of  v.  27. 

2-4.  From  the  searching  words  of  v.  23  the  Lord  turns  back 
(cf.  the  message  to  the  Ephesians,  v.  6),  to  encourage  those 
who  have  not  yielded  to  the  libertine  teaching.  With  words 
inspiring  confidence  and  hope  he  assures  them  of  his  approval, 
if  they  keep  their  present  state  of  love  and  fidelity  till  he  comes 
again.  —  v|itv,  tois  Xoiirois,  to  you,  the  rest :  strongly  empha- 
sized in  contrast  with  those  who  held  the  Nicolaitan  error.  — 
ovK  e'-yvcocav  rd  ^aOca  rov  aaravd,  have  not  known  the  depths  of 
Satan :  as  shown  by  &>?  \eyovaiv,  the  writer  is  in  this  phrase 
quoting  from  language  current  with  the  libertine  teachers,  and 
apparently  used  by  them  to  characterize  their  own  knowledge 
of 'the  deep  things.'  Some  suppose  that  their  actual  phrase 
was  either  simply  '  the  deep  things ',  or  '  the  deep  things  of  God ' 
(cf.  1  Co.  21°),  and  that  our  writer  in  irony  either  adds  '  of 
Satan  '  or  turns  their  phrase  '  the  deep  things  of  God  '  into  '  the 
deep  things  of  Satan ',  somewhat  as  in  v.  9  he  turns  the  self- 
designation  of  the  Jews  into  '  a  synagogue  of  Satan.'  But  this 
is  against  the  natural  sense  of  the  language,  and  would  require 
some  such  indication  of  the  turn  given  to  the  original  words 
as  appears  in  v.  9.  The  entire  phrase  is  to  be  attributed  to  the 
Nicolaitans  ;  and  from  the  context  it  is  clear  that  they  used  it 
in  defense  of  their  position.  The  precise  form  of  their  argu- 
ment can  only  be  conjectured.     Knowledge  of  deep  things  was 


II.  24]  COMMENTARY  469 

a  frequent  boast  of  the  Gnostics  of  a  later  time ;  but  we  obtain 
from  that  source  no  light  on  the  precise  reasoning  of  the  Nico- 
laitans.  The  fanaticism  that  the  Christian  cannot  sin  was 
found  among  the  Asian  churches  (cf.  1  Jno.  1^**,  3^"),  and  tlie 
Nicolaitans  may  have  argued  that  by  entering  into  the  strong- 
holds of  Satan,  by  '  knowing  his  depths,'  the  Christian  could 
demonstrate  Satan's  powerlessness  in  his  case ;  or  that  the  real 
nature  of  sin  could  only  be  known  in  this  way ;  •  or  that  actual 
spiritual  strength  was  gained  by  this  personal  contact  with  evil. 
Cf.  Bouss.,  Moffatt,  in  loc.^  Volter  Offenh.  167  f.,  Zahn  Ein. 
II.  65.  Some  light  on  their  reasoning  may  perhaps  be  derived 
from  that  of  the  Corinthians,  among  whom  the  question  of 
sharing  in  idolatrous  feasts  had  arisen.  Those  who  prided 
themselves  on  their  '  knowledge '  and  '  strength '  to  see  the 
harmlessness  of  such  participation  defended  it  in  their  own 
case,  arguing  that  those  who  had  scruples,  the  '  weaker '  breth- 
ren, beholding  their  participation  would  be  built  up  in  knowl- 
edge and  strength.  (In  1  Co.  8^*^  olKoBo/xrjdijaerai  is  an  ironical 
repetition  of  the  argument  of  the  '  strong ' ;  cf .  Schmiedel, 
Bachmann  in  Zahn's  ICom.  Plummer  in  ICC.  in  loc")  —  ov  pdXXo) 
.  .  .  pdpos,  Iptit  upon  yon  7ione  other  burden^  or  weighty  admo- 
nition :  What  is  the  correlative  of  other  —  other  than  what  ? 
Most  com.  find  here  a  direct  reference  to  the  so-called  apostolic 
decree^  Ac.  15^*  ^^  The  meaning  then  is  that  no  restriction  of 
their  Christian  freedom  is  imposed  upon  the  Thyatirans,  beyond 
the  commands  which  are  there  given,  and  which  they  now  ob- 
serve, viz. :  to  abstain  from  things  offered  to  idols  and  from 
fornication.  It  is  true  that  these  prohibitions  are  foremost  in 
this  epistle,  and  that  the  words  used  here  may  be  thought  to 
contain  a  kind  of  reminiscence  of  that  decree,  though  in  fact 
only  one  keyword  of  this  sentence,  y8apo9,  occurs  there.  But 
strong  objections  to  this  interpretation  present  themselves. 
The  question  arising  here  at  Thyatira  is  too  remote  from  that 
before  the  apostolic  Council  to  recall  that  decree  ;  the  persons 
addressed,  the  faithful,  do  not  appear  to  have  been  perplexed 
as  to  the  restriction  of  their  Christian  freedom.  Moreover,  the 
word  aWo  here  is,  according  to  this  interpretation,  altogether 
isolated,  and  would  require  the  addition  of  something  to  show 
reference  to  the  decree,  or  to  topics  so  remote  from  the  context 


470  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [11.24 

as  V.  20.  It  would  seem  necessary,  then,  to  seek  the  correlative 
of  dWo  in  the  near  context,  and  since  it  cannot  appropriately 
be  found  in  vv.  21  ff.  (efforts  to  find  it  there,  De  Wette  in  loc, 
hardly  call  for  discussion),  it  must  be  sought  in  what  follows. 
After  ak\o<i  with  a  negative,  instead  of  the  usual  construction 
i.e.  the  gen.,  i],  rrX'qv  with  the  gen.,  etc.,  an  independent  clause 
is  sometimes  found  introduced  by  •jrX'^u,  cf.  Xen.  An.  I.  8,  20 ; 
JEsch.  Pr.  258,  or  similarly  by  aXXd,  cf.  Hom.  Od.  XI.  559 
(cf.  the  peculiar  elliptical  expression  with  el  fxij,  Jno.  O^^). 
That  gives  the  simplest  explanation  of  the  present  case  ;  i.e. 
other  than  that  contained  in  the  clause  introduced  by  irX-qv. 
Burden^  then,  is  not  the  proper  rendering  of  ^dpo<;,  which,  like 
its  adj.  ^apv<;.,  does  not  always  denote  something  felt  to  be  bur- 
densome, but  often  what  is  iveighty.^  or  i77iportant,  cf.  Mt.  23^^, 
1  Thess.  26,  2  Co.  lO^o,  Plut.  PerikUs  37.  The  meaning  here 
would  then  be,  I  put  upon  you  none  other  iv  eighty  admoyiition  than 
this :  Hold  fast  what  you  have.  For  the  reference  in  the  last 
phrase  see  on  v.  25.  The  words,  while  enjoining  continued 
fidelity,  at  the  same  time  relieve  the  anxiety  which  might  natu- 
rally be  awakened  by  the  stern  utterances  of  vv.  22-23.  — 
pdXXco,  put  :  not  so  strong  as  cast,  throw  ;  cf.  Jno.  13^,  Ja.  3^. 

25.  0  €)(€T€,  that  which  you  have  :  their  present  state  of  Chris- 
tian integrity  ;  cf .  fcpdret  o  e^€L<i  with  the  same  meaning,  3^^.  — 
KpaTTJoraTC  :  the  pres.  might  be  expected,  but  the  aor.  views  the 
act  simply  as  a  fact  without  reference  to  its  continuance ;  cf . 
Jno.  154,  Win.  §  43.4. 

26-27.  In  this  and  the  following  epistles  the  order  of  the 
promise  and  the  admonition  to  hear  (v.  29)  is  the  reverse  of 
that  in  the  three  preceding  epistles ;  see  p.  260.  —  6  vlkwv  : 
nom.  absolute,  repeated  in  avTa>  to  suit  the  construction.  —  tcL 
cp^a  |Jiou,  my  works :  those  of  God's  commandments,  a  term  in 
the  author's  mind  in  his  use  of  rr}poiv. — €|o\)aiav  cirl  twv 
lOvwv,  authority  over  the  Grevitiles:  the  familiar  prophecy  that 
the  Messiah's  followers  shall  share  in  his  eschatological  rule  ; 
see  on  l**.  The  particular  aspect  of  that  rule  here  thought 
of  is  described  in  the  words  'with  a  rod  of  iron,'  etc.,  taken 
with  slight  variation  from  Ps.  2^,  which  the  Apocalyptist 
refers  to  the  Messiah,  according  to  the  traditional  interpreta- 
tion;   cf.    12^  1915.      The  Messiah  will  shatter  the  power  of 


II.  28]  COMMENTARY  471 

all  his  enemies.  The  fierce  character  of  the  promise  here 
is  determined  by  the  general  tone  of  the  letter,  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  evil  has  appeared  at  Thyatira  in  an  extreme  form ; 
its  principal  advocate  has  usurped  within  the  Church  itself  the 
office  of  a  prophet  inspired  by  God;  see  on  v.  20.  —  d)S  to, 
(TKivi]  kt\.,  as  the  vessels  of  the  potter  are  broken  to  shivers:  the 
clause  is  best  joined  closely  with  the  preceding  to  show  that 
the  dominion  is  to  be  destructive,  i.e.  of  enemies.  Cf.  RV. 
It  is  possible  to  take  the  words  as  a  separate  clause,  to,  eOvq 
being  understood  as  the  subj.  of  the  vb.,  they  are  broken  as  a 
potter  s  vessels  (RV  mrg.);  but  we  should  expect  the  fut.  con- 
forming to  TTOifiavel ;   see  text.  note. 

28.  (OS  Kd'yoi)  eLX'ri<|)a  /crX.,  as  I  also  received.,  etc. :  the  power 
which  the  Messiah  will  give  to  his  people  to  break  the  enemy 
in  pieces  is  one  which  he  received  from  the  Father  ;  see  p.  314. 
—  Tov  doTTcpa  Tov  Trpcotvdv,  the  morning  star :  this  obscure 
symbol  is  perhaps  derived  from  the  familiar  apocalyptic  saying 
that  in  the  messianic  kingdom  the  righteous  shall  shine  as  the 
stars  ;  cf.  Dan.  12^,  2  Es.  7»',  En.  104^.  It  refers  then  to  the 
glory  which  shall  be  given  to  the  victor  ;  and  its  mention  here 
is  perhaps  suggested  by  the  former  clause ;  the  victor's  share 
in  the  Messiah's  conquest  over  his  enemies  may  suggest  the 
glory  that  is  to  follow.  The  star  of  the  morning  may  be  speci- 
fied as  being  thought  the  brightest ;  cf.  Job  SS'^.  In  22^^ 
Christ  himself  is  the  morning  star ;  see  note  there.  The  mean- 
ing cannot  be,  as  some  take  it,  that  he  will  give  himself  to  the 
victor,  a  conception  not  possible  in  our  Apocalyptist's  idea  of 
the  eschatological  kingdom.  For  various  earlier  explanations, 
generally  rejected,  see  Dllst.,  Alford  in  loc.  Quite  possibly 
the  symbol  is  derived  from  some  popular  religious  or  eschato- 
logical idea  not  elsewhere  preserved. 

Textual  notes,  vv.  18-27.  18.  See  on  V.  1.  —  avrov  after  o^^aX/AoiJs,  want- 
ing in  A  some  niin,  omitted  by  Lch  Ws,  bracketed  by  WH.  —  (ftXoya 
ACQPR  most  edd;  <f)Xo$  ^  Ti  Blj.  —  20.  A  Q  some  min  and  vers  add 
aov  after  yvvaLKa  ;  wanting  S  C  P  most  min  and  vers,  omitted  by  nearly  all 
edd.  The  addition  of  (tov  may  be  a  mechanical  error  of  the  copyist  through 
the  influence  of  the  aov  occurring  four  times  in  the  preceding  words  (Ws. 
p.  132),  or  it  may  be  due  to  a  copyist  who  identified  the  'angel'  with  the 
bishop ;  some  refer  it  to  a  reminiscence  of  1  K.  21^5  (see  Com.  in  loc.)  The  evi- 
dence from  both  textual  sources  and  exegesis  seems  to  be  decisive  against  it. 


472  THE   APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [III.  1 

For  defence  of  the  reading  see  Zahn  Ein.  II.  620  f.  —  22.  avT7;s  after  ^pywv, 
nearly  all  sources  edd  ;  aurtov  A  some  vers  R.  —  (iaXXw  A  C  P  most  min  edd  ; 
ySaAo)  (fut.)  KQ  some  min  and  vers  R.  —  27.  (rvvTpL(3€TaL  i<  A  C  many  min 
R  edd ;  o-wTpifirjcreTaL  P  Q  many  min,  a  correction  to  conform  with  TroifiaveL. 

III.  1-6.  J7ie  message  to  the  church  in  Sardis.  Sardis  in 
Lydia,  south  of  Thyatira,  at  the  meeting  of  numerous  Roman 
commercial  routes,  was  an  ancient  city,  a  seat  of  rule  under 
successive  kingdoms  and  famed  for  its  wealth.  Though  it  had 
long  since  fallen  from  this  high  position,  yet  under  Roman 
dominion  it  had  become  an  important  industrial  center  ;  its 
manufactures  of  woolen  and  dyed  goods,  like  those  of  Thyatira, 
were  well  known.  It  was  made  one  of  the  seats  of  the  Roman 
provincial  courts,  and  it  vied  with  other  Asian  cities  for  the 
honor  of  erecting  a  temple  for  the  emperor-worship.  The 
church  at  Sardis,  so  far  as  appears  from  the  epistle,  was  un- 
troubled in  both  its  external  relations,  and  its  internal  state. 
Nothing  is  said  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  Jewish  element 
in  the  community,  nothing  of  the  tribulation  or  endurance 
spoken  of  in  all  the  other  epistles  except  that  to  the  Laodiceans ; 
and  though  Sardian  Christians  had  fallen  into  immorality 
(v.  4),  this  is  not  attributed  to  the  influence  of  Nicolaitan 
teachers  in  the  church.  This  very  freedom  from  the  struggles 
forced  upon  the  churches  generally,  and  the  hereditary  Lydian 
character  famed  for  its  softness  and  love  of  luxury  (cf.  Aesch. 
Pers.  41,  Hdt.  I.  155)  may  account  for  the  deep  spiritual 
apathy  into  which  the  Sardian  church  had  sunk.  '  The  atmos- 
phere of  an  old  pagan  city,  heavy  with  the  immoral  traditions 
of  eight  centuries,  was  unfavorable  to  the  growth  of  her  spirit- 
ual life'  (Swete  LX.).  The  church  is  described  as  dead  (v.  1), 
as  spiritually  asleep,  not  as  totally  extinct,  for  it  is  not  con- 
ceived to  be  beyond  the  appeal  to  arouse  itself  to  a  living 
activity  (v.  2).  Even  those  few  members  who  had  kept  them- 
selves from  the  immorality  prevailing  in  such  a  community 
(v.  4)  do  not  seem  to  be  entirely  exempt  from  this  general 
characterization  of  the  church;  their  firmness  is  acknowledged 
and  its  fitting  reward  is  promised,  but  they  are  not  commended 
for  a  vigorous  Christian  life  fruitful  beyond  themselves.  With 
the  exception  of  these  guarded  words  of  approval  and  promise, 
the  message  is  one  of  severe  censure.     Its  purpose  is  to  awaken 


III.  2]  COMMENTARY  473 

into  renewed  life,  in  an  important  Asian  center,  a  church  now 
in  danger  of  utter  extinction. 

1.  The  epithet  of  Christ  is  twofokl,  as  in  most  of  the 
epistles.  The  first  part,  '  that  hath  the  seven  Spirits,'  is  a 
reminiscence  of  the  words  of  !■*,  but  in  the  form  which  these 
words  receive  in  5^  also,  expressing  the  relation  of  the  Spirit  to 
Christ.  (See  on  2",  also  p.  316.)  The  second  part,  '  that 
hath  the  seven  stars,'  is  from  1^*^.  Each  part  of  the  epithet 
has  its  special  reference  to  the  contents  of  the  message  follow- 
ing. He,  whose  eyes  {i.e.  the  all-j)enetrating  Spirit,  see  on 
5^)  behold  all  things,  pierces  through  the  delusive  complacency 
of  the  Sardian  church  and  tells  them  in  terrible  words  that 
their  works  fall  short  in  the  judgment  of  God  (v.  2),  that  their 
claim  to  be  a  living  church  is  but  nominal  ;  they  are  in  reality 
as  asleep  and  in  imminent  peril  of  utter  spiritual  death  (vv. 
1-2).  He  that  hath  the  seven  stars  in  his  hand,  he  that  hath 
the  Church  in  his  keeping  to  do  with  it  as  he  will  (see  on  1^*^), 
warns  the  Sardians  that  unless  they  repent  he  will  come  upon 
them  suddenly  with  judgment,  at  an  unexpected  hour  (v.  3)  ; 
but  on  the  other  hand  the  victor  is  assured  of  safety  and 
reward  in  the  End  (v.  5). — xd  cirTct  irve-Oixara,  the  seven 
Spirits :  For  this  designation  of  the  Holy  Spirit  see  on  1^.  — 
cp-ya,  works :  see  on  2^.  Reference  is  here  made  to  spiritual 
state  as  described  in  the  following  clause. — 6vo\x.a  on  ktX.,  a 
iiame  that  thou  livest :  the  name  is  contrasted  with  tlie  reality  ; 
for  this  use  of  the  word  cf.  Hdt.  VII.  138. — V€Kp6s,  dead: 
not  a  state  of  complete  spiritual  death,  which  would  exclude 
e/iieXXov  cnrodavelv,  about  to  die;  cf.  Eph.  5^*,  'Awake  thou 
that  sleepest,  and  arise  from  the  dead.' 

2.  -Yivou,  show  thyself.,  he.  For  the  use  of  <^ivoyi,ai  with  the 
partic.  forming  a  periphrasis  see  Buttm.  p.  308,  Kiihn.  II. 
§  353,  4,  A.  3.  As  there  is  nothing  to  indicate  a  change  of  sub- 
ject the  command  is  to  be  understood  as  addressed  to  all,  in- 
cluding those  mentioned  in  v.  4,  to  throw  off  apathy  and  be 
watchful. —  (rTT|pi(rov  :  on  this  form  of  the  aor.  see  Blass  §  16, 
2.  —  xd  XoLird,  the  rest:  what  still  remains  in  contrast  with  the 
dead ;  both  persons  and  the  elements  of  Christian  character 
are  included.  But  even  these  are  in  peril  of  spiritual  death. 
On  TO,  XoiTrd  with  defining  rel.  clause  cf .  2^'^.  —  ep,e\\ov  :   the 


474  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [III.  2 

imperf.  seems  to  )>e  used  like  the  epistolary  aor.,  but  see 
Burton  §28. — to,  cp-ya,  thy  works :  tlieir  characteristic  spirit- 
ual life  and  activity  as  a  whole.  The  line  of  argument  here 
makes  more  probable  a  reference  to  the  general  character  and 
condition  of  the  church  as  a  whole  than  to  a  short-coming  in 
every  individual  virtue,  and  so  favors  the  reading  of  the  art. 
with  epfya  (see  text,  note)  ;  without  the  art.  the  sense  would 
be  '  I  have  not  found  any  works  of  thine,  any  Christian  activity, 
fully  carried  out'  (RV  text). — ir€'Tr\T|p(«)|X€va,  fulfilled,  'per- 
fected (RV):  the  word  implies  a  measure  or  standard  to 
which  the  present  character  of  the  church  has  failed  to  come 
up.  The  sentence  contains  a  litotes  ;  'have  not  found  ful- 
filled' =  'have  found  a  failure';  the  works  of  the  church  are 
in  the  judgment  of  God  a  failure.  On  the  litotes  cf.  1  C-o.  10^ 
where  not  pleased  =  displeased.  —  Ivwttiov  tov  9€0'0,  before  Crod : 
i.e.  in  God's  judgment,  contrasted  with  the  self-complacency 
of  the  Sardians.  —  jiov,  my :  see  on  uvtov,  his,  1^.  The  word 
marks  the  oneness  of  Christ's  judgment  of  the  church  with 
that  of  the  Father ;  cf .  the  same  oneness  in  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  victor  in  v.  5. 

3.  irws,  how :  loose  use  of  Trw?,  equivalent  to  what.  Some 
take  it  strictly  as  denoting  the  manner,  i.e.  the  zeal  with  which 
they  received  the  Christian  instruction  given  to  them  ;  but 
T'^pet,  keep,  said  of  keeping  what  one  has,  points  rather  to  the 
matter,  what  they  received.  Cf.  the  use  of  ovrcof,  the  adv.  in 
place  of  the  pron.  1  Co.  15^^  Eph.  4^0.  —  €'iX'ri<|)as  :  the  close  con- 
nection with  T]Kov(Ta<i  seems  to  require  this  to  be  taken  as  the 
aoristic  perf.  as  in  5^  cf.  Blass  §  59,  4,  Burton  §§  80  and  88. 
—  T-qpei,  |X€Tav6T|crov,  keep  {so.  it),  repent:  the  pres.  of  con- 
tinued action,  the  aor.  of  a  single  act.  —  cdv  ovv,  if  therefore : 
i.e.  in  response  to  such  a  call  to  repentance.  —  ijlo)  ktX.,  I  ivill 
come,  etc.:  a  special  visitation  may  be  meant  as  in  2^2^-,  or  the 
eschatological  coming ;  the  latter  is  the  meaning  in  the  other 
places  where  this  comparison  with  a  thief  is  used  (IG^^  Mt. 
24*3,  Lk.  1239,  1  Thess.  5^,  2  Pet.  8i0),  but  with  a  figure  taken 
from  so  familiar  experience,  that  cannot  be  altogether  decisive 
for  the  present  passage.  —  oSpav  :  for  the  ace.  in  this  word  to 
denote  the  time  at  which  something  occurs,  see  Blass  §  34,  8  ; 
it  is  common  in  classical  Gk.  also,  cf.  Kiihn.  II.  410,  5,  A.  15. 


III.  5]  COMMENTARY  475 

4.  The  severe  tone  of  the  message  is  here  softened  by  the 
recognition  of  those  members  of  the  Sardian  church,  few  in 
number,  who  have  kept  themselves  free  from  the  taint  of  the 
surrounding  pagan  society.  —  ovdjxaTa,  naynes  :  i.e.  persons;  cf. 
11^'^,  Ac.  1^^. — ovK  €|x6\uvav  /ctX,.,  have  not  defiled,  etc.:  have 
not  sullied  their  Christian  character.  It  is  doubtful  whether 
the  significance  of  the  figure  should  be  limited  to  unchastity, 
as  many  take  it;  the  language  in  7^^  22^^  would  suggest  rather 
contamination  in  general,  suffered  through  yielding  in  contact 
with  the  life  in  Sardis ;  cf.  Jude  23. — irtpiiraTTJo-otxriv  |X€t'  cixov, 
shall  walk  (about)  with  me:  the  words  express  intimate  fellow- 
ship with  the  Lord,  as  companions  in  the  messianic  kingdom.  — 
€V  XevKois,  in  white:  white  garments,  especially  appropriate  here 
as  symbolical  of  purity,  are  a  standing  characteristic  of  the 
blessed  and  of  heavenly  beings,  as  garments  of  glory  ;  cf .  V'  ^^, 
Dan.  79,  Mt.  28^ ;  cf .  also  on  garments  of  glory  2  Es.  2^9,  En. 
62^°,  Slav.  En.  22^.  No  special  reference,  as  e.g.  to  the  priest- 
hood of  the  redeemed,  or  the  resurrection  body,  is  to  be  sought 
here.  In  this  passage,  as  in  v.  20  and  2^^.,  an  eschatological 
promise  is  introduced  before  that  connected  with  the  formula 
6  VLKoijv,  he  that  overcometh. — d|LOi,  ivorthy :  i.e.  to  receive  the 
gift  of  God,  a  gift  of  his  grace,  not  the  wage  of  works,  Eph. 
2^. 

5.  From  the  recognition  of  the  few  unsullied  ones  in  the 
Sardian  church  the  Lord  turns  to  every  one  who  in  the  end 
shall  prove  himself  a  victor  over  evil.  The  promise  in  its  open- 
ing words  is  similar  to  that  given  to  the  '  few '  of  v.  4.  But 
the  close  companionship  contained  in  the  words  '  walk  about 
with  me  '  is  not  declared  in  the  general  words  '  shall  be  arrayed 
in  white  raiment.'  The  part  of  the  promise  given  in  these 
words  is  especially  appropriate  to  the  victor  over  the  corruption 
of  the  life  at  Sardis.  Two  other  blessings  are  specified  in  the 
promise  :  (a)  an  indelible  place  in  the  book  of  eternal  life,  in 
contrast  with  the  spiritual  death  into  which  the  Sardians  are 
now  sinking,  v.  1 ;  (6)  an  acknowledgment  of  the  victor's 
name,  i.e.  as  a  follower  of  Christ,  before  God  and  the  angels  in 
the  day  of  judgment,  in  contrast  with  the  judgment  of  condem- 
nation now  falling  upon  the  readers'  failure,  v.  2.  —  ovtcds,  thus: 
if  this  be  the  correct  reading,  it  is  best  taken,  m  this  manner^  i.e.  in 


476  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [III.  5 

the  manner  spoken  of  in  the  words,  '  in  white ' ;  these  words 
are  then  to  be  considered  as  added  afterward  in  apposition  with 
ovTco'i  to  make  definite  the  meaning. 

Some  render  owrtos  lik-e>ri)<e,  the  victor  likewise,  as  well  as  the  unsullied, 
shall  be  clothed  in  white  ;  but  in  that  case  6/Aot'tos,  or  wcraurws  would  be  used ; 
and  this  would  imply  a  certain  distinction  between  the  6  vikwv  and  the  un- 
sullied, whereas  the  latter  must  be  included  in  the  former ;  moreover  any- 
blending  of  the  class  introduced  by  the  formula  6  vckSjv  with  the  preceding 
sentence  is  at  variance  with  the  usage  of  all  the  other  epistles.  The  diffi- 
culty would  be  avoided  if  with  many  com.  we  could  understand  ovtws  to 
repeat  the  partic.  vikwv,  thus,  i.e.  as  being  a  conqueror,  a  use  common  in 
classical  Gk.  and  found  also  in  the  N.  T.,  e.ff.  Ac.  20",  27".  But  this  use 
of  oiJTcos  belongs  to  a  predicate  partic,  which  has  the  nature  of  an  adv. ;  it 
does  not  occur  with  the  partic.  preceded  by  the  art.  which  is  a  substantive ; 
for  the  repetition  of  this  substantive  partic.  ovtos  or  ckcivos  is  used,  e.;/.  Mt. 
1022,  jno.  15^  cf.  Buttm.  p.  306,  Win.  §  23,  4.  These  difficulties  raise  the 
question  whether  in  spite  of  superior  authority  for  owtws  (see  text,  note) 
the  reading  ovtos  should  not  be  adopted. 

TTJs  pcpXox)  TTJs  t,oii\s,  the  hook  of  life:  the  idea  of  a  book,  or 
books,  containing  the  names  of  those  who  are  to  be  members  of 
tlie  kingdom  of  glory,  or  a  record  of  men's  deeds  which  shall 
determine  their  destiny  at  tlie  judgment,  is  too  common  in  the 
Scriptures  and  apocalyptic  writings  to  need  illustration  (cf. 
V,o\\8^.  Judenthim  247);  for  the  Rev.  cf.  13^,  11\  20i^'^  2127. 
To  keep  the  name  of  one  in  this  book  is  to  assure  him  of  eternal 
life.  For. the  applicability  to  the  Sardians  of  this  part  of  the 
promise  see  above.  —  oiAoXo-YTJaco  /ctX.,  will  acknowledge  his  name., 
etc.:  the  words  are  a  reminiscence,  almost  a  quotation,  of  the 
saying  of  the  Lord  which  is  recorded  in  the  Gospels,  Mt.  10^^^ 
Lk.  12^,  9^'',  Mk.  8'^^.  The  meaning  is,  as  seen  from  the  Gos- 
pels, that  the  Lord  will  acknowledge  his  followers  when  he 
comes  with  the  angelic  hosts  in  the  day  of  judgment.  The  say- 
ing is  such  as  would  often  be  repeated  and  recorded  ;  we  cannot 
infer  from  the  passage  an  acquaintance  with  our  written  Gos- 
pels on  the  Apocalyptist's  part,  however  probable  such  acquaint- 
ance may  be.  On  the  relation  of  this  part  of  the  promise  to 
V.  2  see  above. 

Textual  notes  vv.  1-5.  1.  See  on  2^.  — 2.  e/icXAoi/  XACP  most  min  edd; 
some  min  R  read  fXiXXti.  —  ra  before  epya  X  PQ  most  min  R  Ti  Blj  Sod  al , 
wanting  in  A  C  Ws  WII  al;  see  Com.  in  loc.  —  /aov  after  d(.ov,  Unc  most  min 


III.  7]  COMMENTARY  477 

edd  ;  wanting  in  some  min  and  vers  R.  —  3.  After  the  first  -q^o),  ^  (i  most 
min  some  vers  R  add  cTrt  (re  ;  wanting  in  ACP  most  edd.  —  yvoj?  ACT  most 
min  R  many  edd;  yvwar)  KQ  many  min  Ti  Tr  WII  mrg. —  ">.  ovtw;  S*AC 
most  min  vers  edd;  ovtos  K'^PQ  many  min  R  Sod  al. 

III.  7-13.  Tlie  message  to  the  church  in  Philadelphia. 
Philadelphia,  southeast  of  Sardis,  a  meeting  point  of  great 
routes  from  the  latter  city,  from  the  coast,  and  from  inner  parts 
of  the  province  on  the  northeast  and  southeast,  and  itself  situ- 
ated in  the  midst  of  a  fertile  region,  was  a  city  of  wealth  and 
commercial  importance.  Its  geographical  position,  which  gave 
it  access  to  so  large  a  territory,  is  supposed  by  some  to  be  al- 
luded to  in  the  '  open  door '  spoken  of  in  the  epistle  (v.  8),  but 
this  is  probably  a  misinterpretation  (see  note  m  loc.~).  The 
church  there  is  described  as  possessing  little  power  (v.  8),  i.e. 
as  regards  numbers,  or  wealth,  or  members  of  influence  in  the 
community,  but  its  spiritual  life  receives  the  Lord's  praise,  with 
no  addition  of  censure.  The  Jews  were  actively  hostile  to  the 
church,  and  certain  movements  instituted  against  it  in  the 
past  had  apparently  been  instigated  by  them.  But  the  Chris- 
tians had  met  the  trial  with  fidelity  to  the  name  of  the  Lord 
and  with  patient  endurance  (vv.  8,  10).  The  enemies  of  the 
church  were  not  within,  in  the  person  of  false  teachers,  they 
were  without ;  and  so  far  as  appears  from  the  epistle  they  were 
chiefly  Jews. 

The  purpose  of  the  message  is  first  of  all  to  forewarn  the 
Christians  of  the  great  trial,  the  '  messianic  woes,'  soon  to  come 
upon  all  the  earth,  to  exhort  them  to  hold  fast  in  their  fidelity, 
and  to  encourage  them  with  promises  of  the  future  —  promises 
of  their  sure  deliverance  (v.  10),  of  their  certain  admission  into 
the  messianic  kingdom  (v.  7),  of  an  eternally  enduring  place  in 
that  kingdom,  and  an  open  recognition  of  them  as  the  people 
of  God  and  the  Messiah  (v.  12).  At  the  same  time  the  readers 
are  assured  that  the  Jews  themselves,  or  at  least  some  of  them, 
who  are  now  their  bitterest  opponents  will  in  the  end  come 
to  do  them  homage  as  the  beloved  of  the  Messiah  (v.  9).  This 
epistle  is  singularly  interesting  in  that  it  touches  the  question 
which  must  have  perplexed  every  Christian  Jew,  the  attitude 
of  God's  ancient  people  toward  Christianity,  and  their  ultimate 
relation  to  the  coming  kingdom  of  the  Messiah.     St.  Paul  in 


478  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [III.  7 

the  epistle  to  the  Romans  had  discussed  the  subject  at  consid- 
erable length  (chapts.  9-11),  Our  author  here  takes  it  up 
from  a  different  standpoint,  and  in  a  single  concrete  case;  yet 
this  case  is  viewed  in  an  eschatological  light  and  thus  becomes 
typical  of  a  whole  class  (see  on  v.  9,  and  ll^'^^).  The  subject 
forms  a  prominent  topic  in  this,  the  most  distinctly  eschato- 
logical of  the  seven  epistles.  A  glimpse  is  opened  into  the 
attitude  of  the  Jews,  arrogant  in  their  claim  to  be  the  people 
of  God  and  heirs  of  the  Davidic  kingdom  of  glory,  contemning 
Jesus  as  a  false  Messiah  (see  on  v.  7)  and  persecuting  those  that 
confessed  his  name.  Over  against  this  picture  stands  the  Lord 
announcing  himself  the  true  Messiah,  who  bears  the  key  of 
David's  house,  that  is,  supreme  power  over  the  messianic  king- 
dom to  admit  or  exclude  whom  he  will;  to  his  own  the  door 
will  be  open  and  none,  no  Jew,  no  scribe  nor  Pharisee,  as  now 
(Mt.  2313)  ^yQi  J3g  q^Iq  ^(-)  g|-^^;^^  j^  (v.  8).  At  the  same  time,  in 
language  borrowed  from  the  prophets,  foretelling  that  the 
Gentiles  shall  come  to  bow  themselves  at  the  feet  of  Israel,  the 
Lord  declares  to  his  faithful  ones  that  in  the  last  days  a  rem- 
nant of  Jews  will  come  to  honor  them,  and  recognizing  him  as 
the  true  Messiah  will  recognize  them  as  the  special  objects  of 
his  love  (v.  9).  As  Lord  of  that  coming  kingdom  he  will  write 
upon  the  final  victors  those  names  which  will  show  that  they, 
and  not  the  unbelieving  Jews,  belong  to  Jehovah  as  the  true 
people  of  God,  to  the  new  Jerusalem,  and  to  the  glorified 
messianic  king  (v.  12). 

7.  On  the  'Angel,'  see  on  1^°.  — -6  0.7109,  the  Holy  One:  the 
title  elsewhere  in  the  book  given  to  God  (4^,  6^^)  is  here  attrib- 
uted to  Christ,  and  as  shown  by  the  added  words, '  he  that  hath 
the  key  of  David,'  etc.,  it  is  used  as  a  designation  of  him  in 
his  messianic  character ;  o  a7i09,  or  o  a7i09  rov  deov,  the  holy 
one,  or  the  holy  one  of  Grod,  was  one  of  the  recognized  titles  of 
the  Messiah ;  cf.  Mk.  1^4,  Lk.  43^,  Jno.  Q^^  1  Jno.  2^0,  Clem. 
Rm.  23^  cf.  also  Ac.  4^7'  30_  j^  characterizes  him,  not  in  his 
sinlessness,  but  as  the  one  especially  set  apart,  belonging  exclu- 
sively, to  God  ;  as  '  the  anointed  one  '  he  is  uniquely  '  the  con- 
secrated one.'  The  interpretation  in  the  EV  misses  the  messi- 
anic reference.  — 6  dX-qBivos,  the  true  one:  i.e.  the  true  Messiah. 
Here  as  in  general  aXrjdivo^  is  to  be  distinguished  from  a\T)6r}<; ; 


in.  8]  COMMENTARY  479 

the  latter  denotes  what  is  truthful.,  tlie  former  what  is  f/enuine, 
true  to  the  idea;  here  the  one  who  is  truly  'the  holy  one,'  the 
true  Messiah,  as  distinguished  from  a  false  one  ;  of.  '  the  true 
light,' '  the  true  God,'  Jno.  1^,  1  Jno.  5^0.  The  word  is  frequent 
in  the  Johannine  writings,  occurring  23  times,  in  the  rest  of 
the  N.  T.  5  times.  —  6  €X.(ov  kt\.,  he  that  hath  the  key.,  etc. :  the 
epithet  is  taken  from  Is.  22^^^  where  the  words  refer  to  Elia- 
kim,  who  is  to  receive  the  key  as  the  chief  steward  of  the  royal 
household  ;  as  the  king's  representative  he  is  authorized  to 
exercise  full  administrative  power  in  the  palace  in  the  king's 
name  (cf.  Mt.  16^'').  The  passage  in  Isaiah  appears  to  have 
received  a  messianic  interpretation  with  the  Jews,  and  it  is 
used  here  to  express  the  Lord's  supreme  power  in  the  messianic 
kingdom  to  open  or  close  its  door  as  he  will ;  cf.  Heb.  3*^,  Mt, 
28^^.  The  'key  of  David'  is  the  key  of  David's  house,  ?*.e.  the 
Messiah's  kingdom.  The  epithet  given  to  Christ  at  the  open- 
ing of  this  epistle,  like  that  in  the  following  epistle,  v.  14,  and 
in  part  also  in  the  preceding  one,  v.  1,  is  not  taken  from  the 
vision  of  l^off-,  but  from  a  thought  prominent  in  the  author's 
mind  and  expressed  elsewhere  in  the  book ;  Christ  is  the 
Davidic  Messiah,  who  will  receive  his  own  to  share  in  his  king- 
dom, cf.  226,  321,  55,  I911-16,  204,  2216.  xhe  close  connection  of 
the  epithet  with  the  topic  of  the  epistle  is  apparent.  While 
the  Jews,  whose  hostility  is  prominently  in  view,  denied  that 
Jesus  was  the  Messiah,  and  claimed  that  they  alone,  and  not 
his  followers,  could  have  part  in  the  final  kingdom  of  David, 
these  opening  words  on  the  contrary  declare  the  Lord's  true 
Messiahship,  and  his  power  in  the  coming  reign  of  glory  to 
open  the  door  to  his  own  and  to  close  it  to  the  self-styled 
'children  of  the  kingdom.' 

8.  CTOv  TcL  epya,  thy  loorks:  for  the  meaning  of  'works'  see 
on  22.  The  special  meaning  is  given  in  the  clause  on  /xtKpav 
/ctX.,  yiamely  that  thou  hast  little  power  and  yet.,  etc.  The  inter- 
vening words  Ihov  hihtOKa  kt\.,  behold  1  have  set  before  thee,  etc., 
form  a  parenthesis. 

This  punctuation,  adopteel  by  most  com.,  is  certainly  correct,  for  in  all 
the  epistles  in  which  the  formula  oiSa  (tov  to.  Ipya,  vague  in  itseK,  occurs 
there  follow  explanatory  words,  either  a  clause  introduced  by  on,  or  nouns 
in  apposition.     The  connection  of  the  on  clause  with  the  sentence  inamedi- 


480  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [HI.  8 

ately  preceding,  and  giving  a  reason  (Diist.),  yields  no  proper  sense,  espe- 
cially in  view  of  the  words  rjv  ovSeis  .  .  .  avryjv.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
the  connection  of  the  clause  with  v.  9  to  introduce  a  ground  for  what  is 
prophesied. 

6vpav  fiveco"Y|X€VTiv,  a  door  opened :  the  figure  of  an  open  door 
is  used  in  the  N.  T.  to  denote  (1)  opportunity  for  an  effective 
preaching  of  the  gospel,  cf.  1  Co.  169,  2  Co.  2^2,  Col.  4^;  (2)  an 
admission  into  a  place  or  state,  cf.  Rev.  3^0,  4^,  Ace.  1427,  Jno. 
-[Q7,  9_  Xhe  first  use  is  spoken  of  as  a  Pauline  contribution  to 
Christian  phraseology  (Deissmann,  Licht  v.  Osten  225,  thinks 
he  took  it  from  some  popular  Gk.  usage),  but  the  figure  is  one 
that  suggests  itself  so  readily  that  its  origin  need  not  be  attrib- 
uted to  any  single  writer.  We  are  pretty  certainly  right  in 
taking  the  words  here  in  the  second  sense ;  the  Lord  promises 
to  the  Philadelphians  as  a  reward  of  their  fidelity  a  sure  en- 
trance into  his  kingdom,  he  has  put  before  them  an  open  door, 
which  no  one  can  shut. 

Many  com.  suppose  the  first  sense  to  be  intended  here,  the  meaning 
being  then  that  the  Lord  will  open  to  the  Philadelphians  an  opportunity  to 
win  many  converts,  and  as  some  take  it  from  the  Jews,  whose  accession 
to  their  church  is  thought  to  be  predicted  in  v.  9.  But  such  a  reference  to 
future  missionary  activity  of  the  church  is  singularly  out  of  place,  thrust 
in  as  a  parenthesis  between  the  parts  of  a  sentence  concerned  with  a  com- 
mendation of  the  church  for  its  steadfastness  in  the  past.  In  fact  the  work 
of  spreading  the  gospel  is  not  one  of  the  activities  urged  upon  the  Church 
in  these  epistles,  nor  is  it  indeed  in  the  book  in  general ;  and  naturally  so, 
since  the  author's  chief  purpose  is  to  help  the  Church  to  pass  through  the 
great  trials  about  breaking  upon  it.  On  the  other  hand  the  second  meaning 
is  appropriate  and  is  suggested  by  the  context ;  the  recognition  of  the  fidel- 
ity of  the  Philadelphian  church,  expressed  summarily  in  the  words,  /  know 
thy  works,  leads  easily  to  an  immediate  announcement  of  the  final  reward 
of  their  fidelity  in  an  assured  admission  into  the  Messiah's  kingdom.  This 
interpretation  is  confirmed  by  several  considerations,  (a)  The  words,  /  have 
set  before  thee  a  door  opened  which  no  one  can  shut,  are  evidently  adapted  from 
the  preceding  verse ;  they  describe  this  act  as  one  of  those  acts  of  opening 
and  shutting  there  spoken  of,  i.e.  as  an  act  belonging  to  the  eschatological 
kingdom.  (/>)  The  emphatic  words,  no  one  can  shut,  refer  clearly  to  opposi- 
tion to  that  which  is  offered  in  the  promise  of  the  open  door ;  this  is  most 
easily  understood  of  Jewish  hostility,  which  would  shut  out  all  Gentiles 
from  the  messianic  kingdom,  (c)  The  strongly  marked  eschatological  tone 
of  this  epistle  favors  this  interpretation.  The  prophecy  of  v.  9  is  likewise 
probably  to  be  understood  to  relate  to  the  Last  Days ;  see  note  there. 


III.  9]  COMMENTARY  481 

SeScoKa,  have  set,  lit.  have  given :  the  word  is  chosen  to  suit 
what  is  promised  as  a  gift.  —  avTTiv :  repeating  pleonastically 
the  rel.  ■^i^,  a  Heb.  idiom  common  in  the  N.  T.,  see  Blass  §  50, 
4,  Win  §  22,  4,  b.  —  on  .  .  .  bvva\i.iv  ktX.  :  7iamely  that  thou 
hast  little  (not  a  little)  power,  etc. :  explaining  ra  epya,  thy 
/works;  see  above.  The  words  ficKpav  e^efi  hvvafiiv  could  not 
alone  form  a  part  of  the  ra  epja,  as  this  phrase  is  used  in  the 
epistles ;  they  are  subordinate  to  the  following,  the  sense  being, 
though  thou  hast  little  power,  yet  thou  didst  keep  my  word,  etc. 
For  this  use  of  Kai  connecting  clauses  as  coordinate  where  one 
of  them  is  really  subordinate  and  where  icairoL  might  be  ex- 
pected see  Kiihn.  II.  521,  4,  Thayer  s.v.  I.  2,  e.  —  jxiKpdv,  little  : 
said,  not  of  spiritual  weakness,  for  the  church  is  praised  through- 
out, but  with  reference  to  its  opponents ;  it  is  perhaps  small  in 
numbers,  or  in  members  of  wealth,  or  influence.  —  CTiip'qo'as, 
ovK  fipvTJcro),  didst  keep,  didst  not  deny :  the  aor.  shows  that  a 
definite  past  event  is  meant,  some  experience  of  trial  brought 
upon  the  church,  probably  through  the  Jews,  as  the  context 
would  suggest. 

9.  Mention  of  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  Jews  leads 
directly  to  the  prophecy  that  some  of  those  who  are  now  the 
bittei'cst  enemies  of  the  Christians  will  come  to  do  homage  to 
them  and  acknowledge  that  they  are  the  beloved  of  the  Christ. 
For  the  language  '  synagogue  of  Satan,'  '  say  they  are  Jews  and 
are  not,'  see  on  2^.  —  6i8co,  /  give :  for  the  form,  instead  of 
SiSw/jiL,  see  Blass  §  23,  3,  WH.  Select  Headings,  p.  167.  The 
word  is  appropriate  because  the  homage  will  come  as  a  gift 
from  God.  The  obj.  of  the  vb.  is  not  given  in  full  in  this 
clause  ;  the  thought  is  completed,  with  changed  construction, 
in  the  clause  Tronqaco  avrov^  ktX.,  I  ivill  make  them  to  come,  etc. 
—  6K  Tfjs  (Tuva'YCD'YTis  :  for  this  idiom,  equivalent  to  some  of  the 
synagogue,  etc.,  see  on  2^*^.  — t»v  Xe-yovTwy :  in  apposition  with 
auvay(oy7]<i.  — eauTOvs  :  see  on  2^.  — 'iroif|0'o)  avTovs  ktX.,  I  ivill 
make  them  come,  etc. :  this  prophecy,  like  the  utterance  regard- 
ing the  open  door  in  v.  8,  is  to  be  understood  of  events  belong- 
ing to  the  Last  Days.  In  form  the  words  echo  those  of  the 
prophets  telling  of  the  coming  of  the  Gentiles  to  do  homage  to 
the  people  of  Israel  and  acknowledge  Israel's  God,  when  the 
final  kingdom  of  glory  shall  be  set  up  in  the  land.      '  The  sons 


482  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [III.  9 

of  them  that  afflicted  thee  shall  come  bending  unto  thee  ;  and 
all  they  that  despised  thee  shall  bow  themselves  down  at  the 
soles  of  thy  feet,'  Is.  GO^* ;  '  They  shall  fall  down  unto  thee 
.  .  .  saying  God  is  in  thee,'  Is.  45^^ ;  cf.  also  Is.  2^,  49^3,  Zee. 
g2o  ff.^  pg^  'j2'K  The  prophetic  utterances  telling  of  the  Gentiles' 
acknowledgment  of  Jehovah  and  Israel  in  the  last  times  suggest 
to  the  Apocalyptist  fitting  words  for  the  familiar  N.  T.  proph- 
ecy that  Israel,  now  an  enemy,  will  in  the  end  be  gathered  into 
the  Church.  See  pp.  588  ff.  The  promise  here  is  addressed 
directly  to  the  church  at  Philadelphia.  But  as  a  part  of  Avhat 
the  Spirit  saith  in  all  the  epistles  to  the  Church  universal,  it 
is  typical ;  it  has  a  general  significance,  as  follows  from  its 
eschatological  nature ;  it  looks  forward  to  the  time  when 
the  whole  Church  is  about  to  be  brought  into  the  messianic 
kingdom. 

Many  com.  take  the  prophecy  to  mean  that  a  large  number  of  Jews  are 
about  to  be  added  to  the  Philadelphian  church  as  a  result  of  the  missionary 
activity  thought  to  be  referred  to  in  v.  8.  But  apart  from  the  probable 
misinterpretation  of  that  passage  (see  note  there),  the  words  here  adopted 
from  the  prophets  were  current  eschatological  language,  and  the  description 
here  given  of  the  humble  homage  to  be  paid  is  hardly  appropriate  in  refer- 
ence to  a  congregation  of  Christian  brethren.  Paul's  langTiage,  1  Co.  14^*, 
ireo-wv  iirl  Trpdo-wTrov  Trpocr/cwi^o-ei,  cited  to  prove  the  appropriateness,  is  quite 
different ;  he  is  speaking  of  an  adoration  of  God,  not  of  the  Corinthian  con- 
gregation. But,  as  pointed  out  above,  the  predominant  eschatological  tone 
of  the  epistle,  and  the  absence  from  all  the  epistles  of  reference  to  contem- 
poraneous work  of  evangelization  is  opjjosed  to  the  interpretation.  Ignatius 
in  his  epistle  to  the  Philadelphians,  written  in  the  next  generation,  warns 
them  against  the  error  of  Judaistic  teaching  (chapt.  6),  and  this  is  thought 
by  some  to  show  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  Jews  in  the  church 
there,  perhaps  brought  in  by  missionary  activity.  The  inference,  how- 
ever, is  not  justified,  for  he  also  warns  them  urgently  against  divisions, 
but  at  the  same  time  says  he  found  no  divisions  among  them  (chapt.  3). 
The  two  evils  were  such  as  were  likely  to  befall  any  of  the  churches  ad- 
dressed and  Ignatius  not  improbably  saw  special  danger  of  them  at  Phila- 
delphia. 

Lva  T]|ov(7iv,  -YVwcriv :  for  iva  with  fut.  ind.  or  a  subjv.  in 
place  of  an  inlin.  see  Blass  §  65,  2,  Burton  §  205.  —  l-yo)  fi'yonT'qo'd 
(re,  I  have  loved  thee:  perhaps  a  reminiscence  of  Is.  43'*.  The 
aor.  is  used  from  the  standpoint  of  the  convinced  Jew  who  at 
the  end  looks  back  upon  the  present  period ;  and  the  love  of 


III.  10]  COMMENTARY  483 

Christ  is  viewed  as  an  act  without  reference  to  its  continuance  ; 
see  on  2'^^.     e-yw  is  emphatic  —  I,  the  true  Messiah. 

10.  Tov  Xo-yov  TTjS  vTTO|JLOvfjs  |ioi),  the  word  of  my  steadfastness : 
the  meaning  is  clearly  the  loyal  steadfastness  of  the  Philadel- 
phians,  shown  in  certain  persecutions  which  they  had  suffered  ; 
but  the  precise  construction  is  not  certain.  The  two  nouns 
may  form  a  compound  expression,  the  pron.  fiov  depending  on 
the  whole:  my  steadfastness-command^  i.e.  my  command  to  be 
steadfast.  Or  better  perhaps  ixov  may  be  joined  with  vTrofjuovrj^, 
the  meaning  being  the  word  enjoining  Christ's  steadfastness, 
either  that  like  his,  or  that  which  he  requires ;  cf .  ttjv  vTrofiovrjv 
TOV  XpiaTov.,  2  Thess.  3^  which  has  the  same  ambiguity.  For 
other  constructions  hardly  calling  for  discussion  here  see  Diist., 
Alford.  —  TTjpTio-a),  /  tvill  keep  :  corresponding  with  ir7]pr](Ta<i, 
thou  didst  keep. — €K  Tr\s  (opas  tov  ircipaffiJLOv  kt\.,  from  the 
hour  of  trial,  etc. :  in  the  interpretation  of  this  difficult  sen- 
tence it  should  be  observed,  (1)  that  '7reipacr/x6<;,  7rei,pd^(o,  trial, 
try,  always  include  the  idea  of  testing.  (2)  This  idea  of  testing 
shows  that  the  words  ^  olKov/xevT]  6\r},  the  whole  world,  upon 
which  the  trial  is  to  come,  refer,  not  to  the  physical  world, 
but  to  men;  all  mankind  is. meant,  as  in  12^.  (3)  The  second 
clause,  to  try  them  that  divell  on  the  earth,  which  merely  repeats 
the  first  (after  the  writer's  manner,  cf.  p.  241),  must  be  under- 
stood likewise  of  mankind  universally,  Christians  and  non- 
Christians  alike.  The  phrase  ol  KaroiKovvre^i  iirl  rrj^  77)9,  those 
that  dwell  on  the  earth,  is  common  in  apocalyptic  writings,  and 
for  the  most  part  refers  to  the  wicked  (because  the  '  world '  at 
large  is  thought  of  as  hostile  to  God);  sometimes  the  good  are 
meant,  as  in  En.  37^,  40^  ;  sometimes  all  mankind,  as  in  En.  70^ ; 
so  here.  It  appears,  then,  a  certain  inference  that  the  trial 
spoken  of  in  our  passage  is  that  of  the  distresses,  the  '  messi- 
anic woes,'  foretold  in  the  following  visions  as  coming  upon  the 
world  before  the  parousia.  These  are  not  to  test  the  saints 
only ;  our  author  distinctly  recognizes  the  '  woes '  as  testing 
the  wicked  also,  and  as  designed  to  lead  to  repentance,  see  on 
1)20,  cf.  also  11^3,  16^1.  Does  the  promise  then  mean  that  the 
Philadelphians,  or  any  of  the  saints,  are  to  be  exempted  from 
these  trials  ?  Elsewhere  our  book,  like  the  eschatological  chap- 
ters in  the  Gospels,  represents  the  '  woes '  as  coming  on  all  the 


484  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [HI.  10 

saints  alike;  cf.  V\  13io,  I412,  Mt.  247-13- 22^  p^r.  And  this  is 
implied  in  the  case  of  the  Philadelphians  in  the  immediate  con- 
text ;  the  words  '  hold  fast,  that  no  one  take  thy  crown,'  the 
condition  of  the  promise  'he  that  overcometh,'  etc.,  imply  the 
continuance  of  the  struggle  till  the  Lord  comes.  In  fact  the 
language  of  the  promise,  'keep  thee  from  the  hour,'  etc.,  if 
taken  strictly,  does  not  mean  the  contrary ;  the  wpa,  tlie  Jiour, 
the  period^  or  season,  of  the  woes  is  one  from  which  none  could 
be  kept,  all  living  must  pass  through  it.  The  true  meaning  of 
the  promise  is  suggested  by  the  analogous  words,  Jno.  17^^ 
'  I  pray  not  that  thou  shouldest  take  them  from  the  world,  but 
that  thou  shouldest  keep  them  from  the  evil  one '  (j-qprjar]'; 
avrom  eK  tov  Trovqpov^,  i.e.  safe  from  the  power  of  Satan,  which 
will  continually  assail  them.  The  Philadelphians  and  those 
who  have  shown  the  same  Christian  steadfastness  are  promised 
that  they  shall  be  carried  in  safety  through  the  great  trial,  they 
shall  not  fall.  For  copa,  hoH)\  =  a  jjeriod  or  season,  cf .  Jno.  5^^, 
162,  1  Jno.  218. 

To  the  above  interpretation  the  objection  is  raised  (Bouss.  Blj.  al)  that 
testing  can  be  understood  of  Christians  only,  and  that  therefore  the  trial 
spoken  of  must  refer  to  some  predicted  calamity  which  will  try  the  saints, 
not  the  world,  such  as  the  reign  of  the  Beast,  or  the  Roman  persecutions. 
From  this  trial  the  Philadelphians  are  promised  exemption,  while  the  saints 
in  general,  to  whom  the  words  '  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth '  are  specifi- 
cally referred,  must  pass  through  it.  The  Philadelphians  have  already 
stood  their  fiery  test  and  will  be  spared  the  stress  and  storm  about  to  come 
upon  the  others.  Answer  to  this  argiiment  is  contained  in  what  is  said 
above.  The  further  objection  to  the  interpretation  adopted  above  is  made, 
that  the  promise  would  contain  nothing  as  the  peculiar  reward  apparently 
offered  to  the  Philadelphians.  But  the  language  does  not  imply  any  reward 
peculiar  to  the  Philadelphians  as  contrasted  with  others  who  had  shown  like 
fidelity ;  the  persons  addressed  are,  as  in  all  the  epistles,  typical,  and  the 
same  promise  would  be  expected  in  the  case  of  any  whose  present  steadfast- 
ness made  them  worthy  of  this  assured  succor  in  the  severe  trial  of  the 
future. 

11.  €px,o|iaL  TaxVi  I  come  quickly:  the  keynote  of  the  book. 
It  comes  in  with  warning  to  the  unfaithful  and  with  encourage- 
ment to  the  faithful  ;  the  latter  is  intended  here,  the  time  of 
patient  endurance  is  short. — o  ex^'-S'  what  thou  hast:  see  on 
225.  — (j-T€<|)avov,  crown:  see  on  21^. 


III.  12]  COMMENTARY  485 

12.  6  viKcov:  nom.  abs.  repeated  in  avrov,  which  conforms  to 
the  construction.  —  (ttvXov,  a  pillar ;  the  reference  here,  as  in 
the  promise  to  the  victor  in  all  the  epistles,  is  to  the  eschato- 
logical  kingdom,  not  to  the  present ;  this  is  further  shown  by 
the  mention  of  the  new  Jerusalem  and  the  new  name.  The 
temple  then  and  the  pillar  are  figurative,  and  all  reference  to 
the  historic  Church  or  to  office  and  position  in  it  (so,  some 
older  com.)  is  excluded.  The  pillar  is  a  common  symbol  of 
that  which  supports,  cf.  Gal.  2^,  1  Tim.  3^^  a  use,  however, 
inappropriate  here  in  reference  to  the  heavenly  temple.  It  is 
also  used  of  that  which  is  itself  firmly  fixed,  Jer.  1^^.  The 
added  words,  shall  go  out  no  more,  show  this  to  be  the  meaning 
here ;  cf.  Is.  22^3,  56^  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the 
idea  of  the  beauty  of  the  column  which  some  com.  find  here  is 
thought  of.  The  frequency  and  severity  of  earthquakes  at 
Philadelphia  (Strabo  XIII.  628)  might  lend  force  to  the  figure 
in  this  place,  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  was  thus  directly 
suggested,  —  ov  |jlt|  eleXGr),  Itt'  axiTov,  he  shall  7iot  go  out,  upon 
him:  a  return  from  the  figure  to  the  person.  Some,  however, 
suppose  the  figure  of  the  pillar  to  be  continued  still  ;  it  shall  not 
he  removed,  upon  it.  The  latter  understanding  of  the  words 
would  lend  itself  more  easily  to  the  view  that  the  figure  of 
writing  the  name  is  derived  from  a  local  religious  custom, 
according  to  which  the  provincial  priest  of  the  emperor-worship 
at  the  close  of  his  year  of  office  erected  in  the  temple  precinct 
his  statue,  and  inscribed  upon  it  his  name,  and  that  of  his 
father  and  his  home,  and  the  date  of  his  office.  The  victor's 
priestly  character  might  thus  be  indicated  (Bouss.  Moffatt). 
But  the  inscription  here  given  is  too  dissimilar,  and  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  victor  entering  triumphantly  into  the  eternal 
kingdom  are  too  unlike  those  of  the  priest  passing  out  of  all 
relation  to  the  temple,  to  justify  a  comparison.  Besides,  there 
is  in  the  context  no  allusion  to  the  priestly  character  of  the 
victor.      (Cf.  Blj.  in  loc.') 

"Ypdij/a)  €Tr'  axiTov  to  ovo|xa  /crX.,  I  will  write  upon  him  the  name, 
etc. :  the  significance  of  the  figure  is  shown  by  the  following 
words,  'the  name  of  the  city  .  .  .  the  new  Jerusalem';  the 
victor  is  marked  as  belonging  to,  as  a  citizen  of,  the  new 
Jerusalem,  so  the  other  clauses  mean  that  he  will  bear  names 

i  >  id32  ^ 


486  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [III.  12 

which  will  mark  him  as  helonging  to  God  and  Christ.  There 
is  in  the  passage  no  intimation  of  a  talismanic  power  in  the 
name,  such  as  is  found  elsewhere  :  see  on  2^^.  For  the  inscrip- 
tion of  the  name  of  God  and  of  Christ  on  the  saints  cf .  14^,  22^ ; 
cf.  also  the  name  of  the  beast  written  upon  his  followers  to 
mark  them  as  his,  13^''',  14^'''.  The  fullness  of  this  utterance 
declaring  that  the  victor  shall  be  marked  as  belonging  to  God, 
to  the  messianic  city,  and  to  the  Messiah  in  his  perfected  glory, 
sets  him  in  emphatic  contrast  with  the  assumptions  of  his 
present  Jewish  persecutors.  On  the  new  Jerusalem  cf.  21^' ^•"^•; 
see  pp.  55  if .  —  t|  KaTaPaivouaa  :  for  the  nom.  see  p.  224. — ■ 
TO  ovofjid  |io\)  TO  Kaivdv,  my  new  name  :  the  new  name  cannot  be 
any  of  those  now  known  ;  it  must  be  that  which  belongs  to 
him  in  the  7iew  state  of  his  completed  messianic  work,  doubtless 
the  name  '  which  no  one  knoweth  but  himself,'  19^^  ^gee  note 
there  and  on  2^'^).  The  newness  of  the  capital  city  and  of 
Christ's  name  is  made  prominent,  because  the  promise  is  wholly 
concerned  with  the  new  order  of  the  messianic  age.  —  Toii  6€ov 
|iou,  my  Gfod :  the  repetition  of  the  words  with  each  phrase 
emphasizes  the  certainty  of  the  Lord's  promise.  '  His  God  will 
bestow  upon  his  servants  the  glory  belonging  to  them,'  Blj.  53. 
For  /xov,  my,  in  the  phrase  cf.  v.  2  ;  see  on  1^. 

Textual  notes,  w.  7-12.  7.  On  the  address  see  on  2^.  —  o  aytos  o  aAiy^tvos 
CPQ  most  min  and  vers  R  edd ;  o  aAr;^tvos  o  ayios  XAWIImrg.  —  For 
AavetS,  some  min  give  aSou,  a  conjecture  from  1^^.  —  C  some  min  R  WHmrg 
read  kX^ul  for  KAetwv.  —  8.  Tjveuiy iJicvrjv  NP  many  min  edd  ;  aveoiy^evrjv  ACQ 
most  min  R  Sw. — avrrjv  wanting  in  X.  —  9.  St8w  AC  most  edd;  SiSw/xt 
PQ  min  R  Sod.;  SeSw/ca  K.  —  -q^ovatv,  irpoa-Kwrja-ovaiv  XACP  many  min  edd ; 
r}$(0(TLv,  TTpo(TKvvq(TOi(nv  Q  some  min  R  Sod.  — 12.  tj  Kara/Saivovo-a  XACP  min 
edd  ;  t]  Kara/Saivu  Q  many  min  ;  ttjs  KaTa(3aLvova-r]<s  H"  many  min. 

III.  14-22.  The  messaye  to  the  church  in  Laodicea.  Laodicea 
in  Phrygia  southeast  of  Philadelphia  in  the  valley  of  the  Lycus 
(a  tributary  of  the  Meander),  located  at  the  junction  of  several 
branches  of  the  great  trade-road  from  Ephesus  to  the  East,  was 
an  important  commercial  city  ;  it  was  also  the  judicial  seat  of 
the  district,  it  formed  a  center  of  banking  operations  and  car- 
ried on  extensive  manufacturing  in  articles  made  from  the 
native  wool  famous  for  its  glossy  black.  Its  large  wealth  is 
shown  in  its  refusal  of  the  imperial  grant  made  to  the  cities  of 


III.  14]  COMMENTARY  487 

this  region,  which  had  been  visited  by  a  disastrous  earthquake 
in  60  A.  1).  A  Jewish  element  of  strength  existed  in  the  com- 
munity, but  nothing  is  said  in  the  epistle  of  their  attitude 
toward  the  Christians.  Asklepios  was  worshipped  at  Laodicea, 
and  the  school  of  physicians  connected  with  his  temple  was  well 
known.  It  has  been  conjectured  that  they  had  repute  as 
oculists  ;  at  all  events  the  '  Phrygian  powder '  (r€<^pa  <i>pv<yia)^ 
a  remedy  for  weak  eyes,  must  have  been  known,  if  not  manu- 
factured there.  These  circumstances  of  the  community  may  in 
some  particulars  have  suggested  the  phraseology  of  the  epistle 
to  the  church  there  (see  on  v.  17).  The  church  at  Laodicea 
formed  with  its  near  neighbors  at  Hierapolis  and  Colossse  the 
little  group  of  churches  known  to  us  through  the  epistles  of  St. 
Paul  (Col.  21,  4"'i'''i*').  He  directed  that  two  of  his  epistles 
should  be  sent  to  Laodicea  (Col.  4^^),  the  Colossian  epistle, 
and  another  which  has  been  lost  unless  it  survives  in  the  so- 
called  epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  (On  this  church  see  Lightfoot, 
QoL  pp.  1-70). 

At  the  time  of  the  writing  of  our  book  the  Laodicean  church, 
so  far  as  the  epistle  shows,  was  not  troubled  with  persecutions 
from  without,  nor  with  false  teachers  within.  What  called  for 
this  special  message  was  the  lukewarm  condition  of  the  church, 
which  receives  the  Lord's  censure  unqualified  by  any  commen- 
dation. At  Sardis,  which  stands  next  to  Laodicea  in  the  severe 
judgment  pronounced  upon  it,  there  were  a  few  members  of  the 
church  who  had  maintained  an  integrity  duly  recognized  by 
the  Lord.  At  Laodicea  the  entire  church  is  sharjjly  censured. 
The  geographical  position  of  Laodicea  on  the  roads  connect- 
ing the  seven  churches  may  explain  why  it  stands  last  in  the 
list,  yet  this  place  falls  in  with  the  writer's  habit  of  introducing 
praise  before  censure  (see  p.  260).  The  particular  phase  of 
the  church's  lukewarmness  taken  up  in  the  message  is  indif- 
ference to  higher  spiritual  attainment,  its  complete  satisfaction 
with  its  present  condition.  In  its  own  eyes  it  already  possesses 
all  the  spiritual  gifts  of  knowledge  and  C^hristian  character 
—  it  is  rich  and  in  need  of  nothing  (v.  17).  Out  of  this  the 
most  hopeless  of  spiritual  states  the  Lord  seeks  to  arouse  the 
church  by  sharp  words  of  censure,  even  by  an  expression  of 
loathing  (v.  16).      The  language  used  in  the  beginning  would 


488  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [III.  14 

imply  that  their  doom  was  already  sealed ;  '  I  am  about  to  spew 
thee  out  of  my  mouth.'  Yet  the  Lord  turns  to  counsel,  as  if 
there  were  still  hope  (v.  18),  and  then  lest  the  church  should 
be  borne  down  by  despair  begotten  by  his  stinging  reproof,  he 
passes  on  to  words  of  love  and  a  promise  of  tenderest  favor 
(vv.  19-20).  The  epithet  of  Christ  in  v.  14,  and  the  promise 
to  the  victor  in  v.  21  do  not  seem  to  be  suggested  directly  by 
the  condition  of  the  Laodiceans;  they  are  appropriate  in  any  of 
the  epistles.  But  as  in  the  case  of  the  corresponding  parts  of 
the  opening  epistle  (see  on  2^-^),  they  have  through  their 
fundamental  character  a  place  especially  fitting  in  the  epistle 
that  closes  the  series. 

14.  6  d|JLT|v,  the  Amen :  the  Heb.  adv.  Aynen  used  in  different 
relations  in  the  Scriptures  (cf.  En.  Bib.  1,  Hast.  I,  s.v.^  ex- 
presses the  idea  of  affirmation^  verity.  With  the  art.  it  becomes 
a  substantive  (2  Co.  1^°),  and  it  is  here  a  personal  designation, 
denoting  the  one  in  whom  verity  is  personified ;  cf .  Is.  ^b^*^, 
'the  God  of  Amen'  (LXX  tov  Oeov  top  aXrjOivov^.  Some  find 
in  our  passage  a  reminiscence  of  the  Lord's  frequent  use  of  the 
phrase  '  verily  I  say '  etc.  The  designation  as  used  here  is 
made  specific  in  the  words  immediately  added  in  apposition; 
the  verity  referred  to  is  that  of  the  witness,  who  is  trustworthy 
{TTta-To^')  and  true  to  the  ideal  of  a  witness  (^a\i]6iv6<i,  see  on 
V.  7).  This  part  of  the  epithet  applied  to  Christ  is  meant  to 
guarantee  the  certain  truth  of  the  revelation  given  by  him, 
whether  in  this  epistle  or  elsewhere  in  the  book.  Cf.  1^  19^'  ^^ 
215,  226. 

T|  dpxil  TTJs  KTicecos,  the  hegimiing  of  the  creation:  gram- 
matically these  words  can  mean  the  first  of  created  existences, 
cf.  apxr)  T€Kvoiv,  Gen.  49^,  Dt.  211''.  But  that  interpretation, 
adopted  by  many,  is  at  variance  with  the  Christology  of  our 
author,  which  makes  Christ  eternal  (1^^,  2^),  and  distinguishes 
him  from  every  created  thing  as  the  object  of  worship  paid  to 
him  in  common  with  the  Father  (S^^),  while  worship  of  an 
angelic  being  is  forbidden  (19^^).  The  words  mean  rather  the 
one  from  whom  creatioti  took  its  beginning,  i.e.  through  whom  it 
came  into  being;  not  the  creator  as  the  primary  source,  for 
that  is  God  in  our  book  (41^,  10*^),  as  elsewhere  in  the  Scrip- 
tures, but  the  creative  agent  of  God,  as  in  Jno.  1^  Col.  1^^ 


III.  16]  COMMENTARY  489 

Heb.  1^.  The  agreement  with  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians 
in  the  doctrine  here  given  is  probably  not  accidental,  since  that 
epistle  must  have  been  well  known  in  the  churches  of  the  valley 
of  the  Lycus;  see  on  1^. 

For  a  similar  use  of  apx*]  =  ama,  the  '  incipient  cause '  see  Wis.  12i^, 
where  strength  is  called  8LKaio<Tvvr]<i  apxv »  *^^*^^*  14:^'',  the  worship  of  idols  is 
TravTos  dpxv  KaKov  kol  atria ;  cf .  also  ibid.  Q^'',  14^^ ;  for  other  examples  cf . 
Thayer  .s.r.  Compare  also  the  parallel  use  of  reAos,  Ro.  10*,  said  of  Christ 
who  brings  to  an  end  law  as  a  means  of  attaining  righteousness.  Some 
take  apxv  in  our  passage  to  mean  Head,  Lord ;  but  for  that  idea  ap^oyv 
would  be  used,  cf.  1^.  See  on  the  passage  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  546  f. ;  Weiss 
riieol.  556. 

Since  Christ's  creative  relation  to  the  world  does  not  form 
one  of  the  topics  of  this  epistle,  or  of  the  book  in  general, 
these  words  are  probably  meant  to  express  the  j^reexistence  of 
Christ  before  all  creation  (cf.  Holtzm.  Theol.  I.  547),  i.e..,  one 
aspect  of  that  eternal  existence  emphasized  in  his  self-designa- 
tion, cf.  ll^  28,  216,  2213.  xhe  words  then,  like  the  fuller 
phrase,  '  I  am  the  beginning  and  the  end,'  assert  the  majesty 
of  the  Lord  in  his  eternal  being,  and  so  they  form  a  part  of  the 
epithet  which  stands  fittingly  at  the  opening  of  any  of  the 
epistles,  but  especially  of  this  one  in  which  the  series  is  brought 
to  an  end;   cf.  p.  488. 

15.  TO,  cp^a,  thy  works:  explained  by  the  following  clause; 
see  on  2i. — (jjvx^po^,  ^earo'i,  cold.,  hot:  the  figures  are  meant  to 
give  vividness  to  the  principal  figure,  lukewm-mncss.,  describing 
the  condition  of  the  Laodiceans.  It  is  therefore  unnecessary 
to  inquire  (so,  some  com.)  precisely  who  are  meant  by  the 
'  cold,'  whether  unbelievers,  active  enemies,  backsliding  Chris- 
tians, etc. ;  the  word  characterizes  persons  indifferent  about 
their  religious  state;  but  there  is  more  hope  of  arousing  such 
than  those  who,  like  the  Laodiceans,  believing  themselves 
already  rich  in  Christian  gifts,  are  in  a  state  of  complacency. 
Hence  the  wish  'would  that  thou  wert  cold.'  —  For  the  use  of 
6(f)e\ov  in  a  wish  see  Blass  §  63,  5;  Burton  §  27. 

16.  ovTCDS,  so,  therefore  :  repeated  in  the  following  on  clause. 
For  this  use  of  outco?  cf.  Ro.  1^^,  L  &  S.  s.v.  — x.^iap6s,  luke- 
warm :  the  precise  meaning  of  the  figure  as  used  here  is  made 
clear  in  vv.  17-18.     The  Laodiceans  are  not  altogether  indif- 


490  .    THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [III.  16 

ferent  to  their  spiritual  state,  they  are  not  '  dead'  like  most  of 
the  church  at  Sardis,  but  they  are  entirely  satisfied  with  them- 
selves and  their  low  plane  of  Christian  attainment,  they  flatter 
themselves  that  they  are  '  good  Christians'  and  have  no  spiritual 
lack.  Hence  they  are  lukewarm  toward  the  call  to  vigorous  spir- 
itual activity.  — [jlcXXo)  ai  €|xeo-aL,  I  will  spew  thee  out :  the  words 
.have  the  sound  of  final  rejection  as  already  fixed,  but  the  assur- 
ance of  love  still  continuing  in  chastisement,  and  the  exhorta- 
tion to  repentance  and  zealousness  given  in  v.  19  show  that  the 
language  is  meant  to  awaken  the  Laodiceans  to  their  imminent 
danger.  The  strong  figure  of  tepid  water  causing  nausea  is 
used  to  open  their  eyes  to  the  Lord's  abhorrence  of  their  pres- 
ent attitude. 

17.  TrXovcios,  rich  :  reference  is  made,  not  to  material  wealth, 
but  to  the  spiritual  state;  this  interpretation  is  required  by  the 
following  words  ouk  olSa'i  kt\.,  them,  dost  not  know,  etc.,  which  are 
meant  to  set  the  real  in  contrast  with  the  supposed  state,  and 
which  are  entirely  figurative.  The  persons  addressed  are  not 
the  citizens  of  Laodicea  in  general,  famed  for  their  wealth,  but 
the  Christians,  who  may,  or  may  not,  have  been  rich.  —  ire'rrXov- 
TT|Ka;  for  the  hysteron-proteron  see  p.  243.  — (tv  €i  6  TaXaCiro)- 
pos  /ctX.,  thou  art  the  wretched,  etc. :  i.e.  tliou  (emphatic),  with  all 
thy  supposed  spiritual  riches,  art  really  the  poor  man.  The  art. 
is  generic;  cf.  Jno.  3^^,  Blass  §  47,  3.  —  TaXaiTTwpos,  eXeeivos 
ktX.,  wretched,  pitiable,  etc.:  general  words,  here  with  reference 
to  spiritual  condition.  —  tv(})X6s,  blind  :  often  used  of  mental 
blindness,  e.g.  Mt.  23^'^,  and  perhaps  chosen  here  in  anticipation 
of  the  figure  of  'eye-salve '  in  v.  18;  the  inability  of  the  Laodi- 
ceans to  see  their  poverty  is  meant.  —  -yuijlvos,  naked :  cf .  16^^. 
The  figure  completes  the  picture  of  the  actual  poverty. 

18.  d-yopdaai  Trap'  Ijjlov  kt\.,  buy  of  me,  etc.;  cf.  Is.  55^  — 
TTeirupaipLevov,  refined :  see  on  1^^.  —  i|idTia  XeuKd,  white  garments  : 
possibly  the  figure  is  suggested  by  contrast  with  the  black, 
glossy  garments  manufactured  at  Laodicea  (Ramsay),  though 
in  that  case  we  should  expect  in  the  following  purpose  clause 
reference  to  such  garments  rather  than  to  nakedness.  —  KoXXoii- 
piov,  eyesalve:  to  be  joined  with  d'yopdcrai,  not  with  c-yxpLcat. 
The  figure  is  probably  taken  from  the  use  of  the  well-known 
••Phrygian  powder'  at  Laodicea  (Ramsay).     The  'gold,'  'gar- 


III.  21]  COMMENTARY  491 

ments,'  '  eyesalve  '  correspond  respectively  with  '  poor,'  '  naked,' 
'blind'  of  V.  17.  A  special  symbolic  significance  is  not  to  be 
sought  in  the  several  substantives ;  the  meaning  is  simply  that 
the  great  spiritual  need  is  to  be  supplied  by  the  gift  of  the 
Lord.  —  I'YXP^o"^'''  '•  inf^n.  of  purpose  parallel  with  the  iva  clauses 
in  the  preceding,  a  change  made  in  anticipation  of  the  clause 
Lva  ^Xeirrj^  which  is  subordinate  to  iy^P^^^'- 

19.  The  tone  of  the  message  changes  abruptly.  The  Lord 
assures  the  Laodiceans  that  his  words  of  severe  rebuke  are  the 
utterances  of  his  chastening  love,  which  seeks  to  train  its  object ; 
cf.  Prov.  312,  Heb.  12*^. — €.y6:  emphatic;  the  way  of  the 
Lord  is  contrasted  with  that  of  others.  —  TraiScija),  train,  disci- 
pline.—  1^'q\€\)€,  be  zealous  :  in  contrast  with  their  lukewarmness. 

20.  i(TTy\Ka  €Trl  tt^v  6vpav  ktX.  ,  /  stand  at  the  door,  etc. :  The 
exhortation  of  the  preceding  verse  is  enforced  by  the  announce- 
ment of  the  Lord's  Advent  ;  he  is  already  before  the  gate ;  cf . 
Ja.  59,  Mt.  2433,  Lk.  1236,  Mk.  1329.  The  eschatological  refer- 
ence of  this  sentence  is  made  clear  by  the  next  clause,  '  I  will  sup 
with  thee  '  (see  below),  by  the  analogy  of  the  other  epistles,  and 
by  the  language  of  the  passages  cited  —  this  interpretation  is 
generally  adapted  by  recent  com.  The  popular  representa- 
tion of  Christ  knocking  at  the  door  of  men's  hearts,  though 
containing  a  great  truth  (Lk.  lO^*^),  is  not  what  is  intended  here. 

—  €dv  Tis  dKo-OcrT)  ktX.,  if  any  one  hear,  etc. :  the  Lord  wishes  to 
find  his  children  ready  to  receive  him  when  he  comes;  with 
those  who  open  the  door  at  his  call  he  will  enter  into  the  most 
intimate  fellowship.  —  SciirvTio'a)  p.€T'  avTO-i)  kt\.,  I  will  sup  with 
him,  etc. :  eating  together  is  a  common  symbol  of  close  compan- 
ionship in  the  messianic  kingdom  (cf.  Volz  331);  cf.  Lk.  223o, 
Mt.  2629,  Mk.  1425,  '  They  will  eat  with  that  Son  of  man,'  En. 
6214.  Here  the  Messiah  is  represented  as  coming  to  the  houses 
of  his  people  (cf.  Jno.  1423).  The  promise  continues  the  lan- 
guage of  love  and  encouragement  begun  in  v.  19.  The  symbol  is 
altogether  eschatological ;  there  is  no  reference  to  the  eucharist. 

—  avTos:   an  emphatic  he  ;  cf.  Blass  §  48,  1. 

21.  6  VLKwv:  on  the  nom.  see  on  22^, — Stoao)  avTW  KaBiorai, 
«t\.,  1  will  give  to  him  to  sit,  etc.:  the  familiar  prophecy,  that  in 
the  final  kingdom  the  saints  shall  share  in  the  Messiah's  rule; 
see  on  1^.     The  reward  here  set  before  the  victor  is  the  highest 


492  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [111.21 

possible  dignity  in  the  final  kingdom.  This  promise  then  stands 
with  special  appropriateness  at  the  close  of  the  series  of  epistles. 
—  TcS  Gpovw  |xou,  my  throne:  this  is  also  the  Father's  throne  which 
Christ  shares,  cf .  22i.  —  ws  KdYO)  €VLKT](ra  ktX.  ,  as  I  also  overcame^ 
etc.;  the  exaltation  of  Christ  also  is  the  reward  of  his  victory;  cf. 
i<ya>  vevLKTjKa  rov  Koa/Jiov,  Jno.  16^^.  The  Apocalyptist  here  in 
vv.  20-21  brings  together  the  two  promises  of  eating  with  the 
Messiah  and  sharing  his  rule,  as  does  Lk.  22^^-. 

Textual  notes,  vv.  14-20.  14.  For  the  address  see  on  2^.  —  AaoSiKia  KAC 
most  edd ;  AaoStKcia  P  Q  Sod  RV.  The  latter  is  the  form  in  Gk.  writers 
and  inscriptions.  R  with  cursive  1  has  AaoSiKewv. —  Before  aXrjOivo<;,  ^C  min 
insert  o,  bracketed  by  WH,  omitted  by  most  edd.  — 17.  orSev  AC  min  most 
edd  ;  ovSevos  ^FQ  min  R  Sod.  —  eAeetvos  ^^PQ  min  R  most  edd ;  cXetvos  AC 
WH  Sw.  — 18.  £y;;^ptcrai  (to  be  taken  as  infin.,  not  imperat.  as  Ti  accents  it) 
KAC  min  edd ;  tyxptcrov  P  many  min  R.  — 19.  ^r]\€V€  ACQ  min  edd ; 
^r]X(i)&ov  KPR.  —  20.  Before  etcreAevcro/xat,  XQ  min  Ti  WHmrg  Blj  al  insert 
KM,  used  through  influence  of  Heb.  idiom  to  introduce  conclusion,  cf. 
Blass  §  77,  6. 

Cnticis)ii  of  chapts.  II-III.  The  extensive  critical  discussion  which  has 
arisen  over  these  chapters  can  be  seen  sufficiently  for  the  present  purpose  in 
a  brief  summary.  Most  critics  are  agreed  that  these  seven  epistles  could  never 
have  been  seven  detached  letters  sent  to  separate  churches.  They  are  clearly 
seen  to  belong  together  as  parts  of  a  single  document  or  paragaph  con- 
structed by  one  author  on  a  uniform  plan  (see  p.  260)  ;  no  one  of  them 
is  in  complete  epistolary  form ;  and  they  are  too  brief  to  have  formed  in 
each  case  an  entire  epistle,  or  to  have  been  preserved  and  gathered  up  into 
the  carefully  organized  whole  found  here.  Nor  on  the  other  hand  could 
this  group  of  letters  have  formed  by  itself  an  independent  document  exist- 
ing apart  from  a  setting,  or  framework.  It  needs  introduction  and  itself 
points  forward  to  some  larger  composition  telling  of  the  last  things.  The 
critical  theories  which  attribute  these  two  chapters  in  whole  or  in  part  to  a 
redactor  or  compiler,  whether  inserting  here  his  own  composition  or  tak- 
ing material  from  some  other  document,  may  be  grouped  into  two  general 
classes. 

(1)  The  chapters  were  added  by  the  last  reviser  of  the  Apocalypse  to 
adapt  an  earlier  form  or  certain  earlier  documents  to  his  special  use,  he  was 
himself  the  author  of  this  part ;  so,  Weizsacker,  Vischer,  Volter,  Pfleiderer, 
Weyland,  al.  In  support  of  this  view  the  principal  arguments  urged  are : 
(a)  The  epistles  are  of  a  hortatory  character  and  not  connected  in  form 
with  the  plan  of  the  book,  nor  in  contents  with  the  subject  matter  of  the 
visions  which  make  up  the  book.  A  sufficient  answer  to  this  objection  is 
that  spoken  of  above  (p.  259),  the  appropriateness,  we  might  almost  say  the 
necessity,  of  some  such  preliminary  message  to  the  Church  to  prepare  it  in 
its  spiritual  state  for  the  events  foretold  in  the  visions,     (b)  The  chapters 


CRITICISM  OF  II-III  493 

contain  traces  of  an  age  later  than  other  parts  of  the  book  ;  e.r/.  monarchical 
episcopacy  (the  angels  of  the  churches)  ;  the  Lord's  day,  a  term,  it  is  said, 
unknown  in  this  sense  so  early ;  the  Nicolaitans,  a  later  school  of  Gnostics 
(cf .  Volter,  Problem,  39(5  ff.) .  But  the  untenableness  of  this  contention  is 
shown  in  the  notes  on  l^"'  20,  2^*  ^■.  (c)  The  author  of  the  epistles  uses 
epithets  and  thoughts  found  in,  sometimes  made  clear  only  through,  other 
parts  of  the  book  (see  for  examples  (c)  in  paragraph  (2),  below)  ;  thus 
showing  that  he  had  before  him  the  rest  of  the  book  in  complete  form ;  so, 
Volter,  Problem  399  f .,  Vischer,  34,  al.  But  this  phenomenon  tends  to  es- 
tablish identity  rather  than  diversity  of  authorship  ;  we  see  one  mind  ex- 
pressing the  great  thoughts  and  vising  the  imagery  of  the  book  as  a  whole. 
On  the  writer's  habit  of  anticipation  see  p.  247.  Especially  difficult  is  it, 
except  on  the  supposition  of  identity  of  authorship,  to  explain  the  selection 
from  other  parts  of  the  book  of  the  epithets  given  to  Christ,  which  are  ap- 
propriate in  their  places  (see  notes  in  loc),  but  not  always  seen  on  the  sur- 
face to  be  so. 

(2)  Other  critics  refer  the  epistles,  in  what  they  suppose  to  have  been 
their  original  form,  to  one  of  the  earlier  documents,  from  which  the  author 
of  our  book  has  taken  them  and  revised  them  for  his  present  use  ;  so,  Spitta 
followed  in  the  main  by  Erbes,  Wellhausen,  J.  Weiss,  al.  The  argument  in 
its  main  lines  runs  as  follows  :  The  epistles  are  addressed,  as  shown  by  the 
opening  of  each,  solely  to  the  seven  churches,  and  their  contents  are  con- 
cerned with  the  special  states  and  duties  of  these  churches  and  with  no 
others.  As  such  they  formed  t\\e  introduction  to  a  comparatively  brief 
apocalyptic  message  sent  to  the  narrow  circle  of  these  seven  churches.  The 
earlier  date  of  this  part  is  apparent.  The  churches  addressed  are,  accord- 
ing to  the  epistles,  facing  internal  troubles  and  troubles  from  the  Jews, 
such  as  might  have  arisen  before  the  Roman  persecutions,  but  of  these 
latter,  so  prominent  in  the  book  in  its  present  form,  nothing  is  known  in 
the  epistles  (see  J.  Weiss,  38  f.).  This  earlier  and  pvirely  local  writing  was 
transformed  by  a  redactor  to  adapt  it  to  reading  before  the  whole  Church 
(cf.  Spitta,  41  ff.).  The  traces  of  his  hand  are  apparent,  (o)  There  is  in 
the  epistles  no  place  for  appeals  or  promises  to  the  Church  at  large.  More- 
over, the  promises  to  the  victor  at  the  close  of  the  several  epistles  have  no 
relation  to  the  contents  of  the  respective  epistles  or  the  condition  of  the 
particular  church ;  these  appeals  and  promises  then  are  to  be  attributed  to 
the  reviser,  {b)  The  words  '  What  the  Spirit  saith  '  found  in  every  epistle 
as  describing  its  contents  are  too  objective  to  suit  the  speech  of  a  prophet 
in  a  state  of  ecstasy ;  they  have  the  sound  of  a  writer  in  a  later  genei-ation, 
who  is  enforcing  the  word  of  an  older  prophet  (J.  Weiss,  37).  (c)  The 
promises  at  the  close  of  the  letters  contain  many  reminiscences  of  later 
passages  in  the  book;  e.g.  compare  2"  with  22^;  2^1  with  20",  21*;  2^*  with 
2216;  321  -^ith  22^.  In  answer  to  these  argaimentsin  support  of  (2),  it  is 
enough  to  refer  to  what  has  already  been  said.  The  seven  churches  are 
used  typically  and  each  epistle  has  beyond  its  local  message  a  purpose  for 
the  whole  Church  (see  pp.  209  f .,  2.59)  ;  nothing  short  of  a  purely  arbitrary 
expunging  of  essential  parts  can  leave  a  form  fundamentally  different. 


494  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [IV.  1 

That  the  various  promises  in  the  epistles  are  especially  appropriate  to  their 
places  has  been  shown  in  the  notes  (in  loc).  For  evidence  that  the  epistles 
take  cognizance  of  Roman  hostility  to  the  Christians  see  pp.  206,  452  f,  458. 
Internal  troubles  occupy  the  foremost  place  in  the  epistles,  because  the 
Church  must  prepare  itself  for  coming  trouble  by  the  correction  of  present 
evils.  On  the  presence  in  the  epistles  of  thoughts  found  in  other  parts  of 
the  book,  see  p.  493. 

Sufficient  grounds  for  accepting  the  epistles  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
plan  and  work  of  the  author  of  our  book  may  be  briefly  tabulated  as  fol- 
lows: the  appropriateness  of  such  a  paragraph  in  this  place  (cf.  p.  259); 
agreement  with  the  rest  of  the  book  in  langixage,  i.e.  as  regards  vocabulary 
and  grammatical  construction,  including  syntactical  errors  (cf .  pp.  222  ff.)  ; 
agreement  in  thought  and  symbolism  (besides  the  passages  cited  above, 
p.  493,  compare  2"  with  19i-;  2^6  f.  with  20*;  3^  with  13«,  201^;  312  with 
211° ;  the  list  could  be  increased)  ;  agreement  in  the  combination  of  Jewish 
and  Christian  messianic  conceptions;  difficulty  in  supposing  a  passage  of 
such  spiritual  and  literary  power  to  have  been  written  by  a  mere  compiler, 
or  in  supposing  the  chapters  to  have  been  wrenched  out  of  some  other  set- 
ting and  fitted  into  the  present  place.  Bousset  sums  up  his  judgment  as 
follows :  '  Since  the  efforts  to  reconstruct  a  convincing  Christian  Ur-apoca- 
lypse  are  to  be  considered  as  having  failed,  there  remains  hardly  anything 
else  but  to  identify  the  author  of  the  epistles  with  the  writer  who  wrote  the 
Apocalypse  in  its  present  form,'  Koui.  128.  This  verdict  agrees  with  some 
of  the  older  representatives  of  the  critical  school,  e.g.  Sabatier  and  Schoen, 
and  expresses  what  we  may  probably  say  is  the  growing  tendency  of 
cautious  criticism  at  the  present  day. 

Chapts.  IV. -V.  I7ie  scene  in  the  Court  of  Heaven.  See 
p.  261. 

(1)  God  enthroned  in  heaven,  and  surrounded  by  the  wor- 
shiping hosts  of  the  angelic  hierarchy.     Chapt.  4. 

1.  jjL€Td  TavTa  €i5ov,  after  these  things  I  saw :  this  phrase, 
used  also  in  7''^,  15^,  18^  (cf.  fiera  ravra  rJKOvaa  19^),  introduces 
a  new  vision,  or  at  least  a  separate  part  of  a  vision,  whereas 
Kal  ISov,  Kol  elSov  introduce  a  subordinate  part  of  one  and  the 
same  vision.  The  length  of  interval  between  two  visions  is  not 
shown,  as  it  is  in  2  Es. ;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  phrase 
can  be  pressed  to  indicate  strictly  the  chronological  order  in 
which  the  visions  were  received  ;  for  example,  the  insertion  of 
the  visions  of  7^"^'^  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  seals  is  not 
improbably  due  to  the  author's  method  of  arranging  in  an 
organized  literary  plan  visions  received  at  different  times.  — 
Qvpa  fiv€co'Y|X€V'i],  a  door  opened  in  heaven :  the  door  set  open  in 
the  vault  of  the  sky,  here  conceived  as  a  solid  firmament,  is  not 


IV.  2]  COMMENTARY  495 

an  opening  through  which  the  Seer  might  look  from  earth  into 
heaven ;  that  idea  woukl  be  expressed  by  the  phrase,  '  the 
heavens  were  opened,'  cf.  Ezk.  1^,  Ac.  1^%  10",  Ap.  Bar.  22^ ; 
it  is  that  to  which  the  Seer  is  to  come  up  (am/3a),  and  either 
pass  through  into  the  heavens,  as  does  Enocli  in  Shxv.  En. 
21-24,  or  stand  before  it  beholding  what  is  within,  as  do  Enoch 
in  En.  14^*^""^'^  and  Levi  in  Test.  Lev.  5.  For  the  nom.  6vpa, 
<f>covi],  with  ISov,  a  common  idiom  in  the  N.  T.,  see  Blass  §  33, 
2,  footnote,  Buttm.  p.  139. —  tj  (Jxovt)  ktX.,  the  voice,  etc.:  the 
voice  is  identified  with  that  which  spoke  in  1^^  ;  it  is  the  voice 
of  Christ,  see  note  there.  The  introduction  of  Christ  here  as 
the  agent  showing  a  vision  (heC^o))  of  which  he  himself  forms  a 
part,  the  Lamb  (5''^),  has  raised  difficulty  with  many  com.; 
but  his  function  here  is  quite  different  from  that  of  the  angel, 
for  example,  who  carries  the  prophet  away  and  shows  him  a 
vision,  as  in  17^,  21^^  ;  he  does  not  appear  here,  only  his  voice 
is  heard  sounding  out  of  heaven  and  summoning  the  prophet 
up  from  earth;  after  the  Seer's  rapture,  i.e.  in  the  actual 
vision  itself,  Christ  does  not  take  the  part  of  one  showing  a 
vision.  His  words,  '  I  will  show  thee  what  must  come  to  pass,' 
are  first  fulfilled  in  the  Lamb's  act  of  breaking  the  seals.  This 
passage  then  is  not  opposed  to  the  reference  of  the  voice  of  V-^ 
to  Christ,  as  some  com.  suppose,  see  note  on  l^*'.  At  the  same 
time  Christ's  agency  in  the  revelations  of  the  book  is  here  repre- 
sented in  the  same  way  as  in  1^;  it  is  through  him  that  they 
are  all  given,  directly  or  indirectly ;  hei^co  here  repeats  Sel^ai 
of  1^.  —  XaXo-Oaiis  :  belonging  with  t]v  is  attracted  into  the 
construction  of  adX7n<yyo<i.  —  XeY'*^ :  with  (fxavq,  const,  ad.  sens. 
—  dvdpa :  for  avd/3r}dt,  see  Blass  §  23,  4.  —  |X6Td  TavTa,  here- 
after :  as  in  1^^,  which  shows  that  the  words  are  to  be  joined 
with  yevecrOac,  not  with  €vdeco<;  /crX.,  as  WH  punctuate. 

2.  €X)9e(os  €Y€v6|XT]v  Iv  irve-OiiaTi,  straighttvay  I  (^came  to  he) 
was  in  the  Spirit :  the  language  would  seem  to  imply  the  begin- 
ning of  an  ecstasy,  whereas  the  Prophet  has  been  represented  in 
such  a  state  from  l^*^  on  ;  it  was  in  this  state  that  he  saw  the 
open  door,  and  heard  the  voice  (v.  1).  No  author  or  compiler 
even,  who  wrote  as  introductory  to  the  vision  verse  1,  with  its 
implied  ecstasy,  could  intend  in  the  words  of  v.  2  the  beginning 
of  an  ecstasy.     The  words  are  meant  to  include  the  immediate 


496  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IV.  2 

sequel  of  the  summons,  that  is,  the  Seer's  rapture  in  the  Spirit 
into  heaven,  as  well  as  the  continuance  of  the  ecstasy  in  which 
he  received  the  revelations  following.  But  the  thought  is 
expressed  in  a  condensed  form  ;  the  Prophet  is  intent  upon  em- 
phasizing the  fact  that  all  befell  him  under  the  influence  of  the 
Spirit.  Similar  cases  in  which  the  influence  of  the  Spirit 
already  present  is  again  spoken  of  as  if  just  beginning  are 
pointed  out  ;  cf.  Ezk.  11'' ^  En.  71''\  There  is  no  intimation 
(as  some  take  it)  that  a  mightier  force  of  the  Spirit  comes 
upon  the  Seer  here,  as  if  such  were  thought  to  be  needed  to  lift 
him  to  heaven.  The  language  of  this  verse  furnishes  no  evidence 
that  this  was  the  beginning  of  the  book  (see  p.  531).  Spitta's 
emendation  and  interpretation  (63  f.)  icjiepoixrjv  for  ejevofirjv, 
'  I  was  carried  away  by  the  wind,'  are  of  value  only  as  an  illus- 
tration of  the  critic's  manner.  —  Gpovos  €K€ito  kt\.,  a  throne 
stood  in  heaven,  etc.:  heaven  now  opens  before  the  Seer  under 
the  form  of  a  vast  throne-room.  The  central  figure  is  God 
enthroned  in  great  glory,  surrounded  by  his  court  of  angelic 
principalities  and  powers  in  varying  orders.  The  leading 
features  of  the  scene  are  those  found  in  Is.  6'*^-,  Ezk.  126-28^ 
Dan.  T\  1  K.  22^9,  En.  39-40,  Slav.  En.  20-22,  and  elsewhere; 
but  they  are  here  combined  and  handled  with  the  power  of  a 
master  hand.  No  attempt  is  made  to  describe  the  person  of 
God;  the  glory  of  his  form  manifests  itself  in  brilliant  vari- 
colored light,  according  to  the  Hebrew  conception  of  Jehovah 
dwelling  in  light  (1  Tim.  6^^)  and  covering  himself  with  light 
as  with  a  garment  (Ps.  104^). 

3.  6  KaG-qfievos,  he  that  sat:  in  a  passage  conceived  entirely 
after  the  manner  of  the  Heb.  vision,  the  writer  conforms  to  the 
customary  style  of  later  times  in  avoiding  the  name  of  God;  he 
does  not  himself  share  this  reluctance,  as  elsewhere  with  this 
scene  in  mind  he  uses  the  name  unhesitatingly,  cf.  7^^'  ^^  12^, 
19*. — 0|JL0L0S  opdcrci  XiBw  IdcnrLSL  /crX,.,  like  in  ajrpearance  to  a 
jasper  stone,  etc. :  the  language  is  meant  to  express  merely  the 
splendor  of  the  light  in  which  the  prophet  beholds  God  mani- 
fested and  encircled.  In  Ezk.  126-28  Qod  and  his  throne  are 
seen  in  the  brilliancy  of  glowing  metal  (LXX  rjXeKrpov),  of  fire 
and  brightness  round  about;  the  'terrible  crystal'  (v.  22),  the 
sapphire  and  the  rainbow  contribute  to  the  '  glory  of  Jehovah ' 


IV.  3]  COMMENTARY  497 

(v.  28);  in  Ex.  24^^  God  appears  above  a  work  of  sapphire;  in 
Dan.  7''  his  raiment  is  white  as  snow,  his  throne  fiery  flames; 
in  En.  14  his  raiment  shines  more  brightly  than  the  sun,  from 
beneath  his  throne  come  streams  of  flaming  fire;  in  Slav.  En.  22 
his  face  is  like  metal  glowing  in  the  fire  and  emitting  sparks. 
In  all  such  representations  the  meaning  of  the  symbolism  is 
clear  —  it  is  an  attempt  to  give  God  a  visible  appearance  of 
glory  suited  to  his  being.  A  special  significance  is  not  to  be 
sought  in  each  particular  element  or  color.  So  in  our  passage 
the  interpretation  which  finds  in  the  precious  stones  a  fiery  red 
typifying  the  wrath  of  God,  etc.,  a  sea-green  typifying  the 
mercy  of  God,  or  the  water  of  baptism,  and  so  on  through  a 
series  of  guesses  (cf.  Diist.  in  loc.)^  imports  meanings  which 
the  analogy  of  symbolical  representations  shows  to  be  entirely 
foreign  to  the  writer's  thought.  In  this  place  it  is  especially 
necessary  to  keep  in  mind  this  general  significance  of  the 
symbolism,  because  it  is  not  certain  just  what  stones  or  what 
colors  are  represented  here  by  the  gems  named.  Jasper  as  used 
here  cannot  be  our  jasper,  a  dull  opaque,  cheap  stone,  red, 
yellow,  brown,  or  green.  Many  identify  the  jasper  of  this 
passage  with  the  opal,  some  with  the  diamond.  The  sardius  is 
commonly,  but  by  no  means  unquestionably,  identified  with 
our  cornelian.  The  smaragd,  usually  identified  with  the 
emerald  (so,  EV)is  by  some  regarded  as  a  brilliant  rock-crystal 
showing  prismatic  colors.  The  whole  subject  of  the  relation  of 
the  precious  stones  named  in  the  N.  T.  to  those  of  the  O.  T., 
to  those  of  classical  antiquity,  and  of  modern  mineralogy  is 
one  of  great  obscurity.  For  a  compendious  discussion  of  the 
subject  see  Hast,  and  En.  Bib.  on  Precious  Stones^  and  also  the 
separate  articles  on  particular  stones.  Fortunately  the  inter- 
pretation here  is  not  affected  by  our  ignorance  of  these  details. 
ipiS  kuk\66€V  tov  Gpovou,  a  rainhoiv  round  about  the  throne : 
taken  from  Ezk.  1^^,  tpt?  being  used  instead  of  ro^ov  of  the 
LXX.  The  word  KVKXodev,  round  about^  seems  to  show  that  a 
complete  circle,  a  halo,  is  meant  (Cf.  IQi,  L  &  S.  s.w.),  though 
the  passage  in  Ezk.  and  the  common  use  of  the  word  would 
suggest  rather  the  segment  of  a  circle  overarching  the  throne. 
The  bow  is  here  taken  from  Ezk.  as  an  element  of  splendor; 
there  is  no  reference,  as  some  understand  it,  to  God's  covenant 
2k 


498  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IV.  3 

with  his  people,  of  which  the  rainbow  was  regarded  a  token, 
Gen.  9^  ff. — o|xoios  (with  lpi<;):  only  here  an  adj.  of  two 
endings;  see  Blass  §  11,  1. — crfjiapa'YSLvw:  sc.  Xido).  On  the 
color  see  above. 

■1.  The  vision  of  the  Seer  passes  on  to  the  angelic  orders  who 
are  gathered  as  courtiers  about  the  heavenly  King,  forming  the 
assembly  of  his  council  or  ministers.  Rabbinic  writers  speak 
of  angelic  powers  as  forming  in  the  presence  of  God  a  senate 
or  council  to  whom  he  communicates  his  decrees,  and  with 
whom  he  confers  even  (cf.  Weber  System  170  f.).  Some  idea 
of  that  kind  appears  also  in  Gen.  1^^,  3^^  ('Let  us  '  and  '  one  of 
us  ') ;  in  Is.  2423  such  an  assembly  is  conceived  and  the  heavenly 
beings  constituting  it  are  called  '  Elders'  (cf.  RV  mrg.,  LXX, 
irpea^vrepoL^ ;  in  Slav.  En.  4^  the  same  word  is  used  of  certain 
angels,  though  the  text  there  is  not  quite  certain;  cf.  also  ov 
Trpia-jSvi  ovhe  dyryeXo<;  Is.  63^.  The  four  and  twenty  '  Elders ' 
of  our  passage  are  angelic  kings,  a  rank  in  the  heavenly 
hierarchy,  though  they  are  not  elsewhere  mentioned  in  the 
precise  form  and  number  here  given.  That  they  are  kings  is 
shown  in  the  fact  that  they  sit  on  thrones  and  wear  crowns. 
As  such  they  form  an  appropriate  feature  in  a  picture  of  the 
court  of  the  King  of  kings.  '  Thrones '  are  mentioned  in 
Col.  1^^  in  the  enumeration  of  the  different  orders  of  the 
angelic  hierachy.  The  number  twenty-four  has  no  parallel  in 
Jewish  literature,  and  it  is  likely  that  the  author  derives  it 
from  some  representation  current  in  popular  tradition,  but  not 
elsewhere  recorded. — irpeo-puTcpous,  (rT€(j>dvo\)S;  the  construc- 
tion changes,  as  if  elBov  had  been  used  instead  of  ISov. 

The  four  and  twenty  '  elders '  have  formed  the  subject  of  much  discus- 
sion among  interpreters.  But  it  seems  certain  that  as  the  cherubim,  the 
seven  lamps  of  fire  and  other  details  in  the  scene  are  taken  from  Hebrew 
tradition,  so  these  are.  And  as  the  traditions  mentioned  pretty  certainly 
owe  their  ultimate  origin  to  an  earlier  oriental  source,  the  same  is  probably 
true  here.  In  the  early  polytheistic  religion  of  the  East,  the  stars,  the 
phiuets,  etc.,  are  gods;  luit  as  this  astro-mythological  tradition  passes  on  in 
popular  acceptance,  it  is  transformed  among  tlie  monotlieistic  Hebrews, 
aud  these  gods  become  angels.  Of  course,  as  in  the  use  of  all  such  tradi- 
tions, the  original  meaning  is  lost  from  the  knowledge  of  the  later  Hebrew 
writers;  and  thus  the  Apocalyptist  takes  up  the  merely  formal  elements  of 
popular  belief    as   a   symbol  in   conceiving  and  expressing  his   thought. 


IV.  6]  COMMENTARY  499 

(iiinkel  (Schop/utif/  308)  cites  Diodorus  Siculus  II.  31  as  saying  that  the 
Babylonians  distinguished  besides  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac  twenty-four 
stars  of  which  half  stand  in  the  northern  heavens,  half  in  the  southern,  and 
called  these  the  judges  of  the  world.  There  may  conceivably  be  in  this  be- 
lief some  trace  of  a  tradition  similar  to  that  from  which  sprang  the  popular 
fancy  of  twenty-four  angelic  kings  as  sharers  in  the  court  of  heaven  (see  on 
8^).  Some  such  explanation  of  the  symbol  is  adopted  by  many  of  the  most 
recent  expositors.  Earlier  intei-preters,  some  also  among  the  more  recent, 
make  the  '  elders  '  idealized  figures  representing  the  twelve  apostles  and  the 
twelve  patriarchs  combined,  and  so  the  Church  in  its  totality.  But  a  con- 
ception of  the  apostles  and  patriarchs  coordinately  combined  in  such  a  way 
as  to  be  symbolized  by  the  number  twenty-four  is  entirely  foreign  to  our 
book,  as  to  the  N.  T.  in  general.  The  Church  is  not  composite,  it  is  one 
Israel  of  God.  Moreover,  in  a  scene  conceived  throughout  on  the  tradi- 
tional lines  of  Hebrew  angelology,  and  representing  in  this  part  the 
heavenly  hosts  apart  from  creation,  there  is  no  place  for  idealized  or  glori- 
fied human  beings.  The  Church  is  first  referred  to  in  5^  and  then  objec- 
tively, as  distinct  from  those  in  the  heavenly  court.  (The  RV  represents 
the  correct  text  in  5^.)  According  to  another  view  the  twenty-four  '  elders ' 
represent  the  twenty-four  courses  of  Aaronic  priests ;  1  Chron.  24^^-^^.  But 
there  is  nothing  to  suggest  these  except  the  nixmber  twenty-four.  The 
'  elders '  do  not  perform  priestly  offices ;  their  offering  of  worship  (4^°  **'•,  5*  *''•) 
is  an  act  in  which  every  created  thing  shares,  S^^.  See  on  the  subject 
(lunkel  302  ff.,  Jeremias  12  f.,  Bouss.,  IIoltzm-Bau.  Blj.  Moffatt  in  loc. 

5.  The  description  returns  to  the  tlirone  and  its  nearer  ac- 
cessories.—  do-TpaTTal  ktX.  lightnings^  etc.  :  imagery  often  used 
to  denote  the  presence  of  the  awful  power  and  majesty  of  (jod, 
e.g.  85,  1119,  1618,  Ezk.  V\  Ps.  IS^s-is,  Job  ?>1^~K  With  our 
passage  cf.  En.  141^,  'From  underneath  the  throne  came 
streams  of  flaming  lire.'  By  the  '  voices '  are  meant  the  roar 
and  furious  noise  of  a  tempest.  —  ciTTd  XaiiirdSes  "rrupds,  seven 
lamps  of  fire :  sc.  rjaav;  the  copula  is  omitted,  as  often.  The 
symbol  is  taken  with  modification  from  Zee.  4"'*-  (cf.  also  Ezk. 
11'^),  where  as  here  it  is  explained  as  referring  to  the  Spirit  of 
God.  See  on  1*.  It  is  probable  that  behind  the  symbol  lies 
the  earlier  mythological  conception  of  seven  torches  represent- 
ing the  seven  planet-gods,  but  that  origin  is  forgotten  in  the 
O.  T.  writer  as  well  as  here.  The  formal  element  of  the  tra- 
dition is  taken  up  as  a  convenient  symbol  of  the  Spirit,  as  the 
all-searching  eye  of  God  ;  see  on  5^  and  8^. 

6.  cbs  OdXaorcra  .  .  .  Kpu(rTdXX«,  as  it  were  a  glassy  sea  like 
crystal :  cf .  15"^.      The  words  describe  the  brilliant  splendor  of 


500  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [IV.  6 

the  pavement  of  the  great  throne-room.  In  the  theophany  re- 
corded in  Ex.  241*^,  there  was  under  the  feet  of  God  '  as  it  were 
a  paved  work  of  sapphire  stone '  ;  cf.  Ezk.  1^*^.  A  heavenly 
house  whose  '  ground  work  was  of  crystal'  is  described  in  En. 
14.  The  representation  of  this  pavement  as  a  sea  lay  near  at 
hand,  for  the  notion  of  a  sea  in  the  heavens,  '  the  waters  above 
the  firmament'  (Gen.  1''),  was  common;  cf.  Slav.  En.  3^, 
'  They  placed  me  in  the  first  heaven  and  showed  me  a  very 
great  sea,  greater  than  the  earthly  sea '  ;  cf.  also  Jub.  2*,  En. 
54®.  The  likeness  of  the  sea  and  the  sky  in  appearance  sug- 
gests the  idea.  There  is  no  connection  between  the  figure  of 
our  passage  and  the  river  of  life  in  22^  (Dlist.)  ;  nor  is  there 
here  any  special  symbolical  meaning.  For  some  fanciful  inter- 
pretations see  Alford  in  loc. 

kv  |X€0"a)  Toii  6p6vo\)  kt\.,  in  the  midst  of  the  tlirone^  etc.  :  the 
Seer  in  his  description  passes  on  to  the  highest  order  of  angelic 
beings,  who  apparently  stand  nearest  the  throne.  These  are 
conceived  for  the  most  part  after  the  manner  of  the  cherubim 
as  pictured  in  Ezk.  l**^-,  but  the  figures  of  the  seraphim  given 
in  Is.  6^  ^-  are  also  present  in  the  mind  of  the  Seer.  He  has 
greatly  simplified  the  representation  of  Ezk.,  making  it  clearer, 
and  has  combined,  with  the  skill  of  an  independent  artist,  the 
elements  thus  derived  from  tradition.  The  freedom  and  skill 
with  which  he  here  treats  the  sources  used  is  worthy  of  notice, 
because  of  the  light  thus  thrown  on  his  relation  to  derived  ma- 
terial in  general.  He  takes  the  name  ^wa.  Living  Creatures, 
directly  from  Ezk.  1^,  but  whether  he  intends  to  designate  the 
beings  distinctly  as  the  cherubim,  as  Ezk.  does  (lO^^),  or  simply 
to  represent  the  highest  order  of  angels  by  combining  known 
traits  of  different  orders,  is  not  quite  certain.  There  are  four 
as  in  Ezk.,  and  like  the  cherubim  in  the  prophet's  picture  (lO^^) 
they  are  full  of  eyes,  indicative  of  unlimited  intelligence  ;  they 
have  severally  the  face  of  the  lion,  the  ox  (see  on  v.  7),  man, 
and  the  eagle,  that  is,  of  the  highest  orders  of  earthly  crea- 
tures ;  but  while  in  Ezk.  each  one  of  the  cherubim  has  four 
faces  (1^'^"),  in  our  author  the  four  faces  are  distributed  among 
the  Living  Creatures  severally.  Each  being  has  six  wings,  a 
feature  taken  like  the  words  of  their  hymn  (v.  8)  from  the 
seraphim  of  Isaiah  (6^)  ;  the  cherubim  of  Ezk.  have  each  four 


IV.  6]  COMMENTARY  501 

wings  (l").  In  Ezk.  the  cherubim  are  the  winged  supporters 
of  Jehovah's  throne-car,  upon  which  they  bear  him  as  he  moves 
through  all  the  world  in  his  self-manifestation.  Tlie  principal 
function  of  the  Living  Creatures,  as  given  in  our  book,  is  that 
of  attending  as  the  highest  order  of  angels  before  God  in  the 
throne-room  of  his  glory,  and  leading  in  the  adoration  paid  to 
God  and  the  Lamb  ;  cf.  vv.  8f.,  S^-io,  19*. 

Here  again  caution  must  be  taken  against  the  inter^^retations 
which  find  a  symbolical  intention  in  each  several  Creature  and 
each  face.  The  writer  saw  in  the  figures  of  Ezk.  and  Is.  a 
representation  of  the  highest  angelic  attendants  before  Jehovah, 
and  he  adopts  these  in  their  general  characteristics  as  appro- 
priate in  his  great  picture  of  God  enthroned  amid  the  heavenly 
hierarchy.  With  his  picture  compare  Slav.  En.  21,  'The 
cherubim  and  seraphim  standing  about  the  throne,  the  six- 
winged  and  many-eyed  ones,  do  not  depart,  standing  before 
the  Lord's  face,  doing  his  will,  and  cover  his  whole  throne, 
singing  with  gentle  voice  before  the  Lord's  face,  Holy,  holy, 
holy.  Lord  Ruler  of  Sabaoth,  heavens  and  earth  are  full  of  thy 
glory.'  The  supposition  of  many  scholars  that  the  cherubim 
personify  the  power  of  God  immanent  in  nature  is  not  war- 
ranted by  the  activities  assigned  them  in  Jewish  literature. 
(On  the  cherubim  and  their  functions  see  Schultz  Tlieol.  483  ff., 
Weber  System  163  f.,  Hast,  and  En.  Bib.  s.v.')  And  the  same 
is  true  of  the  Living  Creatures  in  the  Apocalypse.  As  regards 
these  latter  it  is  noticeable  that  the  whole  created  world  is 
distinctly  contrasted  with  them,  5^'^.  There  is  magnificence  in 
the  picture  which  some  com.  find  here  —  a  vision  of  heaven 
with  the  Church  (the  twenty-four  Elders)  and  the  world  of 
creation  (the  cherubim)  represented  ideally  before  the  throne 
of  God.  But  we  are  undoubtedly  right  in  rejecting  such  a 
view  of  the  scene  (see  p.  499).  The  figures  which  throng 
the  court  of  heaven  are  the  traditional  orders  of  heavenly 
beings,  among  whom  none  personify  God's  people  or  the 
created  universe.  And  even  if  such  an  ideal  abstraction  were 
conceivable  with  our  author,  he  would  pretty  surely  show  the 
significance  of  his  innovation  by  the  addition  of  interpretative 
words,  as  in  1^",  4^  5^.  —  The  obscure  words  ev  fxeaw  .  .  .  kvkXm 
Tou  dpovov  are  best  taken  to  mean  that  the  Creatures  stand  one 


502  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IV.  6 

at  the  middle  of  each  of  the  four  sides  of  the  throne.  While 
iv  fieao)  is  found  in  Ezk.  (^1^),  the  words  /cal  kvkXq)  tov  Opovov 
do  not  occur  there;  they  are  wanting  in  some  minuscules  — 
doubtless  a  copyist's  correction  to  relieve  a  difficulty. 

7.  0|xoiov  XeovTi  like  a  lion:  the  Living  Creatures  in  Ezk. 
are  described  as  having  in  general,  with  whatever  peculiarities, 
the  human  form  (1^);  so  here  the  likeness  to  the  lion,  the  ox, 
etc.,  is  to  be  understood,  not  of  the  form  tliroughout,  but  of  the 
face,  as  shown  by  e')((cv  .  .  .  avdpdiTrov  in  the  third  case,  ^oiov 
includes  both  man  and  beast,  d-qpiov  the  latter  only.  —  p-oax^w, 
ox:  EV,  calf.  In  Ezk.  1^**  the  LXX  use  ^oa'x^o^;  to  translate 
"li^i  which  is  there  understood  of  a  full-grown  ox  or  bullock. 
—  ^X.'^v:   const,  ad  sens.,  as  also  in  v.  8. 

8.  XjS>a  :  the  subj.  of  ye/xova-Lp,  or  possibly  with  rjv  to  be  sup- 
plied with  €X(ov. — €V  Ka6'  ev,  dvd:  emphatic  distributive  (cf. 
Hlass  §§  51,  5  ;  45,  3),  lit.  haviuf/  each  one  of  them  six  wings 
apiece  (^avci).  —  kukXoBcv  Kal  'icxdi^iv.,  I'ound  about  and  within : 
Ezk.  10^2  points  to  the  probable  meaning  :  round  about  the 
body  (cf.  V.  6,  'full  of  eyes  before  and  behind')  and  within  i.e. 
on  the  under  side  of  the  wings.  The  all-seeing  intelligence  of 
the  Creatures  is  meant.  The  lack  of  a  strict  contrast  between 
kvkX60€v  and  ecrwdev  seems  to  be  the  origin  of  the  reading  kvk\6- 
6ev  Kal  e^(o6ev  Kal  ecrcodev  found  in  some  sources  ;  KVKXodev  is 
then  joined  to  the  preceding  words  ;  '  they  had  six  wings  round 
about,  and  were  full  of  eyes  without  and  within.'  —  dvaiTavcrLV 
ovK  €X.oi)(nv  /ctX.,  they  I'est  not,  etc.:  ceaseless  songs  of  praise 
form  a  common  feature  in  apocalyptic  descriptions  of  heaven ; 
e.g.  '  Those  who  sleep  not  bless  thee,  they  stand  before  thy 
glory  and  bless,  praise  and  extol,  saying,  Holy,  holy,  holy  is 
the  Lord  of  spirits,'  En.  39i=^;  cf.  idem  6V\  Test.  Lev.  S^,  Slav. 
En.  19*^,  21^  (quoted  in  note  on  v.  6).  The  Trisagion  of  our 
passage  is  the  hymn  of  the  Seraphim  in  Is.  6-^  but  modified  here 
to  introduce  attributes  of  God  made  prominent  in  the  book, 
TravTOKpdrcop  and  6  ^y  Kal  6  wv  ktX.  —  d-yios,  holy :  the  word  is 
to  be  taken  here  according  to  Heb.  usage  to  denote  the  sacred- 
ness  of  God's  being,  his  apartness  from  all  created  things ;  '  it 
expresses  the  distance  and  awful  contrast  between  the  divine 
and  the  human  ...  it  included  every  distinctive  character  of 
Godhead,'   Smith  Prophets  224  f . ;    cf.   Schultz    Theol.  463  If. 


IV.  11]  COMMENTARY  503 

The  theme  of  the  hymn  is  the  majesty  of  God  in  his  divine 
being,  his  ahnightiness,  and  his  eternity.  For  .the  phrase  o  r]v 
ktX.,  see  on  l*^. 

9-11.  The  company  of  Elders  take  up  and  carry  forward 
the  great  antiphon,  offering  lowliest  homage  to  God  and  prais- 
ing him  in  his  glory  and  power  as  the  creator  of  all  things. 
—  OTav  5oJ(rou(riv ;  the  fut.  ind.  with  oTav  is  rare ;  see  Win. 
§  12,  5,  b  ;  Buttm.  p.  222.  The  fut.,  with  which  ireaovvTai,  etc., 
correspond,  is  probably  to  be  taken  with  a  frequentative  force, 
after  the  analogy  of  the  Heb.  imperf. :  '■  Whenever  the  Living 
Creatures  give  glory  .  .  .  the  Elders  fall,'  etc.  (AV)  ;  so,  many 
com.,  among  the  more  recent,  Diist.  Holtzm. -Bauer,  Blj.  Swete. 
As  such  it  must  be  classed  among  the  writer's  grammatical 
errors.  Others  give  the  fut.  its  usual  force,  so,  RV ;  in  that 
case  the  writer  is  thinking  of  the  continuance  through  the  future 
of  what  is  now  going  on  ;  '  Whenever  the  Living  Creatures 
shall  give  glory,'  etc.  —  a  sense  which  in  this  connection  seems 
hardly  possible.  —  Swctouo-lv  S6|av  Kal  Ti|XTiv,  give  glory  and 
honor:  primarily  to  acknowledge  the  glory  and  honor  which 
inhere  in  God,  to  praise  him  for  his  glory  and  honor ;  whereas 
SiSovat  ev'x^apLcrriav  is  to  offer  the  thanks  which  come  from  man. 

The  numerous  repetitions  in  the  phraseology  of  these  verses 
are  characteristic  of  the  writer;  cf.  p.  241. — paXovcriv  tovs 
aT€<j>dvous  kt\.,  east  their  crcwns^  etc.:  an  act  acknowledging 
that  all  their  kingly  dignity  is  subordinate  to  God.  —  6  Kxipios, 
6  Geds  :  nom.  for  voc.  as  often  in  classical  Gk.  and  in  the  N.  T. ; 
see  Blass  §  33,  4.  —  Xapeiv  86|av,  7-eceive  glory  :  see  above  on 
'  give  glory.'  —  ttjv,  before  ho^av  etc.:  the  art.  specifies  the  glory, 
etc.,  as  those  which  are  ascribed  to  God. —  on  av  cKTicras  rd 
irdvTa,  because  tho%i  didst  create  all  things :  the  hymn  of  the  Elders 
goes  beyond  a  mere  repetition  of  that  of  the  Living  Creatures ; 
it  adds  as  a  ground  of  praise  God's  work  in  creation,  a  frequent 
theme  in  Heb.  psalmody;  e.g.  Ps.  33*^-9,  10225,  ISB"*"— 8id  to 
GeXrifid  aou  ^aav,  because  of  thy  will  they  were  :  the  words  do 
not  describe  the  process  of  coming  into  being  ;  that  is  expressed 
in  the  following  word  eKTiaOriaav,  were  created.  In  this  first 
clause  the  imperf.  is  used  because  existence  is  thought  of 
vividly  as  an  accomplished  fact  in  response  to  God's  will ;  '  thou 
didst  will,  they  were.'     Cf.  Gen.  1^  '  Let  there  be  light  and 


504  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [IV.  11 

there  was  light.'  There  is  no  idea  (so,  some  com. )  of  a  poten- 
tial existence  in  rjaav  prior  to  the  reality  of  eKricrdricrav.  The 
two  clauses  contain  a  hysteron-proteron  ;  or  tlie  second  may  be 
taken  as  a  more  specific  statement  of  what  was  stated  indefi- 
nitely in  the  first,  in  which  case  /catis  epexegetical,  that  is,  yea. 
Both  are  common  traits  of  the  author's  manner  ;  see  pp.  243, 
242. 

Textual  notes,  chapt.  4.     1.    Xeywv  i<AQ  min  edd ;    Xtyovaa  ^"V  min  R. 

—  2.    Before  tv6^ui<i,  P  some  min  and  vers  R  insert  Kai,  to  avoid  asyndeton. 

—  3.  (TapSiw  i^AQ  edd;  trapSivw  P  some  min  R.  —  1.  Opovov;  (after  Opovov) 
SA  min  Leh  Ti  Ws  WHmrg.  al :  dpovoi  PC^  many  min  R  WII  Sod  al. — 
5.  a  eicriv  ^'^V  miu  most  edd ;  a  ecmv  A  Lch  Ws ;  at  eLcnv  (or  etcri)  Q  min 
R  RV  (//.  —  6.  Kttt  kvkXu>  tov  Opovov  wanting  in  some  min  and  vers.  —  7.  exc^v 
AQ  min  most  edd ;  exov  KP  min  R  Lch  Sod.  —  For  avOpuiirov,  P  some  min 
R  read  av^pcoTros.  —  8.  Before  kui  eo-w^ev,  Q  some  min  insert  Kut  e^oyOtv; 
some  min  read  efw^ev  instead  of  ecrw^ev.  —  For  ye/Aovcrtv,  some  min  R  have 
yefiovTa.  —  9.  ^uiaovatv  AP  min  R  edd  ;  Swcrwcrtv  i^Q  min  Bouss ;  Swcnv  some 
min.  — 10.  TrpocTKvvova-L  in  R  seems  to  be  due  to  Erasmus,  who  wrote  thus 
either  through  error,  or  to  conform  to  his  reading  /3aX\ova-Lv.  —  For  /SaXovcriv 
(fut.),  XQ  some  min  R  read  fSaXXovatv.  —  11.  For  rja-av,  P  some  min  R  read 
etcrt ;  Q  some  min  read  ovk  rjaav  ktX.  ;  tliey  were  not,  and  were  created. 

(2)  Chapt.  V.  Second  part  of  the  scene  in  the  Court  of 
Heaven.     See  pp.  261  f .    The  sealed  book  and  the  Lamb.  5i~i*. 

1.  The  opening  words  of  this  the  second  part  of  the  vision 
make  clear  the  significance  which  the  former  part  (chapt.  4) 
has  in  the  plan  of  our  book.  The  roll  in  the  hand  of  God 
furnishes  the  key.  God,  the  eternal  and  almighty  one,  as  pic- 
tured there  in  awful  splendor,  now  in  this  roll  presents  before 
the  angelic  ranks  assembled  around  him  in  his  throne-room  the 
decrees  of  his  will  regarding  the  consummation  of  his  kingdom. 
The  events  that  are  to  follow  —  the  things  written  in  the  roll 

—  are  the  working  out  of  that  sovereign  will,  wliich  is  now  to 
move  on  in  irresistible  might  accomplishing  its  eternal  decree. 
Thus  is  revealed  the  strong  foundation  of  the  Christian's  hope 
for  the  future,  his  ground  of  assurance  through  all  the  events 
that  are  coming  on  the  earth. — €l8ov  tirl  ti^v  8e|idv,  I  saw  in  the 
right  hand :  the  imagery  of  the  roll  in  the  hand  of  God  is  taken 
from  Ezk.  2^^'.  The  roll  is  better  understood  as  held  in  the 
hand  than  resting  on  the  open  palm  ;   for  the  use  of  i-n  i  cf .  20^. 

—  PipXiov,  a  hook:  primarily  Vi  little  hook.,  but  in  use  the  diminu- 


V.  1]  COMMENTARY  505 

tive  force  has  disappeared  (of.  Kiihn.  I  §  330,  4,  A.  4),  and  the 
word  when  denoting  a  volume  becomes  equivalent  to  /3t/3Xo9, 
and  is  employed  more  frequently  in  the  N.  T.  than  the  latter. 
When  the  diminutive  is  to  be  specilied,  some  other  form  is  used  ; 
cf.  ^L^Xapihiov  10'^.  There  seems  no  necessity  for  assigning  to 
the  book  here  any  other  than  the  usual  form  of  a  roll,  the 
form  specified  in  Ezk.  («e<^aXt6),  which  is  before  our  author's 
mind.  As  regards  the  contents  of  the  roll  it  appears  certain, 
as  scholars  for  the  most  part  are  now  agreed,  that  it  con- 
tains the  counsels  of  God  which  are  revealed  in  the  following 
visions  ;  it  is  the  book  of  these  last  things  in  the  destiny 
of  the  world  and  the  people  of  (xod  now  to  be  unfolded. 
These  have  been  sealed,  i.e.  hidden  (cf.  Is.  29^1,  Dan.  8^^),  but 
now  the  seals  are  to  be  broken  and  all  is  to  be  revealed  ;  cf . 
22^^,  Slav.  En.  33^.  Such  a  revelation  is  promised  in  the  sum- 
mons given  to  the  Apocalyptist  (4^)  ;  and  he  must  in  the  out- 
set have  conceived  the  manifestation  of  God  in  the  court  of 
heaven  to  stand  in  direct  relation  to  this  unfolding  of  the 
future  ;  hence  the  representation  of  his  grief  when  no  one  is 
found  to  open  the  book  (v.  4).  That  this  formed  the  contents 
of  the  roll  is  placed  beyond  question  in  that  the  revelations 
given  are  directly  connected  with  the  breaking  of  the  seals. 
The  book  then  in  its  contents  is  quite  different  from  those 
mentioned  in  d^\  20^^.  This  is  a  book  of  the  future  of  the 
world  and  mankind.  A  similar  book  is  mentioned  in  many 
places.  The  idea  is  closely  related  to  that  of  a  heavenly  pattern 
followed  in  all  that  is  done  on  earth  as  the  working  out  of 
God's  will  (Ex.  25"'  ^\  Eph.  2'^^  ;  on  the  latter  passage  see 
Haupt  in  Meyer's  Kom.;  Ewald  in  Zahn's  Kom.^.  For  men- 
tion of  such  a  book  see  Dan.  lO^i,  2  Es.  6^0,  En.  93i-3,  1032, 
1061^  1087,  j^ib.  513,  2332.  'These  books  contain  the  secrets  of 
the  future,  and  the  opening  of  the  books  signifies  the  fulfill- 
ment of  the  hidden  things,'  Volz.  94. 

Interpretations  which  find  in  the  roll  the  O.  T.,  or  the  O.  T.  and  the 
N.  T.,  written  the  one  within,  the  other  without,  and  numerous  symbolical 
interpretations  remote  from  the  evident  relation  of  the  roll  to  the  contents 
of  the  Apocalypse,  are  fanciful  and  need  not  be  considered  here.  For 
various  views  of  the  kind  see  the  Speaker's  Com,  in  loc.  Some  understand 
the  roll  to  be  the  Testament  of  God,  the  document  in  which  he  assures  his 


506  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [V.  1 

people,  as  shown  in  the  visions,  of  their  inheritance  of  the  heavenly  king- 
dom, according  to  the  coninaon  N.  T.  representation  of  Christians  as  the 
'  heirs  of  God  ' ;  so,  Zahn  Ein.  II.  600,  followed  by  J.  Weiss  57  ff.,  Blj.  //;.  loc. 
This  view  is  suggested  by  the  Roman  custom  of  sealing  a  will  with  seven 
seals.  But  the  gTeat  frequency  of  seven  with  our  autlior  as  a  symbol  of 
completeness  is  sufficient  to  explain  its  use  here.  It  is  not  easy  to  bring 
the  first  six  seals  and  the  events  connected  with  the  breaking  of  these  into 
any  relation  to  a  sealed  testament,  or  an  inheritance.  The  author  nowhere 
intimates  any  relation,  or  any  idea  of  a  testament  as  symbolized  by  the  roll. 
Inheritance  is  mentioned  but  once  in  the  book  (21")  and  then  not  in  a  way 
to  indicate  allusion  to  the  roll  as  guaranteeing  it.  But  the  analogy  of  the 
books  referred  to  above  suggests  that  the  whole  book,  each  part  as  denoted 
by  its  seal,  has  for  its  contents  a  prophecy  of  the  future. 

■Y€"Ypa-[JLiJL€VOV  .  .  .  OTTLcGev,  ivritten  within  and  upon  the  hack : 
the  writing  was  ordinarily  confined  to  the  inner  side  of  a  roll, 
but  sometimes  was  also  extended  over  to  the  outer  side  or  back. 
Here  as  in  Ezk.  fullness  of  contents  is  indicated.  Some  of  the 
writing  on  the  back  of  the  roll,  even  when  rolled  up,  would  be 
visible  ;  that  within  though  not  visible  is  assumed  as  a  matter 
of  course. 

The  words  tcroyOev,  oTnaOev,  within,  on  the  had;  are  both  joined  by  almost 
all  interpreters  with  yeypafx/xevov  according  to  the  representation  in  Ezk. 
Zahn  {Ein.  II.  608)  separates  them,  interpreting  '  written  within,  and 
sealed  on  the  back,'  on  the  ground  that  e^wOev  rather  than  oinaOev  would  be 
required  for  a  proper  correlation  to  eauiOev.  But  eawdev  would  then  be 
quite  siiperfluous,  for  a  roll  is  of  course  written  within ;  and  OTricrOev,  taken 
with  KaTeatfipayLa-fxevov,  would  likewise  be  so,  if  the  book  was  in  the  ordinary 
form  of  the  roll ;  but  on  Zahn's  view  of  the  foryn,  and  the  sealing  see  below, 
p.  507.  However,  the  compound  6Tn(T66ypa<l>o<;,  used  to  describe  a  roll 
written  on  both  sides  (see  L  and  S.  s.v.),  shows  the  appropriateness  of 
OTTLO-Otv  as  a  correlative  here.  The  value  of  the  words  for  the  sentence  is 
lost  unless  they  are  taken  to  denote  fullness  of  contents. 

KaT€cr(j)pa'YLcr|JL€vov  «tX.,  sealed  with  seven  seals:  the  compound 
vb.  sealed  up  is  stronger  than  the  simple  vb.  acfypayt^eLv,  the 
usual  term,  and  like  the  number  of  seals  marks  the  security  of 
the  sealing,  appropriate  in  the  case  of  a  roll  which  none  but 
the  Lamb  is  worthy  to  open.  The  question  as  to  how  the  roll 
could  be  formed,  and  how  the  seven  seals  could  be  affixed,  so 
as  to  make  possible,  as  is  supposed  to  be  implied  in  chapt.  6, 
the  opening  and  reading  of  seven  different  parts  one  after 
another,    as  each    of    the   seals  was  broken,  is  one  which    has 


V.  2]  COMMENTARY  507 

greatly  exercised  the  ingenuity  of  commentators.  (For  various 
guesses  see  Diist.)  But  there  is  notiiing  in  the  description  to 
indicate  that  the  roll  was  peculiar  in  its  construction,  or  that  it 
was  sealed  in  any  other  than  the  usual  way.  We  can  safely 
assume,  that  if  any  variation  essential  to  the  symbolism  had 
entered  into  the  author's  conception,  it  would  at  least  be  inti- 
mated in  the  description.  As  to  the  difficulty  raised,  it  should 
be  observed  that  in  connection  with  the  breaking  of  the  re- 
spective seals,  nothing  is  said  of  an  actual  opening  of  the  roll, 
or  a  part  of  it,  nor  of  reading  from  it.  The  events  which  ac- 
company the  breaking  of  the  seals  one  after  another,  as  de- 
scribed in  chapts.  6  and  8,  though  these  form  the  contents  of 
the  respective  ]3ortions  of  the  roll,  are  not  represented  as  read 
from  it ;  on  the  contrary  they  are  dramatic  scenes  vividly 
enacted  before  the  Seer's  vision  in  conformity  with  what  is 
written  in  these  several  portions.     See  further  p.  515. 

The  view  that  the  book  consisted  of  separate  leaves  fastened  together 
after  the  manner  of  a  codex,  or  modern  book,  wrapped  with  cords  to  which 
were  affixed  seals  on  the  side  of  the  book  turned  away  from  the  Seer,  '  the 
back '  (oTTicr^ev),  is  urged  by  Zahn  (Ein.  II.  608)  ;  it  is  contended  that  the 
words  €7rt  T-qv  Se^tav  are  appropriate  to  an  object  in  book  form,  but  not  to  a 
roll  which  could  be  held  on  the  open  hand  only  by  an  act  of  balancing  not 
supposable  here;  that  Iv  rrj  8e$ia  would  be  required  as  in  lO^-*,  Ezk.  2^. 
But  it  is  doubtful  whether  these  words  can  be  pressed  to  specify  the  flat, 
open  hand ;  cf .  20^  eVt  rrjv  x^^P"'-  where  the  key  of  the  abyss  and  a  great 
chain  cannot  be  thought  of  as  lying  on  the  open  palm.  It  is  further  urged 
that  dvotfat  points  to  the  opening  of  a  codex,  that  for  opening  a  roll, 
dvetAeii/  (Ezk.  2i°),  dveXtWeiv  (cf.  Rev.  6^*)  or  dvairTvaaecv  (Lk.  41")  would 
be  used.  But  dvoT^at  is  evidently  chosen  here  with  special  reference  to  the 
breaking  of  the  seals,  cf.  dvot^at  ras  acf)paytSa's,  v.  9 ;  for  dvoLyvvfXL  in  this 
latter  connection  cf.  Eur.  /.  A.  325,  Dem.  1048,  Xen.  Laced.  6^. 

2.  The  uniqueness  of  the  office  of  the  Lamb  in  opening  the 
book  is  set  forth  with  dramatic  force  by  the  unavailing  chal- 
lenge to  the  whole  universe  to  find  one  worthy  of  the  service, 
and  by  the  grief  of  the  Prophet. —  a-yyeXov  laxvpov,  a  viighty 
angel :  one  whose  call  could  reach  to  the  farthest  limits  of  the 
universe,  cf.  10^. —  d|ios,  worthy:  one  of  mighty  strength  to 
break  the  seals  and  unroll  the  book  is  not  needed,  but  a  being 
whose  rank  and  office  give  him  before  God  worthiness  to  per- 
form   this   supreme  service    in  regard  to  the    divine    decrees. 


508  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [V.  2 

Worthiness  and  ability  are  here  identical,  hence  iSvvaro,  ivas 
able,  V.  3  ;  cf.  Mt.  3^^  where  lKav6<;,  able,  is  identical  with  the 
a^to^,  worthi/,  of  Jno,  1^7,  The  opening  here  spoken  of,  the  reve- 
lation of  God's  purposes,  includes  also  their  fulfillment.  Mere 
disclosures  of  the  future  are  vouchsafed  to  a  prophet ;  '  The 
Lord  Jehovah  will  do  nothing  except  he  reveal  his  secret  unto 
his  servants  the  prophets  '  Am.  3'^.  But  the  complete  revela- 
tion of  God's  will  concerning  the  consummation  of  his  kingdom 
includes  the  agency  of  its  fulfillment.  Only  he  who  holds  the 
Messiah's  rank  and  has  performed  the  Messiah's  office  of  re- 
demption can  show  the  whole  divine  will  carried  out  to  its  ful- 
fillment. —  dvoi|ai,  Xvcrat  •  hysteron-proteron. 

3.  cStivaTo,  ivas  able:  see  on  v.  2. — €V  t<3  ovpavo  ktX.,  in 
heaven,  etc. :  for  this  threefold  division  of  creation,  an  emphatic 
designation  of  the  whole  universe,  cf.  Phil.  2^^,  Ex.  20"*.  — ovhi, 
ovT€ :  if  this  be  the  correct  reading  (see  text,  note),  ovZe  is  con- 
tinuative,  and  not,  nor,  while  ovre  is  disjunctive,  neither ;  see 
Blass  §  77,  10;  Kiihn.  II,  §  535,  2,  c.  —  pX€Tr€iv,  look:  i.e.  into 
its  contents. 

4.  cKXaiov,  'wept:  because,  the  roll  being  unopened,  the  prom- 
ise of  4^  seems  to  be  void. 

5.  €15  €K  Ttov  irpecrPuTcpwv,  one  of  the  Elders:  no  symbolical 
significance  is  apparent  in  the  selection  of  one  of  the  Elders  as 
the  speaker.  It  is  a  part  of  the  Apocalyptist's  art  to  bring  vari- 
ety into  his  descriptions  by  the  use  of  manifold  agencies  (De 
Wette);  cf.  6i«-,  V^\  S^^,  9i3,  lO^- «,  llis,  146,  1Q\  n\  al.— 
IviKTicev,  hath  overcome:  has  come  off  victorious  over  Satan  and 
death,  as  in  3^^ ;  cf .  also  the  use  of  vlkclv  throughout  the  book, 
where  the  Christian  is  the  subject,  e.g.  2'^'  ^^  ''"'•,  12^2^  15^.  The 
infin.  avol^ai,  to  open,  then  expresses  result,  so  that;  as  a  result 
of  his  victory  and  his  consequent  redemption  he  is  deemed 
worthy  to  open  the  seals.  This  meaning  is  made  clear  by  v.  9, 
'  Thou  art  worthy  to  open  the  seals,  because  thou  wast  slain  and 
didst  purchase,'  etc.  The  interpretation  hast  prevailed,  got  the 
might,  to  open,  adopted  by  some,  gives  to  vikuv  a  sense  contrary 
to  the  usage  of  the  l)ook,  and  not  certainly  supported  elsewhere. 
—  6  Xewv  6  €K  TTJs  <J)i)\tis  kt\.,  the  Lion  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  etc. : 
Christ  is  here  designated  under  known  titles  of  the  Jewish 
Messiah ;   (1)  as  the  Lion  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  a  title  taken 


V.  61  COMMENTARY  509 

from  Gen.  49^  and  descriptive  of  his  kingly  might ;  also  in 
2  Es.  ll'^'^,  1231  ^i^g  Messiah  appears  as  a  lion;  (2)  as  the  Root 
of  David  {i.e.  a  Branch  from  his  root),  a  title  taken  from  Is. 
Ill- 10,  cf.  Rev.  22",  2  Es.  1232,  Ecclus.  47^2,  and  descriptive  of 
his  headshi]j  in  the  final  Davidic  kingdom.  Also  in  2  Es.  loc. 
cit.  the  two  titles  are  brought  together  as  here.  But  both  in 
this  sentence,  i.e.  in  evUrjcrev.,  hath  overcome.,  and  more  fully  in 
vv.  6,  9,  12,  the  Christian  conception  of  the  Messiah's'  oiBce  is 
introduced  in  conjunction  with  the  Jewish,  and  the  emphasis 
is  thrown  on  the  former.  Christ  in  the  work  here  spoken  of 
as  the  revealer  and  consummator  of  God's  will  acts  in  his  office 
as  the  Messiah  of  the  whole  of  God's  people,  both  Jewish  and 
Christian ;  but  the  crowning  act  of  his  messianic  work  is  his 
redemption  by  his  death  of  a  people  gathered  out  of  every  tribe 
and  nation  to  be  a  kingdom  and  priests  unto  God  (cf.  v.v.  9- 
10).  Here  as  elsewhere  with  our  author  the  Christian  idea  is 
the  preponderating  factor,  though  Jewish  forms  and  concep- 
tions are  retained. 

6.  New  features,  the  roll,  v.  1,  the  Lamb  in  this  verse,  the 
myriads  of  angel  hosts,  v.  11,  are  gradually  introduced  as  the 
vision  unfolds  itself.  Christ  appears  here,  not  in  the  glory  of 
the  earlier  vision  (l^o^-),  but  as  a  lamb  bearing  the  mark  of 
the  death  through  which  he  has  passed.  It  is  this  death  with 
its  redemptive  results  that  fits  him  for  the  office  of  opening  the 
roll.  In  the  visions  that  follow  this  scene  he  is  generally 
spoken  of  as  the  Lamb;  not  until  his  appearance  in  19^1  % 
leading  forth  his  hosts  to  battle,  is  he  again  represented  in  a 
form  similar  to  that  of  the  first  vision.  —  kv  (JLtao)  tov  Opdvov 
/ctX.,  in  the  midst  of  the  throne,  etc.:  an  obscure  phrase,  but 
unless  we  insist  on  attributing  to  the  Apocalyptist  a  precise 
diagram  probably  not  thought  of,  the  words  are  best  under- 
stood to  mean  simply  in  the  very  midst  of  the  group  formed 
round  the  throne  by  the  other  beings. — dpviov,  a  lamb:  the 
diminutive  force  is  not  to  be  pressed.  The  word,  not  found 
elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.,  except  in  the  plural  in  a  quite  different 
sense  (Jno.  21 1^),  is  one  of  the  set  terms  of  the  Apocalypse. 
For  fuller  discussion  of  its  use  see  pp.  314  ff.  While  it  is 
here,  as  elsewhere  in  the  book,  a  designation  of  the  glorified 
Christ,  that  aspect  of   it  which   miirks  him  as  having  passed 


510  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [V.  6 

through  an  expiatory  death  and  thereby  l)ringing  eternal  bless- 
ings to  his  people  is  emphasized  throughout  this  scene.  The 
Lamb  once  slain  is  contained  in  evcKiqaev^  v.  5,  and  forms  the 
very  heart  of  the  whole  scene.  The  attempt  of  Vischer  and 
his  followers  to  expunge  the  idea  (see  p.  230)  destroys  the 
entire  paragraph ;   it  is  criticism  run  riot. 

eo-TTiKOS  /ctX..,  standing^  etc.:  the  lamb  stands  alive  bearing 
visible  marks  of  having  been  slain.  —  'iyjsiv  Kcpara  CTTTd,  having 
seven  horns:  the  horn  is  a  common  biblical  symbol  of  power, 
and  as  such  occurs  frequently  in  the  Apocalypse ;  e.g.  12^,  13\ 
17^'  ^^.  Here  fullness  of  power  is  indicated  by  the  number 
seven ;  see  p.  253.  The  lamb  symbolizing  the  Messiah  in 
En.  90'^^  has  '  great  horns.'  —  6<|)0a\jJLOvs  tiTTd,  /crX.,  seven  eyes, 
which  are  the  seven  Spirits,  etc. :  this  trait  is  taken  from  Zee. 
4^^,  and  denotes,  as  there  explained,  omniscience  —  the  eyes  of 
Christ  behold  and  scrutinize  all  things.  The  fullness  of  power 
and  the  omniscience  attributed  to  the  Lamb  in  this  verse  form 
essentials  in  his  office  in  opening  the  roll,  i.e.  as  revealer  and 
consummator  of  God's  purpose  in  the  events  that  are  to  come 
to  pass.  The  seven  Spirits  (the  Holy  Spirit;  see  on  1^)  are 
the  Spirits  of  God  {rov  Oeov)  and  at  the  same  time  they  are  the 
eyes,  the  Spirits,  of  the  Lamb.  The  Spirit  is  the  Spirit  of  God 
and  of  Christ  alike,  lio.  8^ ;  see  on  3^  Li  4^  the  presence  of 
the  Spirit  is  represented  by  the  lamps  of  fire  before  the  throne  ; 
here  it  is  symbolized  by  the  eyes  of  the  Lamb.  The  one  sym- 
bol figures  the  relation  to  God  in  the  apartness  of  the  celestial 
throne-room,  the  other  the  relation  to  Christ  active  in  the 
world. 

dTrocrT€\\6|i€va  €  Is  irdaav  Tt|V  "ytJv,  sent  forth  into  all  the  earth : 
said  of  the  Spirits.  The  characterization  is  taken  from  Zee.  4^^ 
but  the  vb.  cnroaTeWeadai  is  here  sul)stituted  for  eTrtySXeVety 
(LXX)  and  indicates  reference  to  Trvevfiara  rather  •  than  to 
6(f)6a\fj,ov'i.  The  reading  cnreaTaX/jLevoi,  (see  text,  notes)  might 
refer  to  TrvevjxaTa  or  to  64>0aXixov<; ;  the  gender  would  not  be 
decisive  (^constr.  ad  sews.), but  the  perf.  is  less  appropriate  here, 
since  the  activity  is  always  continuing.  The  art.  might  be 
expected  with  aTroaTeWo/xeva ;  its  absence  is  made  an  objection 
to  that  reading ;  so,  B.  Weiss  Apok.  112  f . ;  and  it  is  in  fact 
found  in  some  sources.      But  it  is  not  indispensable  ;  without 


V.  81  COMMENTARY  511 

it  the  partic.  is  predicate  rather  than  attrib.,  the  sense  being, 
the  eyes  are,  symbolize,  the  Spirits  when  these  are  sent  forth. 

The  combination  of  the  lion  and  the  lamb  in  this  scene  is  said  by  some, 
e.g.  Vischer  and  his  followers,  to  be  impossible.  The  might  to  open  the 
book,  the  conquest,  assigned  to  the  lion  are  inappropriate  to  a  lamb.  Bous- 
set  also  finds  difficulty  in  the  representation  and  suggests  {Kom.  259)  a 
mythological  influence  here.  Comparing  Marduk's  appearance  among  the 
gods  in  the  Babylonian  creation-myth,  following  Gunkel,  he  suggests  the 
possibility  that  there  may  be  taken  up  here  and  worked  over  some  elements 
from  a  mythological  tradition  telling  of  an  assembly  of  the  gods  perplexed 
by  their  inability  to  perform  a  certain  gTeat  task  (vv.  2  ff.),  when  there 
suddenly  appears  in  the  midst  a  new  and  powerful  divinity,. fresh  from  a 
mighty  victory  over  demonic  power  (v.  5)  and  equipped  with  the  magic 
might  thus  won  to  open  the  book  of  fate,  to  bring  to  an  end  the  old  order 
of  the  world,  and  to  enter  on  the  new  world-rule.  Jeremias  also  (15  ff.) 
finds  this  incongruity  in  the  picture  and  explains  it  by  the  introduction  of 
elements  from  a  cosmological  myth.  But  it  hardly  seems  necessary  to  go 
so  far  afield  to  explain  an  incongruity  which  does  not  exist,  if  the  author 
of  the  Apocalypse  may  be  assumed  to  be  familiar  with  the  Christian  doc- 
trine that  the  Christ  is  one  who  must  needs  suffer,  and  yet  one  to  whom  all 
authority  hath  been  given  in  heaven  and  on  earth. 

7.  €i\t|(})€V  :  sc.  TO  ^t^Xiov;  the  perf.  is  aoristic  ;  cf.  Blass 
§  59,  4  ;  Burton  §  80.  The  Lamb  receives  the  book  from  the 
hand  of  God  ;  cf .  1^,  '  The  revelation  .  .  .  which  God  gave  him 
to  show.' 

8.  €X.ovT€S  €KaaTos  «tX.,  holding  each  one.,  etc. :  the  words 
are  commonly  referred  to  the  Elders  only,  as  the  act  described 
is  thought  to  be  more  appropriate  to  them  ;  but  the  Living 
Creatures  may  also  be  included.  —  at,  which  :  the  antecedent  is 
Ovfitafidrcov,  incense,  the  pron.  being  attracted,  as  often,  into 
agreement  with  the  predicate  ;  or  the  words  (f>idXa'i  .  .  .  Ovfxia- 
fiuTcov  may  be  taken  as  a  compound  expression,  bowls  of  incense, 
the  first  noun  determining  the  gender  of  the  relative. —al 
irpocreDxa-'i-  twv  d-yicov,  the  prai/ers  of  the  saints:  the  incense  is, 
i.e.  symbolizes,  the  prayers.  The  use  of  incense  primarily 
belonging  to  a  worship  inspired  by  anthropomorphism  became 
a  constant  feature  of  Hebrew  ritual  to  give  etlicacy,  as  an 
acceptable  offering,  to  the  worship  accompanied  by  it,  and  to 
symbolize  the  sweet  odor  of  prayer  rising  to  God  ;  cf.  Dt.  331** 
(RV  mrg.),  Ps.  141 2,  Gen.  8^1.  As  angels  were  thought  to  pre- 
sent the  prayers  of  the  saints  to  God  (cf.  Tob.  12^-'^',  Test.  Dan. 


512  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [V.  8 

02),  SO  here  they  present  the  incense  symbolical  of  prayer  ;  cf. 
8^.  The  service  as  shown  distinctly  by  8^  is  that  of  angels,  not 
of  idealized  representatives  of  the  saints  ;  there  is  then  nothing 
here  to  support  the  view  that  the  Elders  are  representatives  of 
the  Church  in  the  great  heavenly  scene  ;  see  on  4^.  The  saints 
here  spoken  of  are  the  Christians,  often  so  denominated  in  the 
Apocalypse,  as  elsewhere  in  the  N.T.,  e.g.  %'^  \  ll^^,  13^'  ^«.  The 
saints  are  not  to  be  thought  of  as  present  there  in  the  court 
of  heaven,  for  their  prayers  would  not  then  be  presented  by 
others  in  their  behalf. 

The  introduction  of  the  prayers  of  the  saints  here  is  strange.  This  part 
of  the  scene  is  heavenly  and  inchides  nothing  earthly ;  the  latter  is  intro- 
duced first  in  V.  13,  in  distinction  from  this  part ;  and  the  theme  of  all  the 
utterances  in  the  scene  is  praise,  not  prayer  (Trpoaevx^  is  not  praise,  but 
supplication),  and  the  utterances  of  the  saints  are  included  among  those 
mentioned  in  v.  13.  These  words  '  which  is  the  prayers  of  the  saints '  are  very 
probably  a  gloss  brought  in  from  8^.  If  genuine,  they  probably  refer  to 
supplications  of  the  saints  for  the  speedy  accomplishment  of  God's  will  con- 
cerning the  kingdom,  as  in  8^,  6^°  —  an  idea,  however,  not  in  keeping  with 
anything  else  in  the  scene. 

9-10.  KaivT)V,  new:  an  epithet  of  songs  expressive  of  grati- 
tude for  new  mercies  ;  it  is  frequent  in  the  Psalms,  e.g.  33^, 
40^,  96^  ;  cf.  Is.  42^*^.  It  is  especially  appropriate  when  the 
cause  of  God  is  about  to  enter  on  a  new  stage  ;  cf .  14^.  —  on 
la-<})d'YTiS  «tX.,  because  thou  wast  slain^etc. :  the  ground  of  worthi- 
ness to  open  the  roll  is  here  declared  to  be  the  redemptive 
work  of  Christ,  who  by  his  death  has  purchased  a  people  out  of 
every  nation  to  reign  as  kings  and  priests  in  the  messianic 
kingdom.  —  -q-yopacras  •  •  .  €V  t(S  ai^JiaTi  crou,  hast  purchased  by 
thy  blood:  cf.  1'^.  The  author  agrees  with  other  N.  T.  writers 
in  viewing  the  death  of  Christ  under  the  figure  of  a,  purchase 
of  a  people  which  shall  belong  to  God  (t«  ^e«,  unto  Grod};  cf. 
Ac.  202^  1  Co.  6^-%  723,  1  Pet.  li^f- ,  2  Pet.  2^.'  The  object  of 
the  vb.  rj^opaaa'i,  hast  purchased^  is  men.,  a  people^  to  be  supplied 
from  the  words  e/c  <^v\r)<i  kt\.  (The  AV  '  us '  and  the  corre- 
sponding '  we  shall  reign '  are  from  an  incorrect  text.  See 
text.  note).  —  Ik  TrdaT]S  <J)vXtis  KrX.^from  every  tribe,  etc.:  a  fre- 
quent expression  in  the  book ;  e.g.  7^  11^  13^  cf.  also  Dan.  3^, 
5^^,  2  Es.  3'^.  — €TroiT|aas,  hast  made:  as  often  in  the  book,  the 


V.  13]  COMMENTARY  513 

hymn  of  praise  anticipates  the  tinished  result  ;  see  on  I'',  also 
p.  243. — Tco  0€(3,  to  Grod:  belonging  to  (lod  as  liis  peculiar 
people.  —  PaciXtiav,  a  kingdom:  the  explanatory  words  ^aat- 
Xevaovcnv  kt\.,  show  that  an  active  meaning  is  intended,  a 
reigning  i)ou'ei\  equivalent  to  Mngs ;  see  on  1^.  — lirl  tt]s  yiis, 
upon  the  earth  :  in  a  passage  embracing  the  whole  scope  of  God's 
purpose  regarding  his  people  and  kingdom,  the  reference  is 
better  understood  of  the  new  earth  (21^,  22^)  rather  than  of  the 
millennial  reign,  20''. 

11-12.  The  other  hosts  of  heaven,  standing  Ijeyond  the  inner 
circle  of  the  higher  orders,  now  take  up  the  anthem.  —  6  dpi0- 
|i6s  ktX.^  the  7wmber,  etc.:  for  this  formula  denoting  a  count- 
less multitude  cf.  9^'\  Dan.  T^",  En.  1422,401,  71«.  —  \€>vt€s  : 
the  partic.  is  loosely  added  as  if  the  nom.  had  preceded  ;  see 
p.  224.^ — d|LOV  kt\.,  worthy  is  the  Lamb.,  etc.:  i.e.  worthy  to 
receive  the  adoration  and  praise  expressed  in  the  hymn.  In 
the  preceding  hymn,  vv.  9-10,  the  ground  of  praise  is  Christ's 
death  and  the  blessings  thereby  brought  to  his  people.  Here 
also  that  death  is  emphasized  as  a  ground  of  praise  (to  ea^ay- 
/mevov,  that  was  slain},  but  other  grounds  are  added,  Christ's 
power,  wisdom,  etc.  The  analogy  of  other  doxologies,  e.g.  1^^ 
411,  712,  shows  that  the  meaning  here  is  not  that  Christ  is  Avorthy 
to  receive  what  God  has  given  him,  might,  etc.,  but  as  in  411  to 
receive  adoration  for  the  might,  etc.,  which  he  possesses.  See 
on  4*^'^^  —  TTJv  :  not  repeated  with  the  nouns  following  SvpafiLv, 
because  the  substantives  are  regarded  as  forming  a  single  com- 
plex expression.  The  art.  specifies  them  as  those  that  belong 
to  Christ. — irXoiiTov,  riches:  cf.  Eph.  3^,  'the  unsearchable 
riches  of  Christ.' — ivXoyiav,  blessing :  z'.e.,  praise.  The  word, 
like  evxapt-o-Tiav  in  4^,  expresses  what  is  offered  to  Christ  on 
man's  part ;  this  is,  at  least  in  thought,  distinguishable  from 
the  acknowledgment  of  what  he  possesses  in  himself  1,  his  power, 
wisdom,  glory,  etc.  The  distinction  is  made  clear  in  the  dox- 
ology  in  1  Chron.  29'^  "■,  with  which  this  hymn  is  in  several 
terms  parallel. 

13.    Beyond    the    court   of  heaven   now   the   whole  created 

world  to  its  farthest  limits,  to  its  deepest  recesses,  responds  in 

an  epode  to  the  strophes  and  antistrophes  of  the  angel  choruses. 

While  the  hymns  of  the  first  part  of  the  scene  are  addressed  to 

2l 


514  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [V.  13 

Him  that  sitteth  upon  the  throne,  and  those  of  the  second,  to 
the  Lamb,  these  concluding  strains  join  both  in  one  common 
ascription  of  praise.  See  p.  263.  For  greater  emphasis  the 
writer  adds  to  the  customary  threefold  division  of  creation 
(see  on  v.  3)  a  fourth,  'on  the  sea.'  In  these  words  as  also  in 
the  following  phrase,  '  and  all  things  that  are  in  them  '  (in 
itself  superfluous  after  the  rrdv  Kria/xa  ktX.)  he  perhaps  has  in 
his  mind  Ps.  146'',  '  who  made  heaven  and  earth,  the  sea,  and 
all  that  in  them  is,'  or  perhaps  the  Song  of  the  Three  Children, 
the  Benedicite,  omnia  opera  Do7nini,  in  which,  after  the  things 
of  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  the  things  of  the  sea  are  called 
upon  to  praise  and  magnify  the  Lord.  That  wonderful  can- 
ticle furnishes  a  complete  commentary  on  our  passage.  The 
antiphonal  structure  of  the  paragraph,  vv.  9-13,  makes  it  clear 
that  the  heavenly  beings  of  vv.  9-12  are  not  included  in  the 
TTciv  KTiafia  6  iv  rw  ovpavw  of  v.  13. 

14.  The  great  act  of  homage  closes  as  it  began,  with  the 
angels  nearest  the  throne,  in  the  Amen  of  the  Living  Creatures 
and  the  mute  adoration  of  the  four  and  twenty  Elders.  In  the 
antiphonal  singing,  in  the  Amen,  and  in  the  silent  worship  at 
the  end,  we  not  improbably  have  some  reflection  of  usages  in 
the  public  worship  of  the  Church  at  the  time. 

Textual  notes,  Chapt.  S^-^i.  1.  ecrw^ev  APQ  min  edd ;  K  Orig.  read 
eixTrpoadev,  probably  through  the  influence  of  Ezk.  2^'^,  and  to  secure  a 
literal  correlative  to  orrLaOev.  —  wncrOtv  '^K  many  min  and  vers  most  edd  ; 
QP  many  min  and  vers  anc  com  Bouss  read  ef co^ev.  —  3.  ovSe  before  ctti 
Trjs  717s  and  vTTOKaTd),  AP  many  min  R  Lch  Tr  WH  Ws  RV ;  orre  K  (the 
second  clause  is  wanting  in  ^)  Q  most  min  Ti  WHmrg  Sod.  —  odtc 
before  fjXeneiv,  most  sources  and  edd,  but  AP  some  min  R  Bouss  Sw  read 
ovSe.  See  Ws  Ap.  114  f.  —  6.  ecrTr]Ko<;  APQ  min  most  edd  ;  earrjKoi?  K  some 
min  Tr  Ti  WHmrg  Bouss.  —  aTroCTTeAAo/Aeva  Q  some  min  and  anc  com 
Blj  (in  Com.  p.  75)  Bouss  Alf ;  aTrearaA/xevot  A  WII  Lch  Ws  RV  Sod  al ; 
airccTTaXfxcva  H  some  min  R  Ti  WHmrg. ;  some  min  insert  ra  before  the 
partic.  See  Ws  112  f.  —  9.  With  rjyopacras  toj  ^ew,  xPQ  most  min  R  add 
r]fia<; ;  wanting  in  A,  omitted  by  edd,  because  in  v.  10  aurous  and  the  third 
person  of  the  vb.,  too  well  supported  to  be  questioned,  show  that  it  cannot 
be  read.  See  Ws  p.  108,  — 10.  ySacrtAetav  KA  some  vers  and  anc  com  most 
edd ;  /iao-iAets  Q  miu  vers  R  Sod.  —  jSaatXevaovaLv  ><P  most  min  and  vers  Ti 
Ws  Blj  Bouss  Sod  al ;  (Saa-iXevovcnv  AQ  many  min  Lch  WH  RV  Sw.  The 
pres.,  if  taken  strictly,  meaning  that  the  reign  is  now  going  on,  is  im- 
possible with  the  Apocalyptist.  — 11,  Before  (fxovrjv,  HQ  many  min  vers  Ti 
WHmrg  Blj  al  insert  ws. 


VI.  1]  COMMENTARY  515 

Chap.  VI.      Tlie  breaking  of  the  first  six  seals.      See  pp.  2G8  ff. 

The  scene  which  is  now  introduced  stands  in  the  same  struc- 
tural relation  to  the  vision  of  the  Lamb  in  chap.  5,  as  does  the 
inditing  of  the  seven  epistles  to  the  vision  of  the  Sou  of  man  in 
the  first  scene ;  the  divine  agent  is  first  portrayed  in  his  person, 
then  he  appears  in  the  special  action  appropriate  to  this  pre- 
liminary revelation.  The  Lamb  in  proceeding  to  break  the 
seals  begins  his  work  as  revealer.  But  neither  in  this  chapt.  as 
the  seals  are  broken  one  by  one,  nor  in  8^,  when  the  last  seal  is 
broken  and  the  volume  may  then  be  unrolled,  is  anything  said 
of  opening  the  book  and  reading  from  it.  Yet  in  each  instance, 
what  immediately  follows  is  unquestionably  meant  to  corre- 
spond to  a  particular  part  of  the  contents  of  the  roll.  The 
Seer  does  not  read  from  the  book  in  the  customary  words,  '  It 
shall  come  to  pass,  that,'  etc.;  instead  he  beholds  the  prophesied 
event  itself  immediately  enacted  in  vision,  and  thus  the 
prophecy  is  given  with  the  more  powerful  dramatic  force.  If 
the  contents  of  the  book  were  not  intended  to  be  represented  in 
these  various  events,  the  whole  imagery  of  the  roll  in  the  hand 
of  God,  and  the  process  of  breaking  the  seals  carried  on  in  so 
close  dramatic  connection  with  the  scenes  enacted,  would  lose 
significance  and  only  confuse  thought.  Even  after  all  the  seals 
are  broken  (8^),  as  well  as  in  the  successive  preparatory  steps, 
the  contents  of  the  book  are  made  known  only  through  this 
visible  fulfillment  in  scenes  shown  to  the  Seer.  In  2  Es.  6^^  ^■ 
also  the  prophecies  of  a  book  are  revealed  not  by  reading  but  by 
the  events  that  follow  its  opening.  It  is  said  there,  '  The  books 
shall  be  opened  and  all  shall  see ';  then  follows  immediately,  as 
the  result  of  the  opening,  pre-messianic  portents  taking  place 
before  the  eyes  of  the  beholders.  The  books  there  spoken  of, 
like  that  of  the  Apocalypse,  contain  prophecies  of  marvels ;  they 
are  not  the  books  of  the  last  judgment,  for  that  does  not  follow 
(cf.  Gunkel  in  Kautzsch  in  loe~).  There  is  then  no  real  ground 
for  the  difficulty  raised  by  many  regarding  the  form  of  the 
book  and  the  opening  of  its  separate  seals  (see  on  5^). 

The  judgments  predicted  in  this  chapt.,  the  sword,  famine, 
pestilence,  earthquake,  are  those  connected  everywhere  in 
apocalyptic  literature  with  the  last  days,  and  are  here  regarded 
as  the  beginning  of  woes.     They  are  then  in  the  Seer's  vision  a 


516  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VI.  1 

part  of  the  visitations  to  be  sent  upon  men  :  he  means  to  say 
that  he  beholds  all  the  scenes  (except  that  of  vv.  9-11,  which 
he  locates  specifically)  enacted  on  etwth.  They  are  not  a  kind 
of  symbolical  tableau  pictured  on  the  heavens.  The  Seer  is, 
to  be  sure,  in  heaven,  or  before  its  open  door  (4i),  but  he  be- 
holds these  scenes  taking  place  on  earth.  This  is  shown  most 
distinctly  in  the  description  of  the  effects  of  the  earthquake  in 
vv.  12-17,  but  the  same  is  evidently  the  meaning  in  the  other 
visions  of  the  chapt.  ;  the  conqueror  is  seen  going  on  with  his 
conquests,  the  riders  are  seen  advancing  across  the  earth  with 
calamities  in  their  wake.  The  comprehension  of  earth  within 
the  scope  of  the  Seer's  vision,  while  he  is  himself  in  heaven, 
about  which  difficulty  has  been  raised,  belongs  to  the  nature 
of  visions,  in  which  natural  limitations  are  disregarded. 

1.  [iiav,  07ie  :  indefinite  as  to  which  one.  There  is  nothing 
to  intimate  conformity  in  the  order  of  the  seals  with  that  of  the 
Living  Creatures  in  4''',  or  any  correspondence  between  the 
nature  of  the  respective  horsemen  and  the  faces  of  the  Crea- 
tures (so,  some  of  the  older  com.).  — €v6s  .  •  .  I^wcdv,  one  of  the 
Liviiig  Creatures :  there  does  not  appear  any  special  significance 
in  attributing  the  summonses  to  these,  except  as  they  are  the 
highest  agents  of  God's  will  ;  in  the  plagues  of  the  trumpets 
and  the  bowls,  the  seven  angels  are  the  agents,  8^,  16^  ;  see  on 
6^.- — (f>a)VT)  :  dat.  of  man.  is  the  preferable  reading.  If  (^covr) 
be  read  it  follows  the  author's  common  usage  with  appos.,  see 
p.  224;  but  see  text.  note. — €PX°^»  ^'o*^^*  this  summons,  re- 
peated in  the  following  verses,  is,  as  most  among  recent  com. 
are  agreed,  addressed  to  the  several  horsemen,  as  shown  by 
their  immediate  appearance  in  each  case  in  response  to  the  call. 
Many  have  supposed  the  Seer  to  be  addressed  ;  so,  the  copyists 
who  in  some  ]\Iss.  add  Kal  I8e,  and  see  (cf.  AV).  But  the  sum- 
mons to  him  together  with  his  immediate  response  was  given  at 
the  opening  of  the  vision,  4^ ;  a  fourfold  repetition  of  the  call 
in  this  place  would  be  without  motive,  and  there  is  no  response 
on  his  part  given  here  ;  nor  is  the  summons  given  in  v.  12, 
where  it  would  be  expected,  if  it  were  addressed  to  the  Seer. 
Still  less  tenable  is  the  view  {e.g.  Alford,  Swete)  that  Christ  is 
addressed,  a  view  based  on  the  erroneous  supposition  that  the 
Living  Creatures  represent  nature    (see  on  4*^),  and   so   here 


VI.  2]  COMMENTARY  517 

yearning  for  the  final  redemption  of  creation  (Ro.  8-^^)  they 
join  with  tlie  Church  in  the  prayer  for  the  Lord's  coming  (cf. 
22^').  But  the  scenes  with  wliich  the  summons  here  stands 
connected  are  entirely  different  from  the  final  renewal  of 
creation. 

2.  The  imagery  of  the  four  variously  colored  horses  is  sug- 
gested by  Zee.  6^~^,  where  they  represent  the  ministers  who  go 
forth  to  do  God's  will  in  the  earth,  and  are,  at  least  in  part, 
ministers  of  destructive  judgments.  That  the  Heb.  prophet 
took  the  figures  from  some  popular  tradition  is  not  improbable. 
Whether  their  origin  goes  back  ultimately  to  a  representation 
in  which  they  figured  the  four  quarters  of  the  heavens,  or  the 
four  seasons,  and  were  conformed  in  color  to  certain  heavenly 
bodies,  as  some  suppose  (cf.  Gunkel  Schoi^fung  122,  125  ; 
Jeremias  24  f.)  is  not  important  here,  since  that  origin,  if  such 
it  was,  did  not  affect  the  use  of  the  figures  by  the  prophet,  or 
the  Apocalyptist.  A  trace  of  the  derived  character  of  the 
imagery  with  our  autlior  appears  in  the  fact  that  the  horses 
are  mentioned  before  their  riders,  though  entirely  subordinate 
in  significance.  The  Apocalyptist  in  taking  over  the  imagery 
from  Zee.  modifies  it  freely  after  his  custom,  and  gives  it 
greater  clearness.  A  single  horse  takes  the  place  of  the  pair 
and  chariot  in  the  vision  of  Zee,  the  horses  are  not  ministers  of 
God,  but  bearers  of  his  ministers,  and  their  color  is  conformed 
to  the  character  of  the  rider,  and  so  made  important  in  the 
symbolism,  while  in  Zee.  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  has  special 
significance.  Three  of  the  horsemen  are  brought  distinctly  into 
connection  with  the  three  sore  judgments,  war,  famine,  and 
pestilence,  frequently  grouped  together,  especially  in  Jeremiah 
(e.g.  14^2,  241",  421"),  while  the  fourth,  on  the  white  horse,  is 
placed  first  and  made  part  of  the  symbol  of  conquest.,  not  else- 
where with  certainty  mentioned  in  the  list  of  God's  punitive 
judgments. 

The  first  rider  unquestionably  symbolizes  the  victorious  war- 
rior (see  p.  264)  ;  the  bow  declares  him  a  warrior,  his  progress 
of  victory  is  declared  in  the  words  'conquering  and  to  con- 
quer,' and  is  also  symbolized  by  his  crown  and  the  color  of  his 
horse.  But  who  is  this  victor?  The  white  horse  and  the 
crown  are  supposed  by    many  commentators  to  identify    him 


518  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF   JOHN  [VI.  2 

with  the  Christ,  who  appears  thus  equipped  at  the  end  riding 
forth  with  his  hosts  to  battle,  19^^  *^^-.  Confirmation  of  this  view 
is  thought  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  no  calamities  such  as 
follow  the  other  riders  are  mentioned  here  ;  and  further  a 
triumph  of  the  cause  of  Christ  appears  to  be  promised  in  the 
apocalyptic  discourse  of  the  Gospels  (Mk.  131*^)  before  the 
'beginning  of  woes,'  But  the  white  horse  and  the  crown  are 
marks  of  any  one  riding  forth  to  victory  in  war.  The  advanc- 
ing conquest  of  an  enemy  carries  with  it  invariably  its  calami- 
ties, the  sufferings  are  multiform  and  too  evident  to  need 
specification,  they  are  not  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
triumph  of  the  Beast  in  IS''.  Whether  or  not  the  utterance  at- 
tributed to  the  Lord  in  Mk.  13^*^  regarding  the  preaching  of 
the  gospel  {Krjpvx^drjvai  not  viKrjaac}  to  all  the  world  stands 
there  in  the  right  connection,  it  is  clear  from  the  whole  course 
of  events  in  the  Apocalypse  that  the  author  agrees  with  the 
common  N.  T,  eschatology,  which  is  represented  in  the  form 
of  the  apocalyptic  utterance  recorded  in  Mt.  24^*  and  which  puts 
the  fulfillment  of  the  gospel  mission  before  the  parousia  and  not 
before  the  'beginning  of  woes.'  Equally  inconclusive  is  the 
above  line  of  argument  when  used  to  show  that  the  victor 
symbolizes,  not  Christ,  but  his  cause,  or  the  cause  of  God.  It 
is  hardly  conceivable  that  Christ  should  be  represented  here  as 
the  Lamlj  in  the  court  of  heaven  breaking  the  seals  and  at  the 
same  time  by  that  act  revealing  himself  as  a  figure  coming  into 
view  from  another  quarter  and  in  another  form  in  response  to 
a  summons  from  an  archangel.  But  however  that  may  be, 
there  is  no  place  in  the  dramatic  plan  of  our  book  for  the  sup- 
posed triumph  till  the  long  series  of  judgments  have  been  ful- 
filled, unless  it  be  in  anticipation  ;  but  such  anticipatory  pas- 
sages, which  are  frequent  in  the  book,  always  stand  in  a  quite 
different  relation  to  their  context ;  they  are  never  (not  even  in 
gi2ff.^  made,  as  would  be  the  case  here,  a  member  of  a  closely 
connected  series,  without  indication  of  a  difference  in  stand- 
point. Here,  however,  the  contrary  indication  is  found  ;  the 
four  riders  are  most  naturally  taken  to  constitute  a  uniform 
group  as  do  the  other  groups,  the  four  horses  of  Zee.  and  the 
four  Living  Creatures  ;  that  is,  the  first  rider,  like  the  three 
others,  is  the  personification  of  a  judgment  to  be  sent  upon  the 


VI.  5]  COMMENTARY  519 

earth.  In  this  interpretation  are  agreed  the  larger  number  of 
most  recent  com.  (e.g.  Holtzm.,  Bouss.,  Wellhausen,  Moffatt, 
Swete)  as  well  as  some  among  earlier  com.  {e.g.  Bengel,  De 
Wette). 

Whether  this  conqueror  be  understood  as  the  personification 
of  conquest  in  general,  or  of  the  conquest  of  the  West  by  the 
hordes  of  Parthians  from  the  East,  of  whose  invasion  the  Roman 
world  was  at  this  time  in  dread,  the  difference  is  not  funda- 
mental. Since  the  bow  was  the  special  weapon  of  the  Parthians 
and  they  were  famed  as  horsemen,  many  scholars  suppose 
them  to  be  designated  here  ;  that  is,  their  invasion  is  to  be  one 
of  the  punishments  sent  by  God  in  the  last  days.  The  figure 
of  the  bow  is,  however,  not  decisive,  for  it  is  frequently  men- 
tioned alone,  especially  in  the  poetic  books,  as  the  emblem  of 
the  warrior  ;  e.g.  Jer.  Sl^s,  Hos.  l^,  Hab.  S^,  Ps.  45^.  The 
parallelism  with  the  three  following  riders  would  favor  refer- 
ence to  the  personification  of  conquest  in  general.  At  all 
events  the  general  calamities  of  conquest  are  thought  of  and 
not  the  specific  horror  of  slaughter  in  battle,  which  is  repre- 
sented by  the  second  rider.  The  two  symbols  are  not  identical. 
Unless  the  writer  drew  the  four  figures  from  some  lost  source, 
based  upon  the  same  symbolism  which  appears  in  Zee,  the  ad- 
dition of  conquest  to  the  three  oft-mentioned  punishments,  the 
sword,  famine,  and  pestilence,  is  original  with  him  ;  though 
Jer.  sometimes  adds  to  these  as  a  fourth,  captivity  {e.g.  15^, 
21'^,  29^'^),  which  maybe  understood  to  be  uppermost  in  the 
thought  of  conquest. — aT€cj)avos,  a  croum:  see  on  2^^. — Kai 
tva  VLKTJo"T),  and  to  conquer :  he  is  seen  in  the  vision  conquering, 
and  he  is  to  continue  his  victories. 

3-4.  See  p.  265.  The  second  rider,  as  shown  by  the  sword, 
the  color  of  his  horse,  and  the  mission  to  take  peace  from  the 
earth,  symbolizes  war,  or  more  precisely,  the  slaughter  of  war. 
As  in  the  case  of  the  two  riders  following  and  probably  in  the 
first  also,  the  representation  is  purely  symbolical,  without  refer- 
ence to  any  particular  event  of  the  history  of  the  time.  —  iva 
o'(})d|o\jcriv :  parallel  with  Xa^elv  as  subj.  of  ihoOr).  For  this  use 
of  Im  with  fut.  ind.,  more  commonly  with  a  subjv.,  in  the  N.T. 
see  Burton  §  211. 

5-6.    See  p.   265.      The  scales  for  weighing   carried   in   the 


520  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VI.  5 

•hand,  and  the  announcement  of  the  extreme  dearness  of  grain, 
show  that  the  rider  personifies  famine ;  the  black  horse  also 
fitly  represents  the  ensuing  distress.  —  t^vyov,  a  balance :  the 
expression  to  eat  bread  by  weight  denotes  famine  (Ezk.  4^^,  Lev. 
26^*^),  though  the  price  of  grain  as  announced  here  is  fixed  by 
measure  rather  than  by  weight.  —  (bs  <})wvt)v,  as  it  were  a  voice : 
this  use  of  &)<»,  giving  a  certain  vagueness  or  mysteriousness  to 
a  phrase,  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the  writer's  style ;  e.g. 
8^  14'^,  19^'  ^ ;  cf.  Bouss.  on  4^.  Nothing  shows  from  whom  the 
voice  comes ;  the  only  important  thing  is  that  it  comes  from 
the  heavenly  presence  ;  if  from  the  Living  Creatures,  we  should 
expect  e^  instead  of  eV  fiecrcp^  in  the  midst  of ;  certainly  the  view 
(Diist.  Alf.  al)  that  it  is  associated  with  the  Living  Creatures 
because  they  represent  the  natural  world  rests  upon  a  miscon- 
ception, see  on  4*^.  The  words  'a  measure  of  wheat  for  a  dena- 
rius,' etc.,  are  not  meant  to  fix  a  limit  beyond  which  the  famine 
or  the  price  of  grain  might  not  go  ('  See  that  thou  furnish  a 
measure  for  a  denarius,'  Afford,  Swete)  and  so  protect  the 
sufferer ;  for  the  price  named  is  so  enormous,  perhaps  twelve 
times  the  ordinary  rate,  that  the  words  as  a  benevolent  limita- 
tion would  be  ironical.  The  ordinary  rate  at  Rome  in  the  time 
of  Cicero  (^Verr.  III.  81 ;  for  the  evidence  of  the  Mishna  in  the 
second  cent,  see  Hast.  Ill,  432)  was  a  denarius  for  twelve 
measures  of  wheat ;  and  barley  cost  half  as  much.  Apparently 
in  Asia  Minor  at  the  time  of  the  Apocalypse  the  relative  cost 
of  the  grains  was  three  to  one.  — )(oivl|,  a  choenix,  a  measure: 
about  a  quart. — hy\vo.^{.o\i^  for  a  denarius:  the  denarius  at  its 
best  was  equal  to  about  18  cents  (cf.  Hast.  Ill,  432),  but  with 
Nero  and  afterwards  it  was  debased.  It  was  the  wages  of  a 
day-laborer  (cf.  Mt.  20^),  who  could  thus  earn  enough  in  a 
day  to  buy  at  these  famine  prices  a  quart  of  wheaten  flour,  or 
three  quarts  of  barley  meal. 

TO  eXaiov  .  .  .  d8iKTio"os,  hurt  not  the  oil  and  the  zvine:  these 
words  have  given  much  difficulty  to  interpreters.  According 
to  many  com.  the  writer's  purpose  is  to  give  a  tone  of  peculiar 
hardness  to  the  picture  of  the  famine  by  leaving  oil  and  wine, 
luxuries,  cheap,  while  the  bare  necessities  of  life  are  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  poor.  But  such  emphasis  on  the  advantage  pos- 
sessed by  the  rich  can  hardly  be  attributed  to  the  writer  in  this 


VI.  6]  COMMENTARY  521 

series  of  universal  visitations ;  and  moreover  the  place  of  oil 
and  wine  in  domestic  economy  is  mistaken,  as  will  be  seen 
below.  In  seeking  the  meaning  it  may  be  observed  :  (1)  the 
plagues  foretold  in  the  breaking  of  the  first  six  seals  are,  as 
pointed  out  above  (pp.  264  f.),  such  as  occur  with  greater  or 
less  severity  in  the  natural  order  of  events,  and  are  introduc- 
tory to  the  more  dreadful  calamities  following  the  breaking  of 
the  seventh  seal  (8^)  ;  they  are  therefore  limited  in  their  opera- 
tion. The  limitation  thus  implied  in  all  is  directly  expressed 
in  the  fourth  (v.  8)  ;  so  in  this  case  the  exemption  of  the  oil 
and  wine  might  in  itself  be  regarded  as  having  no  other  signifi- 
cance than  the  setting  of  bounds  to  the  operation  of  the  fam- 
ine. (2)  '  Corn  and  oil  and  wine '  is  the  standing  formula  for 
designating  the  nutritive  products  of  the  earth,  whether  with 
reference  to  times  of  plenty  or  dearth;  e.g.  Dt.  7^'^  11 1"*,  28^^ 
2Chron.  3228;  Neh.  5ii ;  Hos.  28'22.  Joel  2i9  ;  Hag-l^i.  These 
were  the  staple  food  supplies  grown  in  the  biblical  lands.  They 
were  all  essential  to  the  normal  life  of  those  countries,  they  were 
none  of  them  really  luxuries.  A  quite  natural  characterization 
of  a  limited  famine  might  therefore  be  the  exemption  of  one  or 
two  of  these  articles.  (3)  A  drought  is  often  severe  enough 
to  destroy  grain  entirely  (though  in  the  famine  liere  foreseen 
all  of  the  grain  even  is  not  destroyed  ;  some  is  left  for  market), 
while  the  olive  and  the  vine  with  their  deeper  roots  are  not 
seriously  affected.  The  great  famine  which  sent  tlie  sons  of 
Jacob  to  Egypt  to  buy  grain  had  continued  a  considerable  time 
when  they  were  still  able  to  take  with  them  a  present  of  the 
fruits  of  the  land  (Gen.  43^^).  Such  a  famine  in  which  the 
grain  perished  while  the  olive  and  the  vine  escaped  must  have 
been  familiar  to  every  dweller  in  those  drought-frequented 
lands.  (4)  It  is  then  a  supposition  close  at  hand  that  our 
author  in  the  words, '  Hurt  not  the  olive-oil,'  etc.,  intends  merely 
a  limitation  in  the  severity  of  the  famine,  and  that  he  draws  the 
form  of  the  limitation  from  familiar  experience^  without  any  refer- 
ence to  the  comparative  importance  of  the  different  articles,  or  a 
symbolical  meaning,  just  as  e.g.  he  takes  from  current  experience 
the  limit  of  five  months  set  to  the  torments  of  the  locusts  in  9^  ; 
see  note  there.  —  dSiKTiai^s  :  on  the  use  of  ahiKelv  for  injury  to 
vegetable  life,  cf.  1 '■''.,  U^. 


522  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VT.  7 

If  the  above  interpretation  be  correct,  there  is  no  necessity  for  seeking 
a  reference  to  some  particular  historical  famine,  e.(j.  that  in  the  time  of 
Claudius,  62  a.d.  The  exemption  of  the  oil  and  wine  has  received  recently 
an  explanation  from  contemporaneous  history  which  has  been  approved  by 
a  number  of  scholars  {e.g.  Bouss.  Moffat).  Reinach  {Rev.  Archeol.  1901, 
350  ff.)  finds  here  allusion  to  an  event  in  the  time  of  Domitian,  who  accord- 
ing to  Suetonius  issued  in  the  year  92  an  edict,  in  the  interest  of  the  Italian 
wine-gTOwers,  ordering  half  the  vineyards  in  the  provinces  to  be  destroyed. 
The  opposition  to  the  edict  in  Asia  Minor  became  so  violent  that  it  was 
withdrawn  before  its  execution  had  begun;  the  vineyards  were  spared. 
Xow  the  Apocalyjitist,  it  is  argued,  had  these  recent  events  in  mind ;  as  an 
ascetic  he  approved  the  edict  and  was  displeased  at  its  withdrawal ;  and  in 
framing  this  vision  he  introduced  into  it  the  preservation  of  the  vine  in 
ironical  contrast  with  the  destruction  of  the  necessities  of  life.  But  to  say 
nothing  of  the  assumption  regarding  the  Apocaly^jtist's  attitude  toward  the 
edict,  Reinach's  supposition  leaves  quite  out  of  account  the  exemption  of 
the  oil,  which  must  also  be  accounted  for.  Oil  was  not  a  luxury  and  here 
it  is  made  equally  important  with  the  wine,  in  fact  stands  before  it.  It 
should  further  be  noted  that  the  edict  had  no  relation  to  a  famine ;  the 
sparing  of  the  vines  by  its  withdrawal  would  not,  then,  have  in  the  author's 
mind  any  association  with  a  famine  picture.  The  view  has  not  been  widely 
accepted  even  among  scholars  who  most  strongly  emphasize,  not  to  say 
sometimes  exaggerate,  the  traces  of  contemporaneous  events  in  the  apoca- 
lyptic pictures. 

7-8.  See  p.  2()r),  The  fourth  rider  personifies  the  vast  de- 
struction of  human  life  by  sword,  famine,  pestilence,  and  wild 
beasts,  God's  '  four  sore  judgments,'  standing  forms  of  visita- 
tion found  grouped  together  elsewhere,  e.g.  Ezk.  14^1,  5^^,  Jer, 
15^^-,  Lv.  26^2-26,  The  judgment  here  described  does  not  ir 
elude  a  mere  repetition  of  those  of  the  second  and  third  seals. 
The  second  rider  represents  slaughter  in  battle ;  here  all  forms 
of  death  by  the  sword  are  meant,  such  as  might  occur  in  great 
numbers  in  an  unsettled  and  tyrannical  society.  The  third 
rider's  operations  are  described  as  affecting  the  vegetable  world 
and  thus  inflicting  suffering  on  men,  but  not  necessarily  death  ; 
here  the  havoc  of  famine  in  the  destruction  of  human  life  is 
meant.  These  broader  and  more  calamitous  ravasfes  of  the 
sword  and  famine  are  appropriately  reserved  to  this  place  to  be 
grouped  with  the  deathful  plagues  of  pestilence  and  wildbeasts, 
as  the  special  instruments  of  the  fourth  rider,  Death.  The 
rider  here  does  not  personify  death  in  general,  but  only  the 
particular  operations  of  death  wrought  through  the  fourfold 
instrumentalities  mentioned. 


VI.  9]  COMMENTARY  523 

XX-topos,  pale:  a  modification  of  the  'grizzled'  in  Zee.  6^. 
The  word,  denoting-  the  pallor  of  death  and  not  strictly  appro- 
priate to  a  horse,  is  transferred  from  the  rider.  —  6  Ka6TJ|ji£Vos  : 
nom.  abs.  repeated  in  avrO) ;  cf .  2^''.  —  Sdvaros,  death :  the 
word  cannot  here  mean  pestilence^  as  it  does  at  the  end  of  the 
verse  ;  this  is  shown  by  the  combination  of  death  and  Hades 
in  which  the  words  as  elsewhere  are  practically  synonymous  ; 
cf.  118,  201=='^  Is,  28l^  Hos.  13";  also  his  office  here  includes 
more  than  the  work  of  pestilence.  —  a8T|S,  Hades :  on  the  com- 
bination with  death  see  on  l^^.  It  is  not  important  to  ask 
whether  Hades  is  mounted  ;  he  is  certainly  not  thought  of  as 
a  fifth  rider  coordinate  with  the  other  four  (so,  Spitta,  296).  — 
€866t|  avTOis,  was  given  to  them:  i.e.  to  Death  and  Hades.  If 
avTU)  be  read  (see  text,  note)  it  may  refer  to  the  former,  the 
words  Kal  aSrj^;  .  .  .  aurov  forming  a  parenthesis,  or  the  sing, 
may  be  used  because  the  two  are  thought  of  as  one  ;  for  the 
interchange  of  sing,  and  pi.  see  on  avrcov,  v.  17.  —  to  TcrapTov, 
the  fourth  part :  the  ravages  were  very  great  but  limited ;  not 
half  or  even  a  third  of  the  whole  population  of  the  earth  is 
affected  ;  see  p.  253.  —  €V,  vird  :  the  former  denotes  the  instru- 
ment and  is  more  appropriate  to  inanimate  things  ;  the  latter, 
subordinate  agency;  cf.  L  and  S.  s.  v.  A.  II.  1. — ^  po(JL(|>ai(j, :  a 
distinction  from  /xd-x^aipa  v.  4  is  not  to  be  insisted  on  here ;  the 
words  are  often  used  interchangeably,  see  Thayer,  s.  v.  —  6a- 
vdro),  pestilence:  the  LXX  frequently  use  6dvaro<i  to  translate 
151,  pestilence,  e.g.  Jer.  14^2,  241",  Lv.  26^5 ;  that  is  the  mean- 
ing here,  since  a  special  form  of  death  is  meant,  as  shown  by 
connection  with  the  other  substantives. 

9.  See  p.  265.  The  writer's  tendency  to  divide  a  series  of 
seven  into  groups  of  4  +  3  or  3  +  4  (see  p.  254)  appears  here. 
Four  plagues  are  grouped  together  as  represented  by  the  four 
riders.  The  plague  of  the  earthquake  (vv.  12-17)  which  be- 
longs in  the  same  category  is  severed  from  these  by  the  intro- 
duction in  this  pla(;e  of  a  vision  of  the  martyrs,  Ijeginning  the 
group  of  three  (the  vision  of  the  seventh  seal  begins  in  8^). 
The  scene  here  introduced  is  appropriate  in  a  revelation  of 
things  that  precede  the  extreme  visitations  of  the  End  and  the 
parousia ;  for  it  tells  of  the  prayers  of  the  persecuted  for  judg- 
ment, a  recognized  influence  in  bringing  in  the  End  (cf.  Lk. 


524  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VI.  9 

18^  see  p.  79),  and  it  foretells  persecutions  still  to  come, 
which  according  to  the  Gospel  tradition  the  Lord  grouped  with 
the  plagues  as  forming  the  events  which  must  needs  first  come 
to  pass,  Mk.  13^~9.  It  is  moreover  the  Apocalyptist's  habit  to 
introduce  into  every  series  of  predicted  sufferings,  encourage- 
ment for  the  martyr.  The  cry  heard  here  comes  from  those 
who  have  already  been  slain  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus,  i.e. 
from  Christian  martyrs.  The  largeness  of  the  events  described 
in  all  the  visions  of  the  seals  shows  that  more  than  a  few  iso- 
lated cases  of  martyrdom  are  meant.  The  readiest  explanation 
of  the  reference  is  found  in  Nero's  persecution.  Another  per- 
secution is  threatening,  it  is  not  far  off  (v.  11  'a  little  time  '); 
that  under  Domitian  seems  to  be  indicated  by  the  various 
conditions  of  the  book  ;   see  pp.  205  f. 

■OiroKaTo)  Tov  6\)0"iaaTT|piou,  under  the  altar:  this  must  be  the 
altar  in  heaven,  distinctly  placed  there  in  other  passages,  e.g. 
§••!,  5^  -j^^is^  ^y^^[  j^Q^  ^1^.^^  in  the  earthly  temple  at  Jerusalem. 
Even  if  the  latter  had  been  standing  at  the  time,  a  Christian 
writer  could  not  have  pictured  that  as  the  abode  of  the  souls  of 
the  martyred  saints.  Only  once  in  the  book  (11^)  is  the 
earthly  altar  meant,  and  then  the  reference  is  made  clear  by 
connected  words.  The  conception  of  heaven  under  the  form 
of  God's  temple  is  common  not  only  in  the  Apocalypse  but  else- 
where ;  e.g.  IV^  U''''\  15'^' «;  Ps.  18^,  Hab.  22o,  Mic.  12,  Test. 
Lev.  IS''.  As  God  was  of  old  thought  to  dwell  with  his  people 
in  his  earthly  temple,  so  naturally  heaven  as  his  dwelling-place 
came  to  be  thought  of  as  his  temple,  as  well  as  his  kingly  palace 
and  the  seat  of  his  throne.  The  two  conceptions  are  merged 
in  one  in  the  vision  of  the  Apocalyptist  without  any  distinct 
separation.  The  combination  furnishes  no  difficulty,  as  main- 
tained by  some  ;  it  occurs  elsewhere,  e.g.  Is.  6\  Ps.  11**,  29"^-, 
Song  of  the  Three  Children  31,  33,  Test.  Lev.  5\  Nor  is  it 
necessary  to  inquire  whether  the  altar  was  in  the  outset  repre- 
sented in  God's  throne-room  in  chapt.  -1  (another  difficulty 
raised  by  criticism);  it  is  doubtless  not  thought  of  there. 
Like  the  roll  in  the  hand  of  God,  the  figure  of  the  Lamb  and 
the  myriads  of  angels,  it  comes  into  view,  or  at  least  into  notice, 
as  the  vision  grows  or  changes  after  the  manner  of  visions ;  see 
on  511. 


VI.  91  COMMENTARY  525 

For  the  general  significance  of  our  passage  it  is  not  important 
to  determine  whether  the  altar  here  spoken  of  represented  the 
altar  of  burnt-offering,  or  that  of  incense;  on  the  two  altars 
see  on  11^.  Most  scholars  understand  it  of  the  former,  because 
that  is  thought  to  explain  more  easily  the  representation  of  the 
souls  of  the  martyrs  as  in  safe-keeping  beneath  the  altar.  In 
the  ritual  of  sacrifice  the  blood  of  the  victim,  i.e.  its  life  (Lev. 
17^1),  was  poured  out  at  the  base  of  the  altar  of  burnt-offering. 
Lev.  4''.  So  the  life,  the  soul,  of  the  martyr,  whose  blood  wiis 
a  sacrifice  offered  to  God  (cf.  Phil.  '2}"',  2  Tim.  4*^)  might  be 
thought  of  as  laid  at  the  base  of  the  altar  of  burnt-offering.  In 
this  way  the  belief  may  have  easily  arisen  that  the  souls  of  the 
martyrs  were  in  safe-keeping  under  the  altar  of  burnt-offering 
in  heaven.  (But  see  fine  print  below.)  Similar  is  a  belief 
found  in  the  rabbis  of  the  second  cent.,  as  quoted  by  Weber 
(^System  322  ff.):  God  comforting  Moses  at  his  death  says,  '  I 
will  conduct  thee  up  to  the  highest  heaven  and  cause  thee  to 
dwell  under  the  throne  of  my  glory,'  Debar,  rabba  11;  so  in 
Schabbath  152  b,  '  The  souls  of  the  righteous  are  kept  under 
the  throne  of  glory.'  Some  who  understand  the  altar  of  incense 
to  be  meant  in  our  passage  attribute  to  it  "  characteristics  be- 
longing to  the  earthly  altar  of  burnt-offering"  (Charles,  Ap. 
Stud.  178)  and  so  explain  in  the  same  way  the  language  here 
used  of  the  abode  of  the  martyrs. 

Some  scholars  take  the  heavenly  altar  throughout  the  book  to  be  the 
altar  of  incense,  finding  no  place  for  an  altar  of  burnt-offering;  so,  De 
Wette,  Bleck,  al.  The  view  has  recently  been  elaborately  defended  by 
Charles,  Ap.  Stud.  161  ff.  In  fact  our  present  passage  is  the  only  one 
which  seems  to  point  distinctly  to  the  altar  of  burnt-offering,  and  that 
merely  as  explaining  the  place  of  the  martyrs'  abode.  In  8^,  where  two 
altars  are  supposed  by  many  to  be  distinguished,  the  second  is  perhaps 
better  taken  to  be  only  a  more  definite  specification  of  the  first ;  see  note 
there.  It  will  be  noticed  that  in  all  places  in  the  book,  where  the  heavenly 
altar  is  spoken  of,  it  is  connected  more  or  less  directly  with  the  execution 
of  judgment  for  which  the  saints  are  praying ;  and  on  the  other  hand  these 
prayers  of  the  saints  for  judgment  are  in  the  book  symbolized  by,  or  con- 
nected with  the  offering  of,  incense  (5*,  S^-  *).  It  is  not  improbable  therefore 
that  the  altar  in  our  passage  should  be  taken  as  the  altar  of  incense,  and 
that  this  relation  of  the  incense  to  the  prayers  of  the  martyrs  should  then 
furnish  the  explanation  of  this  designation  of  their  abode,  while  awaiting 
the  judgment ;  /.f.  they  are,  in  the  mind  of  the  writer,  associated  with  that 
altar  from  which  goes  up  the  incense  of  their  prayers  for  judgment. 


526  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VI.  9 

Tt)v  [iapTupiav,  the  testimony :  not  the  testimony  which  they 
had  borne  in  preaching,  bnt  that  which  they  had  received  from 
Jesus.  The  other  passages  in  which  this  expression  is  joined  as 
here  with  6  Xor^o^  rov  deov,  the  word  of  God  (P-  9,  20^,  of.  12") 
leave  no  doubt  that  'Irjcrov,  of  Jesus,  is  implied;  that  is,  the 
testimony  wliich  Jesus  bore  is  meant  (see  on  12),and  the  phrase 
makes  the  preceding  words  more  specific;  kul  is  epexegetical, 
even.  The  whole  expression,  the  word  of  G-od,  even  the  testimony 
borne  hy  Jesus,  denotes  the  divine  revelation  which  Jesus  had 
given  in  the  gospel;  it  is  on  account  of  holding  that,  that  the 
Christians  were  martyred.  The  words  t^v  elxov,  which  they  had, 
i.e.  held  are  appropriate  to  that  which  the  Christians  had  re- 
ceived (cf .  12^'^,  Jno.  5^^,  l-t^i),  but  not  to  a  testimony  which  they 
had  borne;  this  latter  interpretation  found  in  many  com.  cer- 
tainly cannot  be  maintained. 

10.  The  cry  of  the  martyrs  for  the  avenging  of  their  blood 
falls  below  the  prayer  of  St.  Stephen,  '  Lay  not  this  sin  to  their 
charge,'  Ac.  7*^^  but  it  is  uttered  in  the  consciousness  that  their 
cause  is  one  with  that  of  the  'holy  and  true'  God  invoked;  it 
is  a  cry  for  just  judgment  (/cpiW?);  it  is  also  a  cry,  like  that  of 
the  whole  Church  (22^''),  for  the  speedy  coming  of  the  kingdom. 
Such  a  cry  of  suffering  righteousness  sent  up  to  heaven  is  of 
frequent  occurrence;  e.g.  Ps.  TO^-io,  Lk.  18^,  Heb.  122^  En.  93-  lo, 
22^  2  Es.  435.  The  parallelism  between  the  passage  in  2  Es. 
and  these  verses  of  our  book  is  so  striking  that  a  common 
literary  origin  is  not  improbable.  The  feeling  which  thus  ex- 
presses itself  is  not  a  mere  thirst  for  revenge,  it  is  in  part  at 
least  a  protest  of  righteousness  against  iniquity.  — 6  SeaTroTT^s: 
nom.  for  voc.  —  6  d-yios  Kal  dXtiGivos,  the  holy  and  true  one  : 
God  is  appealed  to  in  his  character  of  apartness  from  all  evil, 
his  absolute  holiness,  which  cannot  tolerate  the  iniquity  perpe- 
trated, and  as  one  who  is  true  to  that  ideal  of  holiness  (see 
on  3'^).  The  words  might  be  understood  to  be  addressed  to 
Christ;  but  the  analogy  of  similar  prayers  referred  to  above 
points  rather  to  God  as  the  person  invoked.  — ckSlkciSi  ck:  for 
the  repetition  of  the  preposition  cf.  19^;  frequent  in  the  LXX. 
—  T(ov  KaToiKovvTov  ktX.,  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth:  the 
woi'ld,  in  its  hostility  to  God;  see  on  3^^. 

IL    White  garments  are  given  to  the  martyrs  (see  on  3^^); 


VI.  12]  COMMENTARY  527 

already  they  are  in  "part  accorded  the  glory  of  the  reward,  but 
they  are  not  thought  of  as  transferred  from  '  beneath  the  altar ' 
to  the  immediate  presence -of  (lod.  That  full  fruition  is  not  in 
our  book  granted  to  any  before  the  Millennium.  The  raiment 
of  white  is  understood  by  some  to  be  the  glorified  body  given 
to  the  martyrs  as  a  peculiar  reward  before  the  resurrection  (cf. 
Bouss.  Jud.  265) ;  but  white  raiment  is  too  common  a  figure  to 
be  used  in  so  specific  a  sense  without  some  further  definition. 
The  glorified  body  would  for  the  martyrs  seem  rather  to  belong 
to  the  '  first  resurrection '  (20^)  to  which  they  attain  at  the 
Millennium.  —  dvaTraiJO-wvTat,  should  rest :  the  word  does  not 
in  itself  express  the  idea  of  blessedness;  it  denotes  rest  from 
toil,  weariness,  pain,  etc. ;  here,  as  shown  by  the  following 
words,  the  martyrs'  rest  from  their  present  distressful  yearning 
and  crying  for  the  coming  judgment.  In  the  gift  of  the 
heavenly  raiment,  i.e.  in  the  bestowal  of  a  blessedness  symbol- 
ized by  such  raiment,  and  in  the  promise  of  a  consummation 
near  at  hand,  they  are  to  await  the  end  in  blessed  patience.  — 
If  the  fut.  ind.  be  read  here  (see  text,  note)  see  on  3^  for  its  use 
with  Iva.  —  irXtipcDBcoaiv,  he  fulfilled :  i.e.  till  the  number  of 
their  fellow  martyrs  be  filled  up,  a  modification  of  the  familiar 
belief  that  the  coming  of  the  end  was  conditioned  on  the  filling 
up  of  a  predestined  number  of  the  elect;  cf.  2  Es.  4^^',  Ap. 
Bar.  30^;  cf.  also  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer,  '  We  pray  thee 
shortly  to  accomplish  the  number  of  thine  elect  and  to  hasten 
thy  kingdom.'  —  Kal  ol  ativSouXoi  avTwv,  their  fellow-servants 
also :  made  more  specific  by  the  following  words  i^KaC  before 
ol  a8e\(fioi  is  epexegetical),  even  their  brethren  loho  are  about  to 
he  slain. 

12.  See  p.  266.  The  breaking  of  the  sixth  seal  introduces  a 
vision  of  a  violent  earthquake,  accompanied  by  vast  disturb- 
ances in  the  whole  world  of  the  heavens.  The  details  of  the 
scene,  even  the  language,  are  with  a  few  exceptions  derived 
from  the  stereotyped  forms  found  widely  current  in  apocalyptic 
descriptions  of  the  end.  These  the  author  has  taken  and  skill- 
fully combined  into  an  apalling  spectacle.  And  with  his  usual 
freedom  he  does  not,  like  his  predecessors,  make  these  portents 
the  immediate  introduction  to,  or  accompaniment  of,  the  Great 
Day  of  the  Lord  —  that  is  yet  later  in  the  plan  of  his  book  — 


528  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VI.  12 

rather  he  makes  them  the  last  and  most  powerful  of  those 
'  signs '  which  form  the  hegiiming  of  woes,  one  of  the  series 
prophetic  of  the  more  dreadful  calamities  which  are  to  follow 
when  the  seventh  seal  shall  be  broken.  The  chief  difficulty  in 
the  interpretation  of  tliis  vision  has  arisen  from  two  causes. 
(1)  Many  interpreters  have  failed  to  give  their  proper  value 
and  nothing  more  to  the  words,  '  the  great  day  has  come  ' 
(v.  17),  which  are  not  those  of  the  Seer  announcing  an  actual 
fact  ;  they  are  the  language  of  terror-stricken  men  who  mis- 
interpret the  portents  around  them,  as  signs  that  the  last  day 
is  actually  breaking  upon  them.  (2)  Stereotyped  imagery  and 
forms  of  expression  describing  in  hyperbole  earthquakes  and 
other  convulsions  in  nature  have  in  the  criticism  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse been  understood  as  the  Seer's  literal  description  of  what 
he  is  beholding  ;  he  is  understood  to  see  the  rolling  up  of  the 
firmament  and  the  removal  of  the  mountains  as  actually  taking 
place  in  this  vision.  But  the  writer  himself  shows  that  he  is 
speaking  in  hyperbole.  He  could  not  declare  literally  that 
every  mountain  was  removed,  and  in  the  next  sentence  describe 
men  as  seeking  to  hide  themselves  in  the  mountains  and  calling 
to  the  rocks  to  fall  upon  them  and  hide  them.  The  imagery  of 
the  vision  is  scarcely  more  exaggerated  than  that  occurring 
frequently  in  Hebrew  poetry  to  describe  a  violent  disturbance 
in  nature ;  the  moving  of  the  mountains,  the  trembling  of  the 
heavens,  the  bowing  of  the  heavens,  etc.,  are  familiar  figures. 
The  author  is  here  clearly  using  current  apocalyptic  language 
and  describing  great  natural  convulsions,  which,  though  tra- 
ditionally connected  with  the  final  catastrophe,  he  places  in  a 
series  of  plagues  belonging  all  alike  to  the  forerunners  of  the 
last  calamities. 

.  actajJLOS,  earthquake :  a  frequent  factor  among  the  signs  of 
the  end  ;  e.g.  Is.  2^\  296,  Hag.  2%  2  Es.  fiie,  Mk.  13»,  par.  — 
6  r\Kio%  kyiviTO  [JLtXas  /ctA,.,  the  sun  became  black.,  etc.  :  cf.  Joel 
2'",  'The  earth  quaketh,  the  heavens  tremble,  the  sun  and  the 
moon  are  darkened,  and  the  stars  withdraw  their  shining '  ;  cf . 
also  Ezk.  32' S  Is.  IS^o,  Amos  8^,  Mk.  13-^S  — aaKKos  Tpixivos, 
sackcloth  of  hair :  the  garb  of  mourning.  Cf .  Is.  50^,  '  I  clothe 
tlie  heavens  with  blackness  and  I  make  sackcloth  their  cover- 
ing.'—  x\  cr€\T|VT|  €"Y€V€TO  d>s  ai|ia,  the  rnoon  became  as  blood:  cf. 


VI.  15]  COMMENTARY  529 

Joel  231,  Ac.  22<>,  Ass.  Mos.  10^.  The  figure  is  doubtless  drawn 
from  the  reddish  appearance  of  the  moon  in  an  eclipse,  or  when 
obscured  by  certain  atmospheric  conditions. 

13.  ol  dcTepes  €TT€o-av,  the  stars  fell :  cf.  Mk,  IS^^,  par. — 
<bs  auKT]  /ctA..,  as  a  jiy  tree  casteth,  etc.  :  adapted  from  Is.  34^, 
'  as  a  fading  leaf  from  the  fig  tree  '  ;  cf .  also  Nah.  S^^. 

14.  6  ovpavos  d'Tr€x.<opi(T9T|  /crX.,  tJie  heaven  ivas  removed^  etc.  : 
the  sky,  regarded  as  a  flexible  material  expanse,  is  conceived  to 
be  withdrawn  by  being  rolled  up  like  the  roll  of  a  book.  '  The 
heaven  shall  be  rolled  together  as  a  scroll,'  Is.  34^  ;  cf.  Sib. 
Or.  III.  82.  The  word  airo'x^copi^eiv  does  not  denote  a  splitting, 
or  rending  in  pieces  (so,  some  com.),  but  a  removal  to  another 
place.  For  the  passing  of  the  heavens  cf.  21^,  Mk.  13^1,  par., 
Ps.  102^'',  2  Pet.  31^.  — irdv  opos  ktX.,  every  mou7itam^  etc.  :  cf. 
16^*^.  A  literal  parallel  to  the  carrying  away  of  the  mountains 
and  the  islands  from  their  places  is  not  found  in  apocalyptic 
writings,  but  the  representation  is  doubtless  suggested  by  the 
familiar  effects  of  earthquake  and  volcanic  disturbance,  in 
which  mountains  are  shattered  and  islands  disappear.  Cf. 
'  The  mountains  skipped  like  rams,'  Ps.  114"*  ;  '  all  the  hills 
moved  to  and  fro,'  Jer.  4^4. 

15-16.  ol  PaatXeis  /ctA,.,  the  kitigs,  etc.  :  these  seven  classes 
are  meant  to  include  every  rank  and  condition  of  men  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest. — ol  [JL€'Yto'Tdv€S,  the  princes,  or  nobles: 
i.e.  those  high  in  civil  rank  (cf.  18^^,  Mk.  6^1),  while  the 
')^t\iap^oi,  chief  captains,  are  the  military  tribunes,  lit.  com- 
manders of  a  thousand,  cf .  19^^,  Mk.  6^1.  —  eKpvv{;av  eauxovs 
ktX.,  hid  themselves,  etc.:  cf.  Is.  2^^,  'Men  shall  go  into  the 
caves  of  the  rocks,  and  into  the  holes  of  the  earth,  from  before 
the  terror  of  Jehovah,  and  from  the  glory  of  his  majesty,  when 
he  ariseth  to  shake  mightily  the  earth'  ;  cf.  also  Is.  2^"'-^  — 
Xe-yoDo-LV  tols  opeo-iv  ktX.,  they  say  to  the  inountains,  etc.  :  de- 
rived from  Hos.  10  >  '  They  shall  say  to  the  mountains,  Cover 
us  ;  and  to  the  hills,  Fall  on  us  ';  cf.  Lk.  23^'^.  —  dTTO  tt^s  op-yris 
Tov  dpviou,  from  the  -wrath  of  the  Lamh :  the  feeling  of  terror 
expressed  here  is  the  same  as  that  spoken  of  in  1'^,  '  All  the 
tribes  of  the  earth  shall  mourn  because  of  him.'  The  Apoca- 
lypse, as  the  book  of  judgment,  makes  emphatic  the  affection 
of  divine  wrath  in  Christ.  He  is  appropriately  recognized  as 
2m 


530  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VI.  16 

joined  with  God  in  the  approaching  visitation.  In  putting  into 
the  mouth  of  tlie  speakers  tlie  title,  the  Lamb,  the  author  uses 
it  in  the  sense  which  it  has  as  one  of  the  special  terms  of  the 
book  (see  pp.  314  ff.)  and  not  as  a  designation  of  Christ  in  a 
character  of  gentleness  or  meekness.  There  is  then  no  inap- 
propriateness  in  the  wrath  here  attributed  to  him  ;  see  below. 


These  words  are  rejected  by  some  critics  (Vischer,  40;  Volter, 
23 ;  J.  Weiss  64)  on  the  ground  that  the  Lamb  is  not  in  this  scene  in  the 
court  of  heaven  represented  as  a  judge,  that  wrath  is  incongruous  in  a 
lamb  that  has  been  slain,  and  that  the  sing,  avrov,  v.  17,  found  in  some 
Mss.  shows  God  alone  to  have  been  mentioned.  With  regard  to  the  reading 
of  the  sing,  in  v.  17  see  below.  What  is  said  above  is  sufficient  to  show  the 
appropriateness  of  the  words  here. 

17.  As  pointed  out  above  the  utterance  of  this  verse  is  the 
mistaken  cry  of  men  in  terror  caused  by  the  portents  which  are 
bursting  upon  them.  At  this  place  in  his  plan  the  author 
himself  cannot  be  understood  to  declare  that  the  last  day  has 
already  come.  —  t)  i]fji€pa  i^  ixt-ydXii,  the  great  day :  for  this 
standing  designation  of  the  judgment  day  in  eschatological 
language,  see  p.  22.  — avrcov  their  :  i.e.  of  God  and  the  Lamb. 
If  the  sing,  avrov.,  his.,  found  in  some  Mss.,  be  adopted,  it  may 
refer  to  the  Lamb  alone,  the  Lamb's  wrath  because  of  the 
hostility  of  the  world  being  the  thought  uppermost  in  mind  ; 
or  while  both  God  and  the  Lamb  are  thought  of,  the  sing,  may 
be  used  because  their  wrath  is  conceived  as  one,  see  on  avToh., 
V.  8,  also  the  use  of  the  sing.,  22^,  1  Thess.  3",  2  Thess.  2i6 ; 
others  still  would  refer  the  pron.  in  the  sing,  to  God  alone. 
See  text.  note.  — xis  S-uvarai  o-Ta6'fivai,  who  is  able  to  stand : 
suggested  by  Nah.  1^  'who  can  stand  before  his  indignation  ; 
and  who  can  abide  in  the  fierceness  of  his  anger  ? '  cf.  Mai.  3^. 

Textual  notes,  Chapt.  G^"'"-  1.  cfxuvrj  ACQ,  which  some  min  many  edd  take 
as  nom. ;  but  the  use  of  ws  and  the  position  after  Aeyovros  make  the  nom. 
extremely  harsh.  Some  min  Ws  WH  Sod  Sw  a/  take  it  as  a  dat.  (jjwvfj. 
P  some  min  R  read  <jnovr]<; ;  K  some  min  <f>wvr]v.  —  epx^^  (without  Kat  tSe) 
ACP  many  min  some  vers  all  recent  edd  RV ;  KQ  many  min  and  vers  add 
Kai  t8e  ;  but  Q  omits  this  in  v.  3  ;  the  source  of  Kat  ^Xeire  in  R  is  imcertain. 
—  4.  X'^A  some  min  Lch  RVmrg  omit  ck  before  tt/s  yr/s.  —  o-<^afoucriv  AC 
min  edd;  o-^a^wo-tv  kPQ  min  R.  —  8.  arrots  (after  tSohrj)  XACP  min  vers 
R  nearly  all  edd;  uvtm  Q  min  vers  Bouss  Moff,  see  on  v.  17.  — 11.  avaTrav- 
awvTat  SC  min  R  most  edd  RV ;  avairavo-ovrai  AQP  min  WH  Bouss  Sw.  — 


CRITICISM   OF  IV-VI  531 

irX-qpoiOiiiCTiv  AC  min  vers  most  edd ;  ttAt^pcoo-wo-iv  XPQ  min  Tr  Ti  Sod  ul ; 
but  the  ellipsis  of  tov  8po/xov,  or  rov  apiOixov  supposed  with  this  reading  is 
too  violent.  The  source  of  TrXrjpwaovraL  R  is  uncertain.  — 16.  Trco-ere  SCQ 
min  R  RVmrg  edd ;  rrecraTc  AP  min  Lch  WH  WS  Sw,  this  form  also  is  2 
aor.,  of.  Kuhn  I  §  226,  2,  A  2.  —  17.  avrwv  «C  min  vers  Ti  Tr  WH  Blj  Sod 
Sw  RV ;  avTov  APQ  min  vers  R  Lch  Ws  Bouss  Moff.  The  more  appro- 
priate auTwv  might  easily  be  changed  by  a  copyist  to  avrov  through  the  sup- 
position that  the  opyr)<;  of  this  verse  was  merely  a  repetition  of  opyr]<;  in  the 
preceding  sentence,  the  principal  thought  then  centering  in  the  wrath  of 
the  Lamb.  In  view  of  this  repetition  of  opyrj's,  it  may  well  be  questioned 
whether  the  change  of  an  original  sing,  to  a  pi.  would  not  be  harder  than 
the  reverse. 

Criticism  of  Chapts.  4-6.  The  three  parts  of  the  scene  given  in. these 
three  chapts.  respectively,  God  enthroned  in  glory,  the  book  of  destiny  and 
the  Messiah  who  shall  open  it,  and  the  breaking  of  the  seals,  are  so  closely 
bound  together  that  the  integrity  of  the  paragraph  as  a  tvhole  is  unques- 
tionable. The  principal  objections  raised  here  by  critics  relate  to  (1)  the 
connection  with  the  preceding,  or  (2)  with  the  following  part  of  the  book, 
(3)  the  Christian  origin  of  the  paragraph,  and  (4)  the  presence  of  certain 
words  or  phrases  and  in  one  instance  a  passage  of  several  verses. 

(1)  The  words  evOew-;  iyevofxr/v  iv  ttv^vjmltl  4^  are  taken  to  be  at  variance 
with  l^o  and  with  the  situation  implied  throughout  I10-322  (see  on  4'-^),  and 
to  show  that  the  Apocalypse  began  here,  a  few  introductory  words  about 
the  author  having  preceded.  Further  traces  of  a  different  author  are  urged  : 
Ovpa  rjveftiyjxivy]  iv  tw  ovpav(2  implies  that  the  heaven  was  h'  .iherto  closed, 
whereas  the  appearance  of  the  glorified  Christ  l^"  ^-  can  only  be  conceived 
to  have  taken  place  in  the  heavens ;  the  voice  in  4^  cannot  be  the  same  as 
that  of  l^"^  therefore  the  words  17  irpwrr}  .  .  .  [xeT  ip.ov  must  be  due  to  a 
reviser  trying  to  bring  this  paragraph  into  connection  with  a  context  pri- 
marily f  oreigTi  to  it.  These  are  the  principal  grounds  against  a  connection 
of  these  chapts.  with  the  foregoing  urged  by  Vischer  (77)  and  his  followers. 
So  far  as  this  criticism  calls  for  consideration  it  has  been  met  in  the  notes 
on  41. 

(2)  The  vision  of  the  sixth  seal  6^2-17^  jt  is  argued,  ushers  in  the  last  day, 
so  that  now  there  remain  only  the  judgment  and  eternal  life ;  this  vision 
then  cannot  introduce  the  events  of  7^-^  and  many  other  later  portions  which 
have  no  place  in  those  final  scenes ;  so,  Spitta  80  ff.,  302,  who  makes  the 
original  Apocalypse  end  with  a  brief  appendix  to  the  sixth  seal,  including  81, 
7^^%  and  one  or  two  other  short  sections.  The  misinterpretation  of  6^--^''  on 
which  this  theory  rests  is  shown  in  the  Com.  on  these  verses. 

(3)  Critics  who  regard  the  book  a  working-over  of  one  or  more  Jewish 
apocalypses  find  in  this  paragraph  numerous  traces  of  a  non-Christian  origin ; 
see  Vischer  79  ff.,  55  ff.,  Weyland  88  f.  Chapt.  4,  it  is  argued,  is  throughout 
Jewish,  containing  nothing  distinctively  Christian.  Besides  this  negative 
evidence,  elements  are  found  in  that  and  the  other  chapts.  which  are  at 
variance  with  a  Christian  origin ;  e.g.  God,  not  Christ,  is  the  one  who  is  to 


532  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VII. 

come  4^  ;  the  Spirit  is  seven,  not  one  4^,  the  martyrs  are  not  martyrs  of 
Christ  and  do  not  appeal  to  him,  their  thirst  for  vengeance  is  unchristian 
Q^^-;  in  chapt.  5  there  are  two  Messiahs,  one  the  Lamb  brought  in  by  the 
Christian  reviser,  the  other  the  lion,  the  Jewish  hero  who  conquers  by  his 
might,  but  with  whom  the  idea  of  a  redemptive  death  is  not  associated.  Of 
these  arguments  only  the  last  calls  for  comment.  The  others  have  been 
sufficiently  noticed  in  the  Com.  on  the  respective  passages.  The  hypothesis 
of  two  Messiahs  here  is  a  part  of  the  general  theory  that  the  book  contains 
a  combination  of  irreconcilable  Jewish  and  Christian  elements.  See  on 
this  theory  pp.  229,  230,  509,  511.  Its  maintenance  in  this  paragraph 
makes  necessary,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  Christian  elements,  a  process  of 
excision  in  the  text  so  violent  that  it  is  approved  by  few  critics.  Even 
Spitta  (58ff.),  who  finds  two  Jewish  apocalypses  worked  into  the  book, 
accepts  chapts.  4-6  as  an  integral  part  of  the  Christian  Apocalypse  begun  in 
chapts.  1-3. 

(4)  The  word  apviov  is  in  all  places  in  these  chapts.  attribvited  by  Vischer 
and  his  followers  to  a  reviser,  as  is  necessary  for  maintaining  the  theory  of 
an  original  Jewish  apocalypse  here.  Other  sentences  or  phrases,  not  funda- 
mentally important,  have  been  rejected  on  different  grounds;  e.(/.  a  eio-tv 
.  .  .  Tov  Oeov  4^ ;  at  eicriv  .  .  .  twv  dytW  5^  (on  this  passage  see  notes  in  loc.)  ; 
aTTo  ri^s  opyrjs  tov  apviov  6".  The  important  passage  5^'*  is  rejected  by  the 
school  of  Vischer  through  the  exigencies  of  their  theory,  cf .  Vischer  55  ff.; 
in  part  also,  i.e.  w.  11-14,  it  is  rejected  by  others ;  so,  Volter  Offenh.  14,  Erbes 
50,  because  in  these  verses  the  praises  of  the  angels  and  creation  are  not, 
like  those  of  the  Living  Creatures  9-10,  grounded  on  the  Lamb's  worthi- 
ness to  open  the  book,  i.e.  they  are  not  called  forth  by  the  circumstances  of 
the  context,  but  by  the  general  worthiness  of  God  and  the  Lamb  to  receive 
homage.  Such  a  canon  of  criticism,  which  would  exclude  all  broadening 
of  scope  or  variation  in  the  course  of  a  hymn,  would  leave  few  hymns,  espe- 
cially Hebrew  psalms,  intact.     On  excisions  see  further,  p.  530. 

These  objections  to  the  general  integTity  of  chapts.  4-6  and  their  appro- 
priateness in  this  place  are  not  conclusive  enough  to  have  gained  a  wide 
assent.  The  congTuity  of  the  paragraph  with  the  author's  plan  (see  pp. 
261,  443  f.),  its  fitness  as  a  splendid  development  of  the  motives  underlying 
the  preceding  chapts.,  its  agreement  with  those  chapts.  in  its  messianic 
conceptions,  in  its  exalted  christology,  its  manner  and  language,  all  produce 
the  conviction  that  we  have  at  work  here  the  same  mind  and  with  the  same 
conceptions  as  in  the  opening  part.  In  this  opinion  are  agreed  the  large 
majority  of  recent  scholars  of  differing  schools. 

Chap.  VII.  Prelude  to  the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal. 
See  pp.  266  ff.  (1)  Sealing  of  the  servants  of  God,  vv.  1-8. 
(2)  An  anticipatory  vision  of  the  redeemed  before  the  throne, 
vv.  9-17. 

The  opening  of  the  seals  of  the  roll  has  proceeded  in  un- 
broken order  to  this  point  in  our  book,  when  there  is  inserted 


VII.]  COMMENTARY  533 

here  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  seals  a  paragraph  contain- 
ing two  short  visions  which  at  first  sight  seem  to  have  no  rela- 
tion to  each  other  nor  to  the  course  of  events  described  in  the 
context.  The  first  shows  an  earthly  scene  in  which  the  seal  of 
God  is  set  on  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel  (vv.  1-8);  the  second, 
an  innumerable  throng  out  of  every  nation  standing  before  the 
heavenly  throne,  clad  in  festal  raiment,  and  offering  an  exultant 
hymn  of  homage  to  God  and  the  Lamb  (vv.  9-17).  Unques- 
tionably this  chapter  is  not  a  part  of  the  vision  of  the  sixth 
seal.  That  vision  formed  one  of  a  series  of  plagues,  and  the 
description  of  these  was  in  each  case  complete  in  itself;  the 
subject-matter  of  this  chapter  is  of  a  quite  different  character. 
A  transition  is  moreover  indicated  by  the  formula  /xera  tovto 
elSov,  After  this  I  saw,  which  regularly  marks  a  change  (see 
on  4^)  ;  its  use  here  (vv.  1,  9)  shows  that  these  two  visions  are 
distinct  from  the  preceding  and  from  each  other.  The  exact 
meaning  of  the  two  visions,  their  relation  to  each  other,  and 
their  insertion  in  this  place  raise  exegetical  and  critical  ques- 
tions upon  which  scholars  are  very  much  at  variance.  The 
saying  of  Vischer  (46)  that  'good  grounds  may  be  urged  for 
every  explanation,  yet  every  one  is  weighted  with  insurmount- 
able difiiculties '  is  an  overstatement;  yet  it  is  true  that  no 
explanation  can  be  offered  to  which  at  least  plausible  objections 
may  not  be  made.  The  explanation  here  given  is  that  which 
on  the  whole  does  least  injustice  to  the  details  presented,  and 
at  the  same  time  conforms  best  to  the  author's  conceptions  and 
characteristic  manner,  as  seen  elsewhere.  It  is  a  misfortune  in 
the  study  of  the  passage  that  it  has  in  many  quarters  been 
viewed  in  too  isolated  an  aspect. 

(1)  vv.  1-8.  (a)  In  the  interpretation  of  the  first  vision 
of  the  chapt.  certain  difficulties  will  be  removed  by  the  recog- 
nition of  what  appears  to  be  clearly  established,  that  the 
Apocalyptist  here  uses  in  the  matter  and  the  symbolism  some 
source  not  elsewhere  preserved  to  us.  At  the  opening  of  the 
vision  four  angels  are  seen  at  the  four  corners  of  the  earth 
holding  back  the  winds;  by  the  loud  command  of  a  fifth  angel 
who  bears  the  seal  of  God  they  are  bidden  to  stay  the  winds 
from  their  sweep  of  destruction  across  the  earth  till  the  serv- 
ants of  God  have  been  sealed.     Such  a  brief  staying  of  deadly 


534  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VII. 

forces  for  the  safeguarding  of  certain  persons  or  things  to  be 
exempt  from  destruction  is  found  in  several  striking  cases. 
In  Ezk.  9^  ^-  the  ministers  of  slaughter  in  Jerusalem  are  held 
back  till  a  mark  is  set  on  those  to  whom  they  may  not  come 
near.  A  parallel  still  closer  is  found  in  Ap.  Bar.  Q*^-;  four 
angels  are  seen  standing  with  torches  of  fire  at  the  four  corners 
of  Jerusalem,  while  a  fifth  angel  descends  from  heaven  and 
bids  them  stay  the  destruction  of  the  city  till  he  has  hidden 
in  the  earth  the  sacred  articles  of  the  temple.  So  again  in 
En.  66  f . ;  the  Seer  in  his  vision  of  the  deluge  beholds  the 
angels,  who  are  about  to  let  loose  the  waters  upon  the  earth, 
holding  them  back  for  a  time  for  the  building  of  the  ark.  Now 
in  all  these  parallels,  except  in  our  passage,  the  destructive 
powers  are  seen  after  the  enforced  pause  to  execute  their 
destined  works.  But  in  our  book  the  four  winds  whose  work 
is  stayed  for  the  sealing  only  do  not  appear  again.  They 
are  declared  to  be  held  back  only  for  a  definite  interval;  then 
their  destructive  work  is  expected  to  begin.  We  should  most 
naturally  look  for  it  after  the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal. 
But  none  of  the  plagues  or  catastrophes  which  follow  in  the 
later  chapters  are  said  to  proceed  from  these  winds,  or  are  in 
anyway  associated  with  them.  The  supposition  then  seems 
inevitable  that  the  author  is  here  adapting  figures  from  some 
familiar  source  which  forcibly  picture  his  thought,  just  as  we 
see  him  adapting  O.T.  sources  to  his  use,  though  as  regards 
exact  form  he  has  in  this  case  been  less  careful  to  bring  his 
source  in  all  its  details  into  strict  harmony  with  the  imagery 
of  the  later  scenes.  The  thought  uppermost  with  him  here 
is  the  staying  of  coming  evils  by  divine  ordering  till  God's 
servants  have  been  sealed.  See  further  p.  538.  The  view  that 
a  source  has  been  used  here  is  further  indicated  in  the  remain- 
ing part  of  the  vision  to  which  these  introductory  verses  (1-3) 
lead  up;  this  will  appear  below  (under  b  and  c). 

(5)  Who  are  the  servants  of  God  for  whose  sealing  the 
winds  are  stayed  ?  They  are  specified  as  belonging  to  the 
twelve  tribes  of  Israel.  And  if  we  confine  our  view  to  the  pres 
ent  passage,  Israel  appears  to  be  used  literally  of  the  Jewish 
])eople.  A  Christian  writer  may  speak  of  the  Church  as  the 
Israel   of   God    (Gal.    6^^),   or   as   the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel 


VII.]  COMMENTARY  535 

(James  1^),  adopting  the  comprehensive  title  of  God's  ancient 
people  as  a  whole.  Yet  if  he  were  writing  inde})endently, 
without  borrowing  imagery  from  some  Jewish  archetype,  it  is 
hardly  possible  that  he  should  carry  out  the  idea  of  identity  to 
a  detailed  division  of  the  Church  into  twelve  families  answer- 
ing severally  to  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel.  And  even  if  for 
greater  vividness  he  should  transfer  to  the  Church  the  tribal 
divisions  in  idea,  he  would  certainly  adopt  the  ideal  list  of  the 
tribes  rather  than  fashion  one  so  anomalous  as  is  here  given 
(see  on  vv.  5  ff.).  It  seems  most  probable  then,  as  the  larger 
number  of  critical  scholars  agree,  that  the  author  in  this  para- 
graph had  in  mind  some  apocalyptic  source,  in  which  a  calam- 
ity threatening  the  people  of  Israel  was  to  be  stayed  until  cer- 
tain chosen  ones  should  be  safeguarded  from  its  operations. 
This  conclusion  does  not  however  determine  the  sense  in  which 
he  applies  the  symbolism;  that  this  could  not  in  its  original 
sense  be  taken  up  into  a  Christian  apocalypse  is  evident.  Who 
then,  in  the  author's  intention,  are  the  144,000  that  are  to  be 
sealed  ?  The  answer  which,  in  spite  of  some  difficulty  raised, 
is  most  conformable  to  the  conceptions  of  the  N.T.  in  general, 
as  well  as  those  of  the  Apocalyptist  —  the  one  that  does  least 
violence  to  the  universalistic  spirit  of  the  book  —  is  that  they  are 
the  'whole  body  of  the  Churchy  Jewish  and  Gentile  alike ;  so,  many 
scholars  both  ancient  and  modern.  (For  other  interpretations 
see  pp.  536  f.)  St.  Paul  everywhere  conceives  the  Church 
to  be  the  true  Israel,  and  Christians  to  be  the  true  Jews 
(e.^.  Ro.  2^9,  Gal.  6^^);  with  St.  James  the  Christians  are  the 
twelve  tribes  (l^,  cf.  Soden  Kom.  176  ff.);  for  the  same  thought 
elsewhere,  cf.  1  Pet.  1\  2^;  Hermas  Sim.  IX.  17^  So  with  our 
author  the  Christian  is  the  true  Jew  (2^,  3^),  the  city  of  the 
Church  triumphant  is  called  Jerusalem,  and  its  gates,  whose 
superscriptions  designate  those  who  are  to  enter  through  each, 
bear  the  names  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel  (20^,  212- 1^).  The 
description,  then,  of  the  safeguarding  of  the  Church  under  the 
figure  of  the  sealing  of  Israel  as  a  whole  gives  in  itself  no  difficulty. 
And  that  this  is  the  author's  meaning  he  seems  to  show  cer- 
tainly by  the  mention  of  the  144,000  in  14^,  where  they  are  seen 
to  be  the  whole  body  of  triumphant  Christians  (see  note  there). 
The  absence  of  the  article  in  that  place  is  urged  against  the 


536  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VII. 

identity  of  those  with  the  persons  of  our  passage  (cf.  DList.), 
but  on  the  contrary  its  omission  is  in  keeping  with  tlie  visionary 
style,  see  p.  650.  The  principal  difficulty  in  the  identifica- 
tion of  Israel  with  the  Church  in  our  passage  lies,  as  seen  above, 
in  the  special  enumeration  of  the  tribes.  But  it  must  be  kept 
in  mind  that  the  Apocalyptist  conceivably  follows  his  source 
more  closely  here  than  is  his  wont.  In  adopting  the  four 
riders  from  Zee.  (see  on  2^),  the  four  Living  Creatures  from 
Ezk.  (see  on  4^),  the  two  olive  trees  from  Zee.  (see  p.  593), 
and  similar  imagery  borrowed  from  the  O.T.,  he  modifies  his 
source  materially;  but  apparently  in  this  instant  less  modifica- 
tion is  introduced.  He  may  have  seen  in  the  specification 
of  the  twelve  tribes,  which  he  found  in  his  source,  a  strong 
expression  of  complete^iess,  which  is  an  essential  part  of  his 
thought  here;  he  therefore  retains  it  as  not  foreign  to  his 
purpose,  having  in  mind  the  fullness  of  the  spiritual,  not  the 
national,  Israel.  For  the  emphasis  shown  on  completeness  here, 
see  on  v.  4. 

A  sealing  of  the  saints  in  this  place  is  in  the  opinion  of  some 
critics  open  to  the  objection  that  it  belongs  before  the  visita- 
tions of  the  earlier  visions  (cf.  Spitta,  80  f.).  But  while  it 
might  have  preceded  these,  it  is  introduced  here  with  finer  dra- 
matic effect  ;  for  those  judgments  are  but  preliminary  ;  the 
supreme  trials,  those  for  which  God's  special  safeguarding  is 
needed,  are  to  come  now  with  the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal. 
Like  the  anticipatory  vision  of  final  triumph  in  vv.  9-17,  as 
will  be  seen  below,  the  sealing  is  most  appropriate  immediately 
before  the  opening  of  the  events  which  form  the  main  chapters 
in  the  picture  of  the  future. 

Other  vietcs  concerning  the  persons  sealed.  (1)  They  are  Jewish  Chris- 
tians, whereas  the  multitude  in  w.  9-17  are  Christians  of  all  nations  alike, 
including  Jews;  so,  many  com.,  e.g.  Bengel,  Stuart,  Dust.  But  no  satis- 
factory explanation  is  given  of  the  safeguarding  of  the  Jewish  Christians 
in  distinction  from  others ;  none  is  indicated  here,  nor  does  our  author, 
though  a  Jew,  anywhere  intimate  that  a  preference  or  advantage  is  granted 
to  the  Jew.  (2)  They  are  the  chosen  '  Remnant '  of  Israel  who  have  ac- 
cepted Jesus  as  the  Messiah ;  the  author  of  the  paragraph  is  a  Judaistic 
Christian,  with  whom  the  Messiah  is  sent  to  Israel  only ;  the  true  Israelites 
are  those  Jews  who  have  accepted  him,  they  only  form  the  true  Christians ; 
this  limited   number,  144,000  out  of  the  twelve  tribes,   are  sealed  for  de- 


VII.  ]  COMMENTARY  537 

liverauce  in  the  coming  distrosses  (cf.  e.cj.  Volter  Ojfenh.  28  f.).  That 
might  conceivably  have  been  the  thought  of  the  original  source  ;  but  that 
meaning  could  not  be  attributed  to  the  author  of  the  Revelation  in  its 
present  form  ;  with  him  a  national  limitation  of  the  messianic  kingdom  has 
altogether  disappeared.  (3)  They  are  the  Israelites  who  shall  ultimately 
be  grafted  into  the  people  of  God  (Ro.  11).  Israel  now  rejecting  Christ 
is  hardened  and  cast  off,  but  in  the  end  a  remnant  of  each  tribe  shall  be 
converted ;  so,  e.g.  Bouss.  Baljon.  Attractive  as  this  interpretation  is,  it  is 
however  open  to  what  appears  conclusive  objection.  The  hope  of  the  final 
conversion  of  Israel,  at  least  in  part,  appears  in  3^,  11^^  (see  notes  in  loc  ), 
but  there  is  not  in  the  present  passage,  as  in  those  places,  any  intimation 
that  the  writer  has  in  mind  the  conversion  or  bringing  back  of  those  now 
regarded  as  enemies  (2^)  ;  the  language  here  like  that  in  Ezk.  9*  contem- 
plates the  safe-guarding  of  those  who  are  now  faithful  '  servants  of  God.' 
This  interpretation  moreover,  like  all  those  that  refer  the  words  to  the 
literal  Israel,  fails  to  give  due  force  to  the  mention  of  the  144,000  in  14^, 
see  p.  535.  (4)  They  are  a  small  number  chosen  out  of  the  Church  be- 
cause of  their  purity  (14*)  and  destined  to  be  delivered  from  the  last 
plagues;  gathered  under  the  guidance  of  the  Lamb  on  mount  Sion  (14^), 
they  will  behold  untouched  the  last  dreadful  events,  while  the  mass  of 
Christians  (vv.  9-17)  will  fall  in  martyrdom  ;  so,  J.  Weiss,  65  ff.  But  so 
far  as  this  vision  itself  (vv.  1-8)  shows  —  and  it  appears  complete  in  itself 
—  there  is  no  intimation  of  a  selection  on  certain  undefined  grounds,  or  of  a 
deliverance  of  a  part  preliminary  to  the  complete  triumph  of  all  in  the 
end ;  the  sealing  is  for  all  the  '  servants  of  God '  (see  on  v.  4)  and  designed 
to  secure  one  common  safe-guarding  of  all. 

(c)  What  now  is  meant  by  the  sealing  ?  Tlie  seal  is  a  mark 
of  authentication  (Ro.  4^^),  or  a  means  of  security  (Rev.  5^,  20'^). 
In  our  passage  both  these  ideas  may  be  included  ;  i.e.  in  con- 
trast with  the  mark  of  the  beast  set  on  his  followers  and  show- 
ing them  to  belong  to  him  (13"*^),  the  seal  of  God  may 
authenticate  his  servants  as  his  ;  but  the  predominant  thought 
here  is  that  the  seal,  like  the  mark  set  on  the  chosen  ones  of 
Jerusalem  in  the  closely  parallel  scene  in  Ezk.,  is  a  token  or 
pledge  of  security.  This  is  shown  by  the  language  of  v.  3 
staying  the  winds  from  their  destructive  work  till  the  seal  has 
been  set  on  God's  servants.  This  general  meaning  is  unques- 
tioned and  has  been  assumed  in  the  foregoing  paragrapli  (i). 
But  a  more  precise  definition  is  needed.  From  what  are  the 
servants  of  God  to  be  preserved  ?  The  most  common  answer 
of  interpreters,  both  ancient  and  modern,  is.  From  the  plagues 
that  are  now  to  come  upon  the  earth  after  the  breaking  of  the 
seventh  seal.     If  we  limit  our  view  to  the  present  passage,  the 


538  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VII. 

meaning  would  clearly  be  that  the  sealed  are  to  be  preserved 
from  the  ravages  of  the  winds,  which  we  should  expect  to  see 
released  as  soon  as  the  sealing  is  accomplished.  The  language 
of  V.  3,  and  the  analogy  of  the  parallels  mentioned  above 
(in  a)  show  pretty  certainly  that  that  was  the  meaning  in  the 
source  which  the  author  is  following.  But  as  seen  in  his  use 
of  the  O.  T.,  he  freely  adapts  derived  imagery  to  his  own  con- 
ceptions (see  p.  221)  ;  we  must  then  look  beyond  the  prototype 
to  ascertain  exactly  the  sense  intended  in  a  borrowed  symbol. 
Now  in  the  eschatology  of  the  N.  T.  in  general  and  especially 
in  our  book  the  Last  Times  are  distinctly  made  times  of  suffer- 
ing and  peril  for  God's  servants  ;  cf .  the  eschatological  dis- 
course in  the  Gospels  (Mk.  13,  par.),  and  in  our  book  the 
forewarning  of  the  need  of  endurance,  lo^*^,  14^^,  the  prophecy 
of  coming  martyrdoms  6^^,  the  limitation  of  the  promises  to  the 
victors  in  the  seven  epistles,  and  similar  forebodings  of  distress 
(see  on  3^*^).  And  the  relation  of  the  scenes  of  chapt.  7  to  the 
breaking  of  the  last  seal,  which  ushers  in  the  whole  cycle  of 
events  to  the  end,  gives  to  this  pledge  of  security  a  sense  ap- 
propriate to  the  Christian's  trial  in  these  events.  It  seems 
clear  that  the  servants  of  God  are  not  to  be  exempted  from  the 
coming  plagues  throughout,  though  some  of  these  are  specifi- 
cally limited  to  God's  enemies,  e.g.  those  of  cliapts.  9  and  16. 
The  meaning  is  rather  that  in  the  awful  calamities  of  the  last 
days  and  tlie  doom  of  the  world,  the  saints,  like  the  elect  in 
Ezekiel's  vision,  are  to  be  saved  from  destruction,  and  though 
they  must  suffer,  many  of  them  even  unto  death,  they  will 
finally  be  brought  in  safety  out  of  all  the  woe  into  the  eternal 
kingdom  ;  so,  many  recent  com.  e.g.  Bouss.  Baljon,  Moff. 

Diist.  takes  the  sealing  to  denote  security  against  apostasy.  But  this 
falls  short  of  its  scope.  Fidelity  unto  the  end  is  of  course  implied  as  a  con- 
dition, but  the  thought  is  broader,  including  the  result,  salvation.  Charles 
(Studies,  120  ff.)  makes  the  sole  purpose  of  sealing  security  against  demonic 
agencies,  as  in  G"*  it  is  expressly  stated  to  exempt  from  the  torments  of  the 
demonic  locusts ;  some  of  the  plagues  which  from  their  nature  must  affect 
all  alike,  e.g.  those  of  S'-'^^,  Charles  treats  as  interpolated  (ibid.,  146  ff.). 
But  at  this  point,  where  the  pause  is  made  for  the  purpose  of  safeguarding 
against  the  effects  of  opening  the  seventh  seal,  the  pledge  must,  as  indi- 
cated here  and  in  the  parallels  mentioned,  be  understood  to  secvire  against 
all  the  effects,  unless  some  special    limitation  is  intimated ;  and  the   de- 


VII.]  COMMENTARY  539 

structive  forces  set  in  operation  at  the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal,  the 
overwhelming  movements  in  heaven  and  earth,  in  face  of  which  the  Apoca- 
lyptist  is  seeking  to  encourage  the  Christians,  are  by  no  means  due  entirely 
to  demonic  agencies. 

(2)  vv.  9-17.  The  second  vision  of  the  chapt.  reveals  an  in- 
numerable company  before  the  throne  in  heaven  praising  God  and 
the  Lamb  for  their  finished  salvation.  Who  now  are  tlie  white- 
robed  throng  and  to  what  place  in  the  eschatological  period 
does  this  scene  belong?  Are  they  redeemed  Crentile  Christians 
as  contrasted  with  those  of  Israel  in  vv.  4-8  ?  Some  com.  have 
taken  them  so.  But  the  language  shows  them  to  be  of  all 
peoples,  without  distinction.  Are  they  martyrs  who  have  passed 
through  death  triumphantly  and  are  seen  thus  in  heavenly 
glory  at  the  end  ?  So,  many  com.  e.g.  B.  Weiss,  Bouss.  Or 
if  martyrs,  do  they  form  the  remainder  to  be  added  to  those 
'beneath  the  altar'  (6^"^^),  and  with  these  to  be  admitted  to 
the  final  glory  before  the  judgment?  So,  Ewald.  Or  still  again 
are  they  the  whole  company  of  the  redeemed  out  of  every  tribe  of 
men,  who  shall  stand  glorified  before  God  in  the  final  blessed- 
ness after  the  judgment?  So  most  earlier  and  the  larger  num- 
ber of  modern  scholars  take  them.  This  interpretation  seems 
certainly  correct.  The  redeemed  here  are  those  who  come  out 
of  every  nation  and  tribe,  a  frequent  expression  in  our  book  to 
denote  mankind  universally,  Jew  and  Gentile  alike  (^e.g.  5^,  leS'^, 
17^^);  and  they  are  here  in  no  way  distinguished  as  martyrs. 
These  latter  are  described  as  '  those  who  have  been  slain  for  the 
word  of  God  '  (6^),  and  'those  who  have  been  beheaded  for  the 
testimony  of  Jesus '  (20^) ;  but  the  multitude  in  this  vision  are 
those  who  '  have  washed  their  robes  in  the  blood  of  the  Lamb ' 
(v.  14),  a  characterization  of  all  saints  alike ;  cf .  1^,  5^.  The 
vision  then  is  a  revelation  of  the  whole  Church  brought  in 
safety  through  the  great  tribulation  into  the  blessedness  of  its 
finished  salvation.  The  passage  is  parallel  with  others  which 
picture  the  felicity  of  all  the  saints  in  the  consummation  after 
the  judgment.  Such  a  revelation  is  given  in  14^"^  and  15^"*; 
there  also,  not  the  martyrs  only  are  meant,  but  all  the  re- 
deemed of  the  earth  (14^),  all  who  have  gotten  the  victory  over 
the  beast  (152). 

Viewed  apart  from  the  Apocalyptist's  manner  the  interruption 


540  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VII. 

of  the  breaking  of  the  seals  at  this  point  and  the  insertion  of  a 
vision  apparently  so  out  of  place  would  be  inexplicable.  The 
incongruity  is,  however,  only  apparent.  It  is  the  author's  habit, 
followed  almost  universally,  to  introduce  at  a  great  crisis  or 
turning-point  just  such  an  anticipatory  passage  as  this,  looking 
beyond  the  immediate  connection  to  the  great  outcome  at  the 
end.  It  is  in  pursuance  of  his  art  in  throwing  light  into  his 
darkest  pictures.  His  aim  is  in  each  new  instance  to  encourage 
his  readers  in  the  face  of  the  calamities  foretold.  This  prin- 
ciple of  literary  structure,  one  of  the  author's  finest  character- 
istics, has  been  fully  shown  above,  pp.  244  ff.  At  the  juncture 
which  we  reach  at  this  point  in  his  revelation  we  should  there- 
fore expect  just  such  an  anticipatory  scene  as  we  find  here. 
The  seventh  seal  is  about  to  be  broken  ;  with  that  the  roll  will 
be  opened  and  the  long  series  of  awful  judgments  and  portents 
leading  up  to  Christ's  final  triumph  will  begin  its  course.  But 
before  the  terror  of  it  all  overwhelms  the  reader,  the  Apocalyp- 
tist  opens  to  him  a  glimpse  into  the  glory  and  blessedness  which 
lie  beyond  for  him  who  can  endure  unto  the  end. 

It  will  be  seen,  then,  that  the  two  visions  of  this  chapt.,  with 
all  the  dissimilarities,  relate  to  the  same  persons,  the  whole 
body  of  the  Church,  though  seen  in  different  stages  of  its  ex- 
perience. The  first  views  the  great  conflict  before  the  Church 
from  its  beginning,  and  pledges  the  guarding  care  of  God 
which  shall  bring  his  faithful  servants  through  the  calamities 
awaiting  them.  The  second  anticipates  the  scene  of  triumph 
when  all  is  finished,  when  the  accomplished  '  salvation '  is  the 
theme  of  the  heavenly  song  (v.  10).  The  first  is  the  promise; 
the  second,  is  the  promise  fulfilled.  Viewed  in  this  light,  in 
relation  to  the  events  now  about  to  be  unfolded,  the  whole 
episode  forms  a  passage  of  great  splendor  in  the  drama  of  our 
book. 

Many  scholars  regard  it  as  settled  beyond  question  that  the  two  visions 
cannot  refer  to  the  same  persons ;  the  one  body  numbers  definitely  144,000, 
the  other  is  innumerable  ;  the  one  is  composed  of  Israelites  only,  the  other 
of  men  of  all  nations ;  the  one  is  just  facing  tribulation,  the  other  has  al- 
ready passed  beyond  it ;  etc.  But  if  the  view  taken  above  of  the  real  mean- 
ing of  each  vision  is  correct,  these  objections  lose  their  force.  As  regards 
numbers  it  is  to  be  noticed  that  the  Apocalyptist  in  the  vision  of  the  sealing 
is  not  speaking  of  a  selection,  whether  great  or  small,  out  of  the  tribes  of 


VII.  3]  COMMENTARY  541 

Israel ;  tlie  idea  which  he  is  emphasizing  is  the  completeness  of  the  number, 
all  the  servants  of  God  are  to  be  sealed  (v.  :)),  and  he  hears  the  number 
when  the  sealing  is  finished  ;  all  the  twelve  tribes  have  been  sealed  and  in 
each  tribe  the  number  is  complete  ;  see  on  v.  4.  Between  this  symbolic  ex- 
pression of  completeness  in  the  first  vision  and  the  actual  innumerable 
throng  in  the  second  there  is  no  contradiction.  The  other  points  urged 
against  identity  are  met  in  what  has  been  said  above. 

(1)  First  part  of  the  Prelude.  The  Sealin^^  of  the  Servants 
of  God,  71-8.     See  pp.  266,  532  ff. 

1.  |JL€Td  TOVTO  €t6ov,  after  this  I  saw :  for  this  fonnuhi  mark- 
ing a  change  of  vision  see  on  4^.  —  Tto-o-apas  d-Y-yeXous,  four 
angels:  'the  spirits  of  the  winds'  are  meant;  cf.  'the  angel  of 
the  waters,'  16^;  see  pp.  70,  445.  The  figure  of  the  four  winds 
as  destructive  agencies,  or  as  connected  with  portents,  is  a 
familiar  one  ;  cf.  Jer.  49^^,  Dan.  1\  Zee.  6^.  The  winds  appear 
as  a  stereotyped  factor  in  eschatological  imagery ;  cf .  Dan.  lac. 
cit.;  see  also  Bouss.  Antichrist  246  ff.,  Gunkel  Schopfung  327  ff. 
As  such  they  were  doubtless  used  in  the  source  followed  by 
the  Apocalyptist  here ;  see  pp.  533  f.  —  5€v8pov,  tree:  cf.  v.  3. 
The  trees  seem  to  be  singled  out  as  being  especially  exposed 
to  the  force  of  the  winds.  The  construction  clianges  to  the 
ace.  to  express  that  against  which  the  force  is  directed,  while 
the  gen.  in  the  preceding  nouns  denotes  that  ivpon  whose  surface 
the  winds  blow.  If  irav  be  read  here,  it  signifies,  after  the 
negative  vb.,  any,  cf.  9^  Blass  §  51,  2  ;  Win.  §  26,  1. 

2.  diro  dvaxoXfjs  t|X.iov,  from  the  east:  lit.  the  sun-rising. 
Why  this  direction  is  specified  is  not  certain ;  perhaps  it  is 
merely  a  picturesque  feature  (Blj.),  perhaps  it  is  a  reminis- 
cence of  Ezk.  43^  where  the  glory  of  Jehovah,  whose  messenger 
in  our  passage  brings  the  seal  of  salvation,  is  said  to  come  from 
the  east  (Volter  OffenK  25). — I^covtos,  living:  this  epithet  of 
God,  frequent  in  later  Jewish  writings  (see  on  l^'*),  is  used 
appropriately  where  the  sure  accomplishment  of  his  purpose  for 
his  people  is  thought  of ;  cf .  10^  15^,  —  ots,  avroXs  :  see  on  3^. 

3.  a<|>pa'Yio'a)|JL€V,  we  shall  have  sealed:  the  pi.  includes  with 
the  speaker  his  helpers  in  the  work  of  sealing.  The  omission 
of  av  with  the  subjv.  after  a%/3t,  infrequent  in  classical  Gk. 
(GMT.  620),  is  the  rule  in  the  N.T.,  see  Blass  §  65,  10.— 
Toxis  SotiXous,   the  servants:  reference  is  made,  not  to  a  select 


542  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VH.  3 

number,  but  to  all  God's  servants,  to  whom  belongs  by  his 
promise  the  pledge  of  security.  —  lirl  tcov  ixexwirtov,  upon  their 
foreheads:  taken  directly  from  Ezk.  9*.  The  seal  corresponds 
to  the  mark  (^o-rjfielov^)  there  set  upon  those  who  are  to  be  deliv- 
ered. The  followers  of  the  Beast  also  bear  a  mark  (^^^payfia, 
never  <T(^pa<yk)  in  their  foreheads,  18^^.  What  the  mark  of  the 
seal  is,  is  not  important ;  14^  would  suggest  that  it  is  the  name 
of  God  ;  so  in  Is.  44^  (RVmrg.)  it  is  said  that  one  shall  'write 
on  his  hand.  Unto  Jehovah,'  in  allusion  to  the  branding  of  a 
slave  with  his  owner's  name ;  cf.  also  Hdt.  II.  113.  A  reference 
to  baptism,  found  by  some,  is  impossible  in  this  connection  ; 
moreover  the  figure  is  never  applied  to  baptism  in  the  N.T., 
though  occurring  in  post-apostolic  writings. 

4.  TJKouaa,  I  heard:  the  number  is  too  large  for  the  Seer  to 
count.  —  €o-(f)pa*Yto-[JL€VOL  €K  Trdo-ris  <j)i)\fis,  sealed  from  every 
tribe:  i.e.  there  were  sealed  ones  from  every  tribe,  not  144,000 
from  every  tribe,  a  sense  which  the  words  in  themselves  might 
have,  but  vv.  5-8  show  that  not  to  be  the  meaning  intended. 
The  words  are  added  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  every  tribe  is 
included.  And  the  number  12,000  in  the  following  enumera- 
tion, whether  due  to  the  Apocalyptist  or  found  in  his  source, 
is  as  used  here  intended  to  symbolize  completeness  (see  p.  254) ; 
every  member  of  every  tribe  of  God's  children  receives  his 
pledge  of  security  from  destruction.  The  unnecessary  naming 
of  each  several  tribe,  together  with  the  repeated  number  12,000, 
emphasizes  in  the  strongest  possible  way  the  inclusion  of  every 
member  of  God's  people.  —  The  nom.  ia(f)payiaix€voL  in  the 
appos.  phrase  follows  the  author's  usage. 

5-8.  The  list  of  tribes  given  here  is  probably  due  to  the 
source,  rather  than  to  the  Apocalyptist  himself.  The  order  of 
the  tribes  need  not  be  especially  considered  here.  Nineteen 
different  arrangements  of  the  names  are  found  in  the  O.T., 
with  none  of  which  does  this  list  agree.  For  a  good  tabular 
view  of  these  see  Hast.  IV.  811 ;  see  also  En.  Bib.  IV.  5208. 
Geographical  or  maternal  relations  determine  the  arrangement 
in  many  of  the  lists,  but  in  others  are  disregarded.  The  list  in 
this  chapt.  does  not  in  its  present  form  show  a  clear  principle 
of  order,  but  the  same  may  be  said  of  others.  There  are  in 
this  list  two  striking  peculiarities,      (1)  The  omission  of  the 


VII.  91  COMMENTARY  543 

tribe  of  Dan.  The  explanation  of  this  on  the  ground  that 
the  tribe  had  long  been  extinct  (De  Wette,  Ewald,  al.)  is 
insufficient,  since  this  is  true  of  other  tribes  also.  The  theory, 
that  an  original  Aav  in  the  Ms.  was  through  a  copyist's  error 
displaced  l)y  Mav  and  this  then  was  taken  for  a  contraction  of 
Mavacrarj  (Spitta,  «/.),  is  fanciful  and  is  generally  rejected. 
The  explanation  of  Irenajus  (V.  30,  2)  that  Dan  was  omitted 
because  it  was  believed  that  Antichrist  would  come  from  that 
tribe  appears  in  many  early  com.  and  is  widely  accepted 
among  recent  scholars  (e.g.  Erbes.  Bouss.  Blj.  J.  Weiss,  Moff. 
Swete).  This  belief  appears  to  have  arisen  from  a  rabbinical 
interpretation  of  such  passages  as  Gen.  49^^,  Jer.  8^^ ;  it  is 
expressed  in  Test.  Dan.  6^,  and  was  evidently  well  known  in 
the  early  centuries.  There  is  therefore  much  evidence  that 
the  tribe  of  Dan  was  held  in  disfavor.  (See  Bouss.  Ayitichrist 
171  ff.;  En.  Bib.  I.  997.)  A  Jewish  or  a  Jewish-Christian 
apocalyptist  might  therefore  have  thought  that  it  had  lost  its 
claim  to  a  place  in  the  messianic  kingdom,  and  that  another  of 
the  families  appearing  in  the  tribal  lists  should  be  substituted 
in  its  stead  to  fill  up  the  number  twelve.  The  name  is  omitted 
together  with  Zebulun,  or  evaded,  in  1  Chron.  7^2  (see  Hast.  II. 
130,  under  Aher,  En.  Bib.  I.  996,  n.  4).  It  is  noticeable  that 
other  names  also  are  omitted  from  one  or  more  of  the  lists, 
e.g.  Simeon,  Dt.  33,  Jg.  5 ;  in  the  latter  place  Judah  also ;  Gad 
and  Asher  in  1  Chron.  27.  (2)  Another  peculiarity  in  the 
list  is  the  presence  of  both  Manasseh  and  Joseph,  though  the 
former  is  included  in  the  latter.  This  occurs  in  no  other  list. 
The  name  of  Dan  being  omitted,  the  author  of  the  list  fills  up 
the  number  by  the  choice  of  one  of  the  two  names,  Ephraim 
and  Manasseh,  sons  of  Joseph,  which  appear  in  many  of  the 
lists.  Ephraim  may  perhaps  have  been  thought  less  suitable, 
because  it  is  so  often  used  as  the  designation  of  the  ten  northern 
tribes. 

(2)  The  second  part  of  the  Prelude.  An  anticipatory  vision 
of  the  redeemed  before  the  throne,  l^'^"*.     See  pp.  268,  539  f. 

9.  (JLCTO,  TavTa  €i8ov,  after  these  things  I  saw:  see  on  v,  1. — 
'6v,  avTov  :  see  on  3^.  —  €K  iravTos  t'Gvous  KT\.,from  every  nation, 
etc.  :    for  this  standing  expression  of  the  universality  of  the 


544  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VH.  9 

final  kingdom  see  on  5^.  —  to-TWTCS,  Tr€pip€pXTi|X€VO\)S :  both 
referring  to  o%\o9,  an  irregularity  in  construction  characteristic 
of  the  author.  — evwuiov  tov  6p6vou  ktX.,  before  the  throne,  etc.: 
the  picture  of  the  throne-room  and  the  various  orders  of  angels 
as  given  in  chapts.  4-5  reappears  here  in  detail,  vv.  9,  11,  13 ; 
hence  the  mention  of  the  Lamb,  which  some  critics  regard  as 
interpolated,  is  strictly  in  place.  The  language  in  vv.  15  ff., 
'  Shall  spread  his  tabernacle  over  them,'  etc.,  belongs  rather  to 
the  renewed  earth  as  the  abode  of  the  blessed,  as  in  chapt.  21 ; 
heaven  and  earth  are  blended  as  often  in  eschatological  repre- 
sentations. —  cTToXds  XeuKds  /ctX.,  tvhite  robes,  etc. :  these  are 
marks  of  festal  rejoicing,  especially  in  victory.  For  the  use  of 
palm  branches  cf.  Jno.  1213,  1  Mace.  IS^i,  2  Mace.  10^. 

10.  (TWTTipia  T(3  Gew  t]\i.S>v  ktX.,  salvation  to  our  Grod,  etc.  :  as 
in  12^^  191,  reference  is  made  to  the  accomplished  salvation  of 
the  saints ;  this  is  the  foremost  theme  of  praise.  The  form  of 
expression  ascribes  the  work  of  salvation  to  God  and  the  Lamb, 
as  in  V.  12  the  same  idiom  expresses  a  recognition  of  wisdom, 
etc.,  as  belonging  to  God  ;  see  on  l^'^^ 

11-12.  The  angel  hosts  join  in  rejoicing  over  the  salvation 
of  men,  cf.  Lk.  IS^".  With  the  initial  amen  they  affirm  in 
liturgical  manner  the  praise  just  uttered  by  the  redeemed,  and 
at  the  same  time  show  that  in  the  following  sevenfold  doxology 
each  several  ascription  to  God,  though  quite  general  in  itself, 
is  uttered  with  special  reference  to  the  final  salvation.  Upon 
the  wisdom  and  power  of  God  in  the  work  of  redemption,  cf. 
Eph.  31*^,  1^^.     With  this  doxology  compare  that  of  S^^. 

13.  du€Kpi9T],  ans'wei'ed :  no  question  is  implied  to  which 
answer  is  made  ;  the  word  is  used  here,  as  often  in  the  LXX 
and  the  N.T.,  in  imitation  of  the  Heb.  idiom,  to  introduce  an 
utterance  called  forth  by  something  which  has  preceded  ;  see 
Thayer,  s.v.  2. — No  special  symbolical  meaning  is  to  be  at- 
tached to  the  choice  of  an  Elder  as  the  speaker  ;  see  on  5^. 
For  the  dialogue  form  in  introducing  the  explanation  of  a 
vision,  cf.  Am.  7^,  82,  Jer.  1"'  13,  24^,  Zee.  42. 

14.  iipT\Ka  :  aoristic  perf.,  see  on  5'^.  — Kvpi€  |jlo\),  mi/  Lord : 
the  words  express  a  sense  of  subordinateness  in  the  speaker, 
but  imply  nothing  as  to  whether  the  person  addressed  is 
human  or  superhuman.  —  <tv  oi5as,  thou  knowest :    the  pron.  is 


VII.  15]  COMMENTARY  545 

emphatic  ;  ignorance  on  the  Seer's  part  is  implied.  Until  the 
vision  is  explained  he  cannot  certainly  recognize  in  the  heav- 
enly throng  those  whom  he  had  in  the  first  vision  seen  sealed. 
This  ignorance  of  the  Seer  does  not  furnish  an  argument  (so, 
Vischer  50)  against  the  identity  of  the  two  companies.  —  ol 
kpy6\y.€voi,  those  who  come:  the  explanation  of  Diist.,  those  who 
are  now  coming,  as  if  said  from  the  standpoint  of  present  ex- 
perience is  against  the  connection.  The  part,  with  the  art. 
forms  a  noun,  the  comers^  and  the  pres.  expresses  simply  the 
idea  of  the  vb.  without  reference  to  time  (cf.  Burton  §  123, 
Blass  §  58,  4  at  the  end)  ;  the  time  is  determined  by  the  con- 
text, which  in  this  case  shows  the  act  to  have  already  taken 
place  at  the  time  anticipated  in  the  vision  ;  ol  iXdovre'i^  those 
who  have  come,  might  have  been  used.  Cf.  rov<;  viK(t)VTa<;  15^, 
6  irXavoyv  20^*^.  The  theory  of  J.  Weiss  (70)  that  in  the 
original  apocalypse  the  idea  was.  Those  who  are  now  marching 
in  festal  procession  to  meet  the  Messiah  requires  violent 
changes  in  the  text.  —  ttis  6\i\|/€cos  ttjs  iie-ydXtis,  the  great  trib- 
ulation :  in  view  of  chapt.  7  as  a  preparation  for  all  that  follows 
the  breaking  of  the  last  seal,  the  tribulation  spoken  of  is  best 
understood  of  the  whole  series  of  woes,  which  are  to  come 
before  the  end :  there  is  nothing  which  points  to  any  one  par- 
ticular distress.  Cf.  Mt.  24^^.  —  €Tr\uvav  ktX.,  they  have  washed 
their  garments,  etc.  :  cf.  221"^,  Heb.  'd^\  1  Jno.  1'',  'The  blood  of 
Jesus  his  Son  cleanse th  us  from  all  sin '  ;  see  on  Rev.  1^.  The 
language  describes  all  Christians  alike  ;  there  is  nothing  to 
show  special  reference  to  martyrs  ;  see  pp.  539  f . 

15.  6id  TOVTO,  therefore  :  i.e.  because  they  are  purified  from 
all  sin.  —  XaTpevouo-iv,  serve:  the  word  denotes  here  the  ritual 
service  of  the  temple  ;  cf.  Heb.  8^.  All  the  redeemed  are 
priests  (51'')  ;  they  may  approach  near  to  God  and  perform  the 
sacred  service  in  the  heavenly  sanctuary,  which  only  priests 
might  enter.  For  the  heavenly  temple,  see  on  6^.  —  o-KT|vcbcr€L  tif 
avTOvSi  shall  spread  his  tabernacle  over  them  :  a/crjvovv  to  fix  07ie\s 
tent,  followed  by  fxerd,  iv,  means  to  dwell  among,  cf .  21 -^  Jno.  1^^ ; 
here  it  is  used  with  eVt,  because  the  tabernacle  of  God's  abode 
with  his  people  is  at  the  same  time  a  covering  of  protection 
spread  over  them.  This  representation  belongs  to  the  dwelling 
of  God  upon  the  new  earth  (21'^),  rather  than  to  the  throne- 
2n 


546  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VII.  15 

room  ;  see  on  v.  9.  The  tense  here  changes  to  the  fut.  The 
Seer,  at  first  beholding  what  stands  before  him  in  vision,  now 
becomes  the  prophet  speaking  from  the  standpoint  of  tlie 
present  and  foretelling  the  future.  This  latter  character  is 
maintained  through  the  following  verses,  which  also  have  in 
view  the  abode  of  the  saints  uj^on  the  renewed  earth.  It  is 
noticeable  that  v.  15  combines  the  three  places  of  the  redeemed 
—  the  heavenly  throne-room,  the  heavenly  temple,  and  the 
renewed  earth  ;  and  the  last  sentence  of  the  verse  unites  in  the 
subj.  ('he  that  sitteth  on  the  throne^}  and  the  pred.  ('shall 
spread  his  tabernacle,'  etc.)  the  two  abodes  of  God.  Readiness 
to  blend  different  aspects  of  the  same  thing  must  be  recognized 
as  a  characteristic  of  our  Apocalyptist,  and  must  be  taken  into 
account  in  estimating  some  of  the  difficulties  raised  by  critics 
regarding  the  structure  of  the  book. 

16-17.  The  prophecies  here  uttered,  taken  with  some  modi- 
fication from  the  O.  T.  promises  of  the  blessedness  awaiting 
Israel  on  its  restoration  from  captivity,  were  especially  suited 
to  bring  comfort  to  the  Christians  in  their  sufferings  and  per- 
secutions. The  source  of  most  of  the  passage  is  Is.  49^'^,  '  They 
shall  not  hunger  nor  thirst  ;  neither  shall  the  heat  nor  sun 
smite  them  ;  for  he  that  hath  mercy  on  them  will  lead  them, 
even  by  springs  of  water  will  he  guide  them.'  —  ovSe  irdv  Kavfia, 
nor  any  hurning :  cf.  Ps.  121^.  For  irav^  see  on  v.  1.— to 
dpviov  iroL|JLav€L,  the  Lamh  shall  he  their  shepherd  :  Christ  as  the 
shepherd  of  his  people  is  a  favorite  figure  in  the  Johannine 
writings  ;  cf.  Jno.  10,  21  ^^"i".  For  the  figure  in  the  O.  T.,  cf. 
Ps.  23i~2,  Ezk.  34^3.  — -  dvd  jieorov,  in  the  midst  of:  commonly  the 
phrase  means  between^  e.g.  1  Co.  6^  ;  but  here  apparently  equiv- 
alent to  ev  jxeacp^  in  the  midst  of.,  as  in  the  LXX,  Jos.  19^  ;  the 
Lamb  stands,  not  at  one  side,  but  in  the  foremost  place  before 
the  middle  of  the  throne  ;  see  on  5*^.  —  I^cdtis  iriryds  ii5dTo)V,  ///'e's 
water-springs :  a  frequent  figure  in  the  Johannine  books  ;  e.g. 
21^,  22^'  ^'^.,  Jno.  41*  ;  cf.  also  a/oro?  t?)?  ^tor)?,  bread  of  life.,  Jno. 
6^^  The  figures  denote  that  which  gives  life,  Jno.  4^*.  ^coj}?  is 
made  emphatic  by  its  position  between  the  preposition  and  its 
case,  cf.  Buttni.  p.  343.  The  gen.  may  depend  on  vhdrcov,  the 
peculiarity  in  order  is  then  like  that  in  aapKof  cnroOecn'i  pinrov, 
1  Pet.  321 ;   or  it  may  depend  upon  the  compound  expression 


CRITICISM  OF  VII.  547 

7raya<i  vhdrwv^  water-springs.  —  elaXcCij/eL  /ctX.,  shall  wipe  away 
every  tear.,  etc.,  cf.  21*;  taken  from  Is.  25*^.  'Words  like  these 
of  vv.  15-17  must  sound  as  a  divine  music  in  the  ears  of  the 
persecuted.     God  will  comfort  as  a  mother  comforts'  (Baljon). 

Textual  notes,  7^"^'.  1.  Before  SevSpov,  ■^i  is  read  in  CQ  most  min  Pr 
Lch  Tr  Alf  Ws  Sod  RV  ;  KP  some  min  R  Ti  WH  Blj  Sw  read  irav,  which  how- 
ever may  be  due  to  9*  21^^ ;  cf .  Ws  p  125  ;  A  reads  e-m  SevBpov.  —  2.  Instead 
of  avaToXrj<;,  A  "NA's  Lch  Wllmrg  read  avaroXwv ;  see  Ws  109.  —  3.  a^pi- 
KACP  edd ;  axpi<;  ov  Q  many  min  R ;  a^pts  av  some  min.  —  4.  A  omits 
rjKovaa  .  .  .  eacfypayia/x^yMv.  —  Instead  of  eacj^payia/xevoi,  Q  many  min  read 
€cr<f)payia-fxevwv.  —  5-8.  KAC'PQ  most  min  edd  read  eacfipayia-ficvoi  at  the 
beginning  and  the  end  of  the  list,  i.e.  with  lovSa  and  Bena/xuv,  but  omit 
it  with  the  other  names ;  some  min  R  insert  it  with  each  name.  A  few 
min  have  Dan  instead  of  Gad.  X  omits  Dan  and  'Simeon,  and  transposes 
Joseph  and  Benjamin.  —  9.  A  some  vers  Prim  Lch  Ws  Moff  omit /cat  iSov, 
reading  ox^^ov  for  o)(Xo<;.  —  eorwres  i^AP  min  R  nearly  all  edd ;  eo-rturas  Q 
many  min  Alf  Ws ;  earwroiv  C.  —  7repi/3e;8Ar//Aevoi;s  i?AC(i  n^in  edd ;  irepi- 
fSe/SX.rjfi.ei'oi  i\''F  some  min  R.  —  </)otvtKes  K°ACP  min  nearly  all  edd  ;  <^oiviKas 
mi  many  min  Ti.  — 11.  ELo-T-qKaaav  XAPQ  most  edd,  but  KAP  have  i  for  « 
in  the  augment,  a  spelling  due  to  copyists,  adopted  by  WH ;  R  has 
(.(TT7]K€aav,  of  uncertain  origin.  — 14.  Tr]<:  before  ^Ati/'tcos  and  fj-eyaX-q^  is 
omitted  in  A  Lch.  — 17.    ^wr;s  ^5APQ  min  edd  ;  ^wo-as  some  min  R. 

Criticisin  of  Chapt.  7.  The  apparent  absence  in  this  chapt.  of  relation 
to  the  context,  the  dissimilarity  in  the  two  visions  of  which  it  is  composed, 
and  the  special  Jewish  aspect  of  the  first  of  these  present  difficulties,  for  the 
solution  of  which  different  critics  have  offered  characteristic  theories.  The 
fundamental  questions  involved  have  been  considered  above.  If  the  inter- 
pretation there  given  is  correct,  it  meets  the  problems  of  the  passage  with- 
out raising  the  greater  difficulties  involved  in  theories  of  excision  and 
redaction.  In  addition  to  what  is  there  urged  on  exegeticcd  grounds  for  the 
unity  of  the  chapt.  and  its  appropriateness  in  this  place,  due  weight  should 
be  given  to  the  agreement  with  the  rest  of  the  book  not  only  in  language 
and  grammatical  peculiarities  (cf.  pp.  222  ff.)  but  in  eschatology  and  chris- 
tology.  It  will  be  enough  to  note  here  the  theories  of  representative  critics. 
(1)  w.  1-8.  The  Jewish  form  of  this  passage,  acknowledged  by  all  scholars, 
is  made  by  Vischer  a  part  of  the  argument  for  his  theory  that  the  book  was 
primarily  a  Jewish  apocalypse  (see  pp.  229  f.).  Having  eliminated  all  the 
Christian  elements  from  chapts.  1-6,  he  connects  this  passage  directly  with 
the  breaking  of  the  seven  seals.  Between  the  sixth  and  seventh  seals  a 
turning-point  is  reached ;  the  '  messianic  woes '  are  about  to  end,  and  the 
Messiah  will  then  come  to  establish  the  earthly  kingdom  expected  in  Jewish 
eschatology.  At  this  juncture,  therefore,  the  tribes  of  Israel  are  marked 
with  the  seal  as  those  who  are  to  share  in  this  glory  (46  ff.).  Spitta  (80 ff.) 
finds  here  the  beginning  of  the  first  Jewish  apocalypse,  which  the  Christian 


548  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VIII.-IX. 

redactor,  according  to  iiis  view,  used  iu  the  composition  of  liis  book.  Spitta 
sees  iu  the  passage  no  connection  with  chapts.  1-6,  nor  with  w.  9-17.  J. 
Weiss  (65  ff.)  takes  the  passage  to  have  been  primarily  the  work  of  a 
Jewish  Christian ;  it  referred  to  the  elect  of  Israel,  i.e.  those  who  should 
become  Christians  before  the  end,  those  who  by  the  seal  wei-e  distinguished 
from  the  rest  of  Israel  as  the  true  servants  of  God,  and  were  thus  marked  as 
destined  to  be  saved  from  wrath  in  the  judgment.  This  original  vision  has 
here  been  transformed  by  a  later  editor  and  made  to  represent  certain  elect 
Christians,  a  small  number,  who  shall  escape  martyrdom  and  the  last  and 
direst  plagues. 

(2)  vv.  9-17.  This  passage,  in  its  present  form  at  least,  is  distinctly 
Christian.  Vischer  acknowledges  that  to  apvcov,  the  Lamb,  cannot  here  be 
eliminated  and  he  holds  the  passage,  like  14^-^,  to  be  unquestionably  Christian 
in  its  origin.  It  therefore  has  no  place  in  his  original  Jewish  apocalypse, 
and  is  unsuited  to  the  present  connection  ;  it  is  an  addition  made  by  a 
Christian  editor  to  remove  difficulty  caused  to  him  by  vv.  1-8,  which  limit 
the  sealed  servants  of  God  to  the  tribes  of  Israel  (46  if.).  Volter  also 
makes  the  vision  a  later  addition ;  it  does  not  suit  the  connection  here,  the 
multitude  before  the  throne  cannot  be  identified  with  the  144,000 ;  as  with 
Vischer,  the  passage  is  due  to  one  who  with  the  spread  of  the  Church  saw 
that  the  elect  could  not  be  limited  to  a  small  number  from  the  people  of  the 
Jews  {Offenh.  27  f.).  On  the  other  hand  Spitta  takes  these  verses  as  a  part 
of  his  Christian  Ur-apocalypse ;  it  has  no  connection  with  w.  1-8,  and  be- 
longs to  the  triumph  of  the  end  which  will  follow  the  breaking  of  the 
seventh  seal ;  8^  is  then  transferred  in  Spitta's  plan  so  as  to  precede  these 
verses,  and  the  apocalypse  ended  with  a  few  verses  added  from  later  chapters. 
According  to  this  theory,  the  prejxtrator//  part  of  the  book,  consisting  of  the 
first  six  chapts.,  which  would  lead  one  to  expect  a  large  and  complex  apoca- 
lypse to  follow,  suddenly  culminates  with  a  very  brief  conclusion.  Weyland 
(150  ff.),  agreeing  with  Vischer  in  the  theory  of  an  original  Jewish  apoca- 
lypse, differs  from  him  in  erasing  from  vv.  8-17  all  Christian  traces,  and  all 
the  other  elements  at  variance  with  a  literal  interpretation  of  w.  1-8,  and 
so  makes  the  remainder  of  vv.  9-17  a  prophecy  of  an  exact  fulfillment  of 
what  is  promised  in  vv.  1-8.  Erbes  (50  ff .)  removes  the  difference  between 
the  two  passages  by  the  reverse  process ;  he  eliminates  the  Jewish  elements 
from  the  first  part  by  dropping  out  w.  4-8,  making  both  parts  Christian ; 
w.  9-12  then  contain  the  fulfillment  of  w.  1-3.  Erbes  rejects  w.  13-17 
also.  According  to  J.  Weiss  (68  ff.)  this  second  vision  referred  primarily  to 
the  whole  Church  gathered  together  out  of  every  nation  after  its  victory, 
not  in  heaven,  but  on  earth  and  moving  in  festal  procession,  perhaps  to 
meet  the  coming  Messiah ;  but  in  the  present  form  the  editor  has  changed 
the  scene  to  heaven  and  the  persons  to  martyrs,  who  have  passed  through 
death  to  the  heavenly  presence. 


Chapts.   VIII-IX.       The  first  series  of  visions  follotving  the 
opening  of  the  roll  at  the  breaking  of  the  last  seal.     See  pp.  269  f . 


VIII.  1]  COMMENTARY  549 

(1)  The  immediate  sequel  of  the  breaking  of  the  seal,  8^"^^ 
See  p.  269.  (2)  The  offering  of  incense  on  the  golden  altar 
of  heaven,  8'^~*^.  See  p.  270.  (3)  The  vision  of  the  first  six 
trumpets,  8^-9^^  See  pp.  270  f.  (a)  The  first  four  trum- 
pet-visions, S'^-i^;  (5)  the  woeful  cry  of  an  eagle  in  mid- 
heaven,  8^^ ;  (c)  the  fifth  trumpet- vision,  the  plague  of  demonic 
locusts,  9^~^;  (c^)  the  sixth  trumpet-vision,  the  plague  of 
fiendisli  horses,  9^^~^^. 

By  the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal  the  roll  of  destiny  is  now 
at  length  opened.  But  not  even  here,  when  the  book  is  open, 
nor  in  chapt.  6  when  the  six  preliminary  seals  are  successively 
broken,  is  anything  said  of  actually  reading  from  the  roll  a 
description  or  prophecy  of  the  coming  events.  Its  prophetic 
contents  are  instead  revealed  dramatically  in  the  visions  which 
follow  the  breaking  of  the  seals  and  correspond  to  the  respec- 
tive portions  of  the  roll ;  see  on  5^,  6^.  We  have  seen  that  the 
visions  of  the  earlier  seals  (chapt.  6)  tell  of  those  more  ordi- 
nary judgments,  war,  famine,  etc.,  the  beginnings  of  woes,  which 
are  only  preparatory  to  the  last  times  (see  p.  264)  ;  but  now 
that  the  roll  is  opened  we  have  in  the  corresponding  visions 
the  whole  vast  cycle  of  the  last  things  which  follow  the  begin- 
nings of  woes,  i.e.  the  awful  plagues  which  more  immediately 
precede  the  end,  the  appearance  of  the  supreme  forces  of  evil, 
the  final  conflict,  and  all  the  other  events  issuing  in  the  consum- 
mation of  the  kingdom.  The  main  contents  of  the  roll  as 
contrasted  with  what  may  be  called  its  preface,  disclosed  in 
the  first  six  seal-visions,  must  include  according  to  common 
apocalyptic  expectation  such  a  series  of  vast  movements  before 
the  actual  end.  And  the  august  scenes  of  the  introduction  to 
our  book  as  given  in  the  first  five  chapts.  show  a  work  of 
these  large  proportions  to  have  been  contemplated  in  the 
Apocalyptist's  plan.  We  should  expect  then  at  this  point  not 
an  immediate  entrance  of  the  end  (so,  some  com.,  see  pp.  572, 
531),  but  what  we  find,  only  the  great  movements  more  directly 
leading  up  to  it. 

(1)  Immediate  sequel  of  breaking  the  seventh  seal,  &-~'^.  See 
above,  also  p.  269.  1.    oxav :   this  use  of  orav  instead  of  ore 

(cf.  6^''''^' ''*'■)  with  a  past  ind.  when  a  single,  not  iterative,  act 
is  meant  lacks  support ;   if  retained,  it  is  probably  a  late  inac- 


550  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VIII.  1 

curacy ;  see  Blass  §  65^.  The  cases  cited  in  Burton  §  316  are 
not  parallel.  —  t]voi|€V,  he  opened:  the  subj.  of  the  vb.  is  the 
Lamb,  as  in  cliapt.  G.  Chapter  7  is  parenthetical,  and  the  scene 
of  the  heavenly  throne-room  with  God  and  the  Lamb  as  repre- 
sented in  chapts.  4-6  is  here  continued.  —  l-yevcTo  o-i-yTJ,  tJiere 
followed  a  silence:  such  a  pause  of  profound  stillness  gives 
striking  dramatic  effect  to  the  opening  of  the  scene.  The  long 
silence  is  interpreted  by  most  com.,  probably  with  right,  to 
signify  the  awe  and  dread  with  which  the  heavenly  hosts  await 
the  events  now  coming  upon  the  earth  ;  they  stand  mute  before 
the  revelations  of  the  opened  book  of  destiny ;  cf .  Dan.  4^^ 
(RV).  Possibly,  however,  reference  may  be  made  merely  to 
the  staying  of  the  trumpet-blasts  till  the  service  of  incense- 
offering  shall  have  been  accomplished.  The  angels  receive  the 
trumpets  at  the  opening  of  the  scene,  but  they  stay  the  use  of 
them  till  the  tokens  in  the  earth  (v.  5)  show  that  the  prayers 
of  the  saints  have  been  graciously  received.    See  further  p.  572. 

Interpretations  which  make  the  silence  a  symbol  of  the  eternal  rest  of 
the  saints  following  the  end,  or  the  millennium,  or  similar  states  in  the 
destiny  of  the  Church,  are  at  variance  with  the  situation ;  it  is  a  silence  in 
heaven,  i.e.  of  the  heavenly  hosts,  and  precedes  chronologically  the  events 
of  the  trumpet-blasts,  in  other  words,  the  whole  series  of  last  things.  Some 
(B.  Weiss,  al.)  find  in  the  silence  a  symbol  of  a  temporary  cessation  in  the 
revelations  given  to  the  Seer.  But  the  close  connection  with  w.  2  ff.  shows 
that  such  a  cessation  does  not  occur ;  the  formula  for  a  new  vision,  ixtra 
Tavra  eiSov  (see  on  4')  is  not  used  to  introduce  any  of  these  verses.  Charles 
(Studies  1.54  f.)  explains  the  silence  as  one  enjoined  upon  the  hosts  of 
heaven,  an  arrest  of  their  praises,  in  order  that  the  prayers  of  the  suffering 
saints  on  earth,  which  concern  God  more  than  the  psalmody  of  the  angelic 
orders,  may  be  heard  before  him.  But  whether  or  not  the  prayers  of  men 
may  be  thovight  to  take  precedence  of  the  praises  of  angels,  place  for  both 
has  already  been  found  in  connection  with  the  breaking  of  the  seals ;  5^,  6"*. 

i^|xia>pov,  half  an  hour:  in  a  drama  of  events  moving  so 
rapidly,  this  would  seem  to  denote  a  long  pause.  It  is  one 
in  which  there  is  rising  to  God  incense  for  the  prayers  of  the 
whole  company  of  the  saints  pleading  for  his  coming  to 
judgment. 

2.  Tovs  eiTTd  ctwcXous,  the  seven  angels:  the  art.  shows  that 
certain  angels  well  known  by  this  designation  are  meant ;  and 
this  is  made  specific  by  the  added  words ;  they  are  the  seven 


VIII.  3]  COMMENTARY  551 

who  stand  before  God,  i.e.  the  seven  archangels  of  familiar 
Jewish  angelology ;  of.  Tob.  12^^,  '  I  am  Raphael,  one  of  the 
seven  holy  angels  which  present  the  prayers  of  the  saints,  and 
go  in  before  the  glory  of  the  Holy  One.'  For  other  mention 
of  these  see  e.g.  En.  81^,  9021^-,  Test.  Lev.  S^;  in  En.  20  their 
names  are  given  (in  the  Gk.  text)  ;  among  these  the  most 
familiar  are  Michael  and  Gabriel,  cf.  Lk.  1^^,  '  I  am  Gabriel 
that  stand  in  the  presence  of  God.'  The  angels  are  not  said 
to  enter  here  ;  they  are  already  present  as  part  of  the  host 
attending  on  God  in  the  throne-room.  The  mention  of  them 
here  for  the  first  time  is  not  at  variance  with  the  earlier  repre- 
sentation (see  p.  571)  ;  it  is  rather  the  appearance  of  another 
detail  as  the  scene  in  the  visionary  manner  gradually  develops, 
just  as  the  roll,  the  Lamb,  etc.,  are  not  thought  of  at  first,  but 
later,  as  the  vision  advances.     See  on  5^. 

The  Jewish  doctrine  of  an  order  of  angels,  consisting  of  seven,  standing 
higher  than  the  others  and  in  a  nearer  relation  to  God,  is  thought  by  many 
to  be  traceable  imtorically  to  an  early  Oriental  belief  in  seven  planet-guds 
Hebrew  monotheism  in  taking  up  such  a  tradition  transformed  the  gods  into 
angels.  Cf .  Gunkel  Sclwpfung  294  ff. ;  Bouss.  Jud.  319  ff.,  Moff.  on  Rev.  l^". 
But  while  there  are  probable  grounds  for  this  supposition,  it  is  certain  that 
the  Apocalyptist  has  no  thought  of  such  an  origin ;  he  bases  his  representa- 
tion here  as  elsewhere  on  familiar  Jewish  beliefs  and  traditions.  While 
the  seven  Spirits,  seven  stars,  seven  eyes,  seven  lamps,  etc.,  may  have  sprung 
primarily  from  a  single  conception  of  Oriental  polytheism,  there  is  no  such 
connection  in  his  thought.  Certainly  there  is  no  identification  of  the  seven 
angels  of  this  passage  with  the  seven  Spirits  of  1*,  4^,  5^ ;  see  notes  in  loc. 

eSoG'qo'av  atixots  /crX.,  there  were  given  to  them.,  etc. :  the  angels 
as  first  seen  do  not  hold  the  trumpets ;  these  are  given  to  them 
as  the  first  step  in  the  unfolding- of  the  scene.  The  act  portends 
momentous  announcements ;  these  however  are  delayed  by  the 
interlude  of  the  incense-offering,  vv.  3-5. 

(2)  Offering  of  incense  on  the  heavenly  altar,  8^~^.  See 
pp.  549,  270.  This  prelude  to  the  seven  trumpet-blasts  given 
in  these  verses  expresses  the  familiar  thought,  the  agency  of 
the  prayers  of  the  saints  in  bringing  in  the  judgment  of  the 
world  and  the  fulfillment  of  the  kingdom ;  see  on  6^  ^•.  That 
the  prayers  here  referred  to  are  the  cries  of  the  saints  for  judg- 
ment, as  in  &*  ^^  is  shown  in  vv.  4-5  in  the  immediate  connection 
of  the  prayers  with  the  manifestation  of  God's  wrath  and  the 


552  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VIII.  3 

tokens  of  his  judgments  coming  on  the  earth.  1  he  same  con- 
nection is  intended  in  the  allusion  to  the  altar  in  9^^,  14^^. 
The  events  that  follow  this  episode  of  incense-offering,  as  one 
trumpet  after  another  sounds,  are  the  answer  to  these  prayers 
of  the  suffering,  expectant  Church. 

3.  dWos  ct-yycXos,  another  angel:  for  the  variety  of  agents 
see  on  5^.  —  eiri :  at;  for  the  meaning  of  eVi  cf.  Amos  9^ 
Ac.  5^^,  cf.  also  iirdvo)  2  Chron.  26^^. — to-O  6\)o-iao-TT|piou,  the 
altar:  whether  the  altar  of  the  first  clause  (3'^)  be  identified 
with  the  golden  altar  at  the  end  of  the  verse  (3^),  or  distin- 
guished from  it,  the  significance  of  the  angel's  act  and  of  what 
takes  place  afterwards  is  not  affected.  The  angel  makes  the 
offering  on  the  golden  altar  of  incense  to  help  the  prayers  of 
the  saints,  and  the  sequel  (v.  4)  represents  the  relation  of  these 
prayers  to  the  coming  events. 

The  altar  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  v.  3  and  in  v.  5  is  taken  by 
many  to  represent  in  the  heavenly  temple  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  in 
distinction  from  the  golden  altar  of  incense  spoken  of  at  the  end  of  v.  3. 
The  acts  of  the  angel,  then,  as  explained  by  the  late  temple  ritual  (cf. 
Schurer  II.  354  f.),  are  as  follows:  he  comes  first  to  the  altar  of  burnt- 
offering  in  the  temple  court,  from  which  he  takes  coals  of  fire  (cf.  Lev.  IQ^"^, 
Num.  IG"*^),  then  passing  within  he  casts  these  upon  the  altar  of  incense 
and  burns  the  incense  thereon ;  then  returning  to  the  altar  of  burnt-offering 
he  fills  the  censer  with  coals,  and  hurls  these  upon  the  earth.  Thus  the 
Apocalyptist  is  supposed  to  conceive  of  heaven  under  the  form  of  the 
earthly  temple  with  its  two  altars  and  complete  in  all  its  parts  —  a  concep- 
tion then  held  by  some  critics  to  be  in  conflict  with  the  idea  of  the  throne- 
room  in  chapts.  4-6  (see  p.  571)  and  so  the  work  of  a  different  author. 
The  grounds  for  this  understanding  of  the  altar  in  vv.  3*  and  5  are  (a)  that 
the  word  when  used  without  added  specification  always  refers  to  the  altar 
of  burnt-offei'ing ;  (b)  that  the  phrase  '  the  golden  one  before  the  thi'oue,' 
added  to  the  word  in  3''  shows  the  altar  there  meant  to  be  different  from 
that  of  3  .  These  grounds  ai'e,  however,  not  conclusive.  In  14^^  and  16'' 
the  mention  of  the  altar  appears  to  allude  to  the  prayers  of  the  saints  (see 
notes  there),  but  these  are  connected  in  the  author's  thought  with  incense, 
cf .  5^,  8^  *• ;  so  that  the  meaning  there  is  best  taken  to  be  the  altar  of  incense, 
and  yet  there  is  no  specification  added ;  and  this  reference  is  confirmed  by 
a  comparison  of  141^  (see  note  there)  with  9^^  —  the  altars  are  probably  the 
same,  and  the  latter  (9^=^)  is  the  golden  altar  of  incense.  The  altar  in  8^ 
also  is  better  referred  to  the  altar  of  incense,  see  note  there.  As  regards 
the  second  ground  (A),  our  author's  tendency  to  use  an  indefinite  term  and 
afterwards  make  it  definite  by  repetition  in  more  specific  form  (see  p.  242) 
renders  reference  to  two  different  altars  uncertain.     But  it  must  be  added 


VIII.  5]  COMMENTARY  553 

that  even  if  both  altars  are  thought  of  in  our  passage,  there  is  no  conflict 
with  chapts.  4-6  affecting  the  unity  of  the  book,  for  the  merging  of  the  two 
ideas,  the  temple  and  the  seat  of  God's  throne,  as  well  as  the  transition  of 
the  one  idea  into  the  other,  is  too  easy  and  well  attested  in  poetic,  especially 
apocalyptic,  conceptions  to  furnish  critical  difficulty.     Cf .  pp.  524  f. 

XiPavwTov  censer:  elsewhere  the  word  denotes  incense^  but 
the  epithet  golden  shows  that  the  instrument  is  meant  here. 
Tradition  assigned  censers  of  gold  to  Solomon's  temple,  1  K.  7^*^, 
those  of  brass  to  the  tabernacle,  Ex.  38^.  —  ttoXXo.,  much :  be- 
cause the  incense  is  to  accompany  the  prayers  which  are  rising 
from  all  the  saints,  the  marytrs  (6^  ^•)  and  all  the  living  as  well. 

—  8(oo-ei:  give^  i.e.  offer.  For  StSco/juL  in  connection  with  offerings 
cf.   Lk.   224,  Rev.  49.     For  the   fut.   ind.   with   tva  see  on  39. 

—  Tats  'Trpoo'€U)(^aLS,  in  behalf  of,  i.e.  to  help,  the  prayers :  dat. 
commodi;  see  on  5^.  The  incense,  viewed  as  an  offering  pleas- 
ing to  God,  makes  the  prayers  thus  accompanied  more  accept- 
able to  him.  There  is  in  our  passage  no  idea  of  a  mediatorial 
service  of  the  angel,  as  of  one  through  whom  the  prayers  are 
presented  to  God;  the  prayers  are  rising  directly  to  God  from 
the  whole  Church;  but  they  are  enforced,  so  to  speak,  by  the 
accompanying  incense.  A  mediatorial  service  is  attributed  to 
angels  in  the  Apocrypha  and  pseudepigraphic  writings  (cf. 
Tob.  1212. 15^  En.  93,  Test.  Lev.  3^  al)  but  not  in  the  N.  T. 
Such  a  doctrine  is  not  supposable  in  our  book  in  which  the 
priesthood  of  all  believers,  i.e.  their  immediate  access  to  God, 
is  strongly  emphasized. — to  6i)(riao-TTJpiov  .  .  .  Opovov,  the 
golden  altar  before  the  throne :  cf .  Q^^  ;  the  altar  of  incense,  as 
shown  by  the  word  golden;  cf.  Ex.  30^  *^-,  Lev.  4^'''. 

4.  dvepT),  Tats  'irpoo'eu)(^ais  €va)Trtov  kt\.,  ivent  np,  before  Grod, 
in  behalf  of  the  prayers  :  see  on  v.  3. 

5.  The  offering  of  incense  is  now  followed  by  assurance  of 
answers  to  the  prayers  of  the  saints.  Fire  from  the  heavenly 
altar  cast  upon  the  earth  and  the  accompanying  disturbances  in 
nature  symbolize  the  wrath  of  God  about  to  visit  the  world  in 
judgment.  Similar  tokens  are  given  with  the  seventh  trumpet- 
blast  1119,  r^j-^(j  ^]^g  emptying  of  the  seventh  bowl  IG^^.  The 
scene  is  in  part  parallel  with  Ezekiel's  vision  (10^),  in  which 
coals  of  fire  from  between  the  cherubim  are  scattered  over 
Jerusalem  in  token  of  God's  judgment.      The  immediate  connec- 


554  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VIII.  5 

tion  in  our  passage  between  tlie  portents  and  the  prayers  with 
which  the  incense  is  offered  favors  the  interpretation  of  the 
altar  in  this  verse  as  that  upon  which  the  incense  was  burned. 

—  eL\Ti(})ev,  took :  aoristic  perf . ;  see  Blass  §  59,  4,  Burton  §  80. 
The  word  is  thought  by  some  interpreters  to  imply  that  the 
angel  had  laid  aside  the  censer  and  now  takes  it  up  again. 
The  inference  is,  however,  not  certain;  the  pleonastic  use  of 
Xa/mffdveiv,  common  in  the  partic.  (Kiihn  II.  §  486,  6,  A  10) 
seems  to  occur  in  the  finite  forms  also,  cf.  Mt.  IS^*',  Jno.  19^3; 
see  Blass  §  74,  3 ;  cf .  also  the  pleonastic  use  of  take  in  colloquial 
English.  — Tov  irupds,  the  fire:  that  of  the  burning  incense,  if 
that  altar  be  meant. — c'PaXcv,  east:  the  obj.  of  the  vb.  is  the 
fire,  or  the  censer  filled  with  fire;  the  difference  is  immaterial. 

—  (})(ovai,  voices:  as  in  4^,  the  noises  of  the  storm. 

6.  The  seven  angels  perceive  the  meaning  of  the  portents, 
and  know  that  the  time  for  their  part  in  the  great  drama  is 
reached;  they  prepare  to  sound  their  trumpets  and  usher  in  the 
judgments  which  shall  fulfill  the  prayers  of  God's  people.  — ■ 
tva  aaXirio'ojo'iv :  for  iva  with  subjv.  instead  of  an  obj.  infin. 
see  Blass  §  68,  1;  Burton  §§  211-212. 

(3)  Vision  of  the  first  six  trumpets,  S''~9'^^.  See  pp.  549, 
270. 

The  seven  archangels  now  sounding  their  trumpets  one 
after  another  introduce  a  series  of  visions  which  taken  together 
reveal  the  coming  events  to  the  end.  Whether  certain  great 
episodes  which  interrupt  the  sequence,  e.g.  10^^11^^,  are  to  be 
taken  as  parts  of  particular  trumpet-visions  need  not  be  con- 
sidered here.  The  first  six  trumpet-visions  are  occupied 
wholly  with  plagues;  the  seventh  is  so  occupied  in  part.  This 
preponderance  given  to  visitations  of  God's  anger  is  character- 
istic of  apocalyptic  literature  in  general,  which  belonging  as  it 
does  to  times  of  persecution  emphasizes  the  vengeance  of  God 
upon  the  enemies  of  his  people.  Moreover  in  the  Last  Times, 
as  viewed  in  our  Apocalypse,  the  Lord's  utterance,  '  The  gospel 
must  first  be  preached  unto  all  nations,'  Mk.  13^^,  is  thought  of 
as  already  fulfilled.  The  judgments  foreseen  are  those  sent 
upon  the  world  as  now  finally  arrayed  in  hostility  to  that 
gospel.  There  are  not  wanting  however  intimations  that  a 
purpose  of  mercy  persists  through  all.     Israel's  conversion  is 


VIII.  6]  COMMENTARY  555 

still  aimed  at  (see  on  3^)  and  the  possibility  of  repentance  in 
all  as  the  result  of  warning  judgments  is  implied;  of.  9^0  ^-^  16^; 
pp.  311  f.  The  forms  of  the  plagues  described  here  are  similar 
in  part  to  those  sent  upon  Egypt  —  for  all  time  types  of  God's 
punishment  of  his  enemies  —  and  in  part  to  other  calamities 
elsewhere  predicted  for  the  Last  Times.  But  the  parallelism  of 
the  plagues  of  our  book  with  these  is  not  exact;  here,  as  every- 
where, a  suggestion  in  passing  through  our  Apocalyptist's 
vision  receives  transformations  and  additions;  it  is  a  suggestion 
only. 

The  seven  trumpet-visions  like  those  of  the  seven  seals 
(see  on  6^)  fall  into  two  groups  of  4  -|-  3,  and  here  as  there 
the  sixth  and  seventh  visions  are  separated  by  a  long  episode 
(101-1113).  A  division  into  two  groups  of  4  -{-  3  is  marked  by 
the  insertion  of  S^^;  the  distinction  appears  also  in  the  subject- 
matter.  The  plagues  of  the  first  four  fall  directly  upon  the 
natural  world,  the  earth,  the  sea,  the  rivers  and  fountains,  and 
the  luminaries;  the  indirect  effect  upon  men,  though  thought  of, 
is  barely  mentioned.  But  in  the  remaining  three  the  judgments 
are  sent  directly  upon  men,  or  the  effect  upon  men  is  especially 
emphasized.  The  seventh  vision  differs  in  other  respects  also 
from  those  of  the  first  group  (see  on  ll^^).  Only  within  limits 
is  a  gradation  to  be  observed  in  the  progress  of  the  judgments. 
Comparing  the  three  series,  those  of  the  seals,  the  trumpets,  and 
the  bowls,  we  find  the  first  to  consist  in  only  ordinary  and 
natural  phenomena,  though  of  severity,  while  in  the  second  and 
third  series  a  supernatural  element  is  added,  and  the  suffering 
is  wider  and  severer  than  in  the  first.  In  the  third  series  as 
compared  with  the  second  the  fierceness  of  God's  wrath  is  more 
distinctly  insisted  on  as  present,  and  the  anger  of  men  against 
God  in  their  torments  becomes  violent.  But  it  is  evident  that 
the  plagues  are  not  thought  of  as  increasing  in  severity  regularly 
toward  a  final  climax;  their  effect  is  rather  made  to  consist  in 
the  cumulative  force  of  inevitable  succession. 

(3,  a)  The  first  four  trumpets,  8^-12.  See  pp.  549,  270. 
These  first  four  trumpet- visions  virtually  form  a  single  four- 
fold vision ;  they  follow  one  another  in  quick  succession  and 
introduce  a  group  of  portents  which  affect  mankind  through 
the  awful  disasters  wrought  miraculously  in  the  realms  of  the 


556  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [VIII.  7 

earth  and  the  heavens.  The  third  part  smitten  in  each  case 
represents  the  vast  reach  of  the  cahimity,  at  the  same  time  a 
limit  is  set ;  the  hirger  part  is  reserved  to  a  later  stage  in  the 
history.  The  points  of  similarity  between  these  plagues  and 
those  sent  upon  Egypt  make  it  unnecessary  to  seek  for  sugges- 
tions of  the  scenes,  as  some  com.  do,  in  historical  storms,  vol- 
canic eruptions,  etc.,  known  to  have  occurred  in  the  first  cen- 
tury in  the  regions  of  the  Mediterranean,  especially  as  these  do 
not  furnish  a  sufficiently  close  parallelism.  The  very  nature 
of  the  disasters  is  such  that  the  Christians  and  their  enemies 
alike  would  be  involved  in  the  effects  (see  on  S^^').  It  is  doubt- 
ful, however,  whether  this  consequence  is  in  the  author's  mind. 
His  purpose  is  to  give  a  powerful  picture  of  calamity  sent  upon 
mankind  at  large  through  awful  miracles  in  nature,  as  a  part  of 
the  'messianic  woes.'  The  absence  of  strict  realism,  natural 
enough  in  visions,  is  apparent  in  the  illogical  results  intro- 
duced. The  darkening  of  a  part  of  the  luminaries  diminishes, 
not  the  intensity,  but  the  duration  of  light;  a  single  burning 
star  falls  upon  a  third  part  of  all  the  rivers  and  fountains  of 
the  earth  ;  fire  burns  amid  a  rain  of  hail  and  blood.  Clearly  a 
strict  relation  of  cause  and  effect  is  not  in  the  mind  of  the 
Apocalyptist  here ;  he  is  intent  on  describing  a  marvelous 
scene  as  a  whole,  without  attention  to  realistic  details. 

7.  The  storm  of  mingled  hail  and  fire  is  parallel  to  that  of 
the  Egyptian  plague  of  hail,  Ex.  9'^«-  ;  cf.  Ps.  18i3.  The  ad- 
dition of  blood  here  may  be  suggested  by  the  first  Egyptian 
plague,  Ex.  7"  ^- ;  cf .  also  Joel  2^0.  A  rain  of  fire  and  blood 
is  included  among  eschatological  portents  in  Sib.  Or.  V.  377  f. 
—  €V :  frequent  with  fxiyw/jit  in  the  sense  among  (cf.  Kiilin.  II, 
§  425,  1,  A  1)  is  here  tvith;  the  usual  construction  is  with  avv, 
fierd,  or  the  simple  dat.  — to  rpiTov,  the  third  part :  see  p.  251, 
also  above,  p.  555. — tt^s  -yTis,  the  earth:  the  surface  of  the 
earth  with  what  was  upon  it  is  meant.  The  trees  and  grass 
are  therefore  included,  but  the  writer  after  his  manner  (cf.  p. 
242)  adds  to  the  general  term  a  specification  of  certain  par- 
ticulars. Therefore  '  all  the  green  grass '  refers,  not  to  that  of 
the  whole  earth,  but  to  that  of  the  third  part  here  spoken  of, 
and  the  words  of  9*  offer  no  difficulty  (see  p.  572)  ;  cf.  v.  10 
where  similarly  the  limitation  of  the  springs  of  the  waters  to  a 


VIII.  10]  COMMENTARY  557 

third  part  of  the  whole  is  intended,  but  not  distinctly  men- 
tioned ;   see  note  there. 

8-9.  The  turning  of  water  into  blood  in  this  the  second 
plague,  and  the  destruction  of  the  fish  are  taken  from  the  first 
Eg3^ptian  plague;  Ex.  7*^"-.  —  ws  opos  /crX.,  as  it  were  a  great 
mountain,  etc.  :  a  burning  mass  as  large  as  a  mountain  is 
hurled  out  of  the  heavens  into  the  sea.  The  fire  consumes  the 
ships ;  the  effect  upon  the  waters  attributed  to  it  in  the  vision 
is  perhaps  traceable  to  the  frequent  juxtaposition  of  fire  and 
blood  in  imagery  of  this  kind ;  see  on  v.  7.  A  suggestion  of 
the  imagery  in  this  vision  is  not  to  be  sought,  as  some  suppose, 
in  the  great  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  79  a.d.,  or  the  volcanic  dis- 
turbances in  the  jEgean  islands,  as  at  Thera.  The  phenomena 
are  dissimilar.  In  part  parallel  with  the  representation  here  is 
En.  18^^,  '  I  saw  there  seven  stars  like  great  burning  moun- 
tains';  cf.  En.  21^  also  Sib.  Or.  V.  158,  'Then  shall  come  a 
great  star  from  heaven  into  the  divine  sea.'  —  rd  €\ovTa : 
appos.  to  KTca-fidrcov;  for  the  nom.,  see  p.  224.  —  8i€(J)0dpTi(rav : 
the  pi.  is  probably  due  to  the  nearness  of  ttXolcov. 

10-11.  The  corruption  of  the  drinking-water  is  also  taken 
from  the  first  Egyptian  plague,  but  the  means  used,  worm- 
wood, is  suggested  by  its  familiar  use  as  a  symbol  of  divine 
punishment ;  cf .  Jer.  9^^,  '  I  will  feed  them  with  wormwood, 
and  give  them  water  of  gall  to  drink,'  cf.  also  Jer.  SS^^, 
Lam.  S^^'^''.  A  parallel  to  the  falling  star  is  pointed  out  in 
Persian  eschatology,  in  which  the  star  Gurzihar  falls  as  a  sign 
of  the  last  catastrophe  (Boklen,  87,  90;  Volter,  Offenb.  30). 
Cf.  also  Sib.  Or.  V.  158,  quoted  above  on  v.  8.  To  suppose 
the  star  to  have  burst  into  dust,  so  as  to  be  scattered  over 
many  waters  (Bouss.  Holtzm.-Bau.,  al}  is  to  insist  on  a  realism 
wanting  throughout  the  four  plagues ;  see  p.  556.  —  rds  Trti-yds 
Ttov  iiSdroDV,  the  spri^igs  of  the  waters :  not  all  of  the  springs  — 
though  the  expression  would  imply  this  —  but  only  a  third  part, 
as  shown  by  v.  11,  the  third  part  of  the  waters  became  wormwood. 

—  TO  ovo|j.a  «tX.,  the  name,  etc.  :  the  star  is  named  from  its  ef- 
fect. —  e^cvTO  €is  dv|/iv6ov,  became  \oormtvood :  the  waters  became 
impregnated  with  wormwood ;  the  words,  died  of  the  ivaters, 
show  that  they  were  not  changed  into  wormwood  (so,  Swete). 

—  iroXXol  dirtBavov,    many  died :  wormwood  is    not   a   poison. 


558  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [VIH.  11 

though  poisonous  effects  were  sometimes  attributed  to  it,  cf. 
Jer.  91'^.  It  is  not  said  here  that  all  who  drank  of  the  waters 
died ;  they  all  suffered  and  with  many  the  suffering  resulted  in 
death.  In  all  these  four  plagues  the  punishment,  not  the 
death,  of  men  is  aimed  at  ;  the  death  of  those  mentioned  here 
is  only  incidental.  This  plague  like  the  others  works  its  effect 
upon  a  third  part  of  that  upon  which  it  is  sent,  the  waters  ; 
and  thus  as  a  dread  sign  it  touches  all  men,  not  a  third  part 
only.  The  analogy  between  this  plague  and  the  others  of  this 
series  of  four  would  be  destroyed,  if  a  third  part  of  men  were 
said  to  have  died.  There  is  therefore  no  ground  for  the  sup- 
position (J.  Weiss,  75)  that  the  writer  has  substituted  ttoWoI 
for  TO  rpiTov  to  avoid  anticipation  of  the  sixth  plague  in  which 
a  third  part  of  men  is  killed,  'd^'^.     See  p.  572. 

12.  The  fourth  plague  is  taken  from  the  Egyptian  plague  of 
darkness,  Ex.  lO-^  «• ;  cf .  also  Is.  IS^o,  Joel  2^1,  Am.  8^.  The 
power  of  the  plague  consists  in  the  horror  of  absolute  darkness 
displacing  for  a  considerable  time  the  full  light  of  day  and  the 
partial  light  of  the  night.  —  Lva  (7Kotio-0t|  :  grammatically  this 
could  be  taken  as  a  purpose  clause  (RVj,  but  the  analogy  of 
the  other  members  in  this  fourfold  series  shows  that  result  is 
intended  (AV).  For  'iva  with  subjv.  or  fut.  ind.  in  a  clause 
expressing  result  see  Blass  §  69,  3,  end.  —  to  rpiTov  atiTfis,  for 
the  third  part  of  it :  on  the  inconsequence  of  this  result  see  p. 
556.  The  diminution  of  the  intensity  of  the  light  by  one  third 
would  not  constitute  a  plague  analogous  to  the  others  in 
severity. 

(3,  b).  The  woeful  cry  of  an  eagle  in  mid-heaven,  8^^.  See 
pp.  549,  270,  The  introduction  of  the  eagle's  proclamation 
marks  in  a  formal  way  the  division  of  the  seven  trumpet-visions 
into  two  groups  of  4  -|-  3 ;  it  also  falls  in  with  the  author's 
fondness  for  inserting  an  interlude  at  transitional  points ;  see 
pp.  254,  244  ff.  The  first  four  trumpet-visions  are,  to  be  sure, 
visions  of  woe,  but  the  forewarning  cry  sent  forth  here  to  all 
the  world  indicates  that  the  woes  now  coming  are  especially 
grievous.  We  reach  here  a  transition  in  the  character  and  the 
scope  of  the  plagues.  The  first  four  are  sent  directly  upon  a 
part  of  the  world  of  nature,  and  upon  men  indirectly ;  and 
though  fraught  with  warning  to  all  men,  they  actually  inflict 


IX.  1]  COMMENTARY  559 

suffering  on  only  a  part ;  or  in  the  fourth  the  suffering  is  only 
temporary.  P)Ut  the  fifth  and  sixth  plagues  (chapt.  9)  are  sent 
directly  upon  the  persons  of  men ;  they  assail  the  whole  world 
of  God's  enemies  and  are  of  a  peculiarly  poignant  and  demonic 
character.  Of  the  three  woes  announced  by  the  eagle  (v.  13) 
the  Apocalyptist  does  not  in  the  seventh  trumpet-vision  dis- 
tinctly name  the  third ;  but  if,  as  is  probably  true,  it  is  found 
in  the  series  of  visitations  represented  by  the  bowl-plagues 
taken  as  a  whole  (chapt.  16,  see  notes  there),  that  woe  would 
belong  in  general  characteristics  with  the  first  and  second  woes, 
those  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  trumpet-visions,  rather  than  with 
the  plagues  of  the  first  four  trumpet  visions  (8'"^^^. 

evds :  used  as  the  indef.  art.;  cf.  9^^,  18^1,  19^';  see  Blass 
§  45,  2.  —  dero-O  /crX,.,  eagle,  etc. :  the  herald  of  the  proclamation 
is  the  strongest  of  birds,  flying  in  mid-heaven  where  all  can  see 
him,  and  crying  with  a  loud  voice  which  all  can  hear.  For  the 
eagle  as  a  messenger,  cf.  Ap.  Bar.  77^9.  —  kv  |JL€o-ovpavTi|jLaTi, 
in  mid-heaven:  cf.  14^,  19i\  —  o-uai,  woe:  uttered  thrice  conform- 
ably to  the  three  woes  which  are  to  come.  —  tovs  KaTOLKovvxas 
€Trl  TT^s  yy\S,  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth:  not  all  are  meant, 
but  the  wicked,  as  seen  from  9*'^'';  see  on  3^0,  The  ace.  here 
and  in  12^2  after  the  exclamation  ovai  is  wholly  irregular  and 
cannot  be  explained ;  the  dat.  is  the  regular  construction,  e.g. 
Mt.  2323,  Yik  6^4  ;  see  Blass  §  37,  3.  —  Tr\%  o-dXTri-yyos  :  the  sing, 
because  the  word  defines  <f>cov(ov  with  adjectival  force,  the  blasts 
of  the  trumpet,  i.  e.  the  trumpet-blasts. 

Textual  notes,  S^-^^.  1.  orav  AC  edd ;  ore  i^PQ  min  R  (as  in  all  the 
parallels  in  chapt.  6)  Bou^.  —  3.  tov  dvaiaa-Trjpiov  (before  ^x*^^)  ^CQ  min 
edd  ;  to  Ovaiaa-TrjpLov  AP  some  min  R.  —  Swcrei  t<AC  most  edd ;  BcDar)  PQ 
min  R  Sod  Bouss.  —  9.  hit4>dap-qa-av  SAP  min  edd ;  Su(j>6aprj  Q  min  R.  — 
13.  aerov  SAQ  most  min  and  vers  edd  ;  ayycAov  P  some  min  arm  R.  — 
TTCTO/xevov  most  sources  edd  ;  Trerw/xevoi;  Q  some  min  R.  —  rous  Karoi/couvras 
S(^  most  min  edd  ;  rots  KaroiKova-Lv  AP  some  min  R. 

(3,  c)  Fifth  trumpet-vision  ;  the  plague  of  demonic  locusts, 
91-12^  See  pp.  549,  270.  Locusts,  which  form  one  of  the  most 
dreadful  scourges  of  the  East,  flying  in  dense  swarms  that 
spread  over  many  miles  of  the  heavens  and  darken  the  sun,  and 
settling  on  large  areas  of  the  earth,  where  the  young  devour 
every  shred  of  green  before  them,  are  often  mentioned  in  the 


560  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [IX.  1 

Scriptures  as  the  instruments  of  GocVs  anger.  They  form  one 
of  the  Egyptian  plagues,  Ex.  10^^*^-;  and  the  prophet  Joel, 
chapts.  1-2,  in  a  passage  of  terrible  power  describes  a  visitation 
from  them  as  a  harbinger  of  the  great  day  of  the  Lord.  It  is 
from  this  passage  of  the  prophet  that  our  Apocalyptist  takes 
the  suggestion  of  the  form  of  the  woe  in  this  the  fifth  trumpet- 
vision,  as  one  of  the  nearer  forerunners  of  the  end.  This  sig- 
nificance of  the  locust-plague  and  a  few  details  in  the  description 
are  clearly  derived  from  the  O.  T.  prophet,  but  all  else  is 
different.  The  locusts  of  this  vision  are  fabulous  creatures, 
they  touch  no  green  thing,  they  attack  men  only,  they  come 
out  of  hell  and  they  torture  with  hellish  stings.  Their  char- 
acteristics are  in  part  taken  with  fantastic  exaggeration  from 
those  of  the  natural  locusts  ;  some  of  the  features  are  not  im- 
probably derived  from  mythological  fancies  preserved  in  popular 
tradition.  The  use  which  the  Apocalyptist  makes  of  the  sug- 
gestions of  the  prophet  Joel  from  which  he  starts,  and  his  com- 
plete transformation  of  the  nature  and  activity  of  the  locusts, 
are  highly  illuminative  of  his  freedom  in  treating  derived 
imagery. 

1.  darepa  .  .  .  yi\v,  I  saw  a  star  tvhich  had  fallen  from  heaven 
to  the  earth :  the  seer  does  not  speak  of  beholding  the  star  fall  ; 
the  important  thing  with  him  is  what  follows  the  fall.  The 
abrupt  transition  from  the  form  of  a  star  to  that  of  a  person, 
without  mention  of  it,  is  in  accord  with  our  author's  manner; 
see  pp.  248  f.  The  stars  moving  in  wonderful  order  across 
the  sky  were  quite  naturally  thought  of  by  primitive  peoples  as 
divinities,  or  at  least  living  beings ;  hence  the  prevalence  of 
star -worship.  The  belief  that  they  possessed  a  conscious  per- 
sonal nature  was  accepted  in  popular  Jewish  cosmology,  cf. 
Jg.  5^^,  Job  38" ;  even  if  in  these  cases  the  word  be  taken  as 
merely  a  poetic  figure,  yet  the  figure  attests  the  early  popular 
conception.  This  belief  is  most  distinctly  expressed  in  Enoch ; 
cf .  21*^, '  These  are  of  the  number  of  the  stars  of  heaven  which 
have  transgressed  the  commandment  of  the  Lord  and  are  bound 
here  till  ten  thousand  years,  the  time  entailed  by  their  sins, 
are  consummated';  cf.  90"%  18^'^*-;  also  Jude  v.  13.  The  star 
of  our  passage  is  an  agent  sent  from  heaven  in  the  service  of 
God ;  cf .  20^.     The  identification  of  him  with  Satan,  based  on 


IX.  4]  COMMENTARY  561 

a  comparison  of  Lk.  10'^  with  Rev.  12^  (so,  Alford,  wZ)  is  cer- 
tainly wrong ;  Satan  nowhere  appears  in  the  book  as  an  agent 
employed  by  God  to  carry  ont  a  divine  ordering,  such  as  the 
sending  of  this  plague  upon  the  world.  The  form  in  which  the 
star  is  conceived  as  he  receives  the  key  is  evidently  that  of  a 
man ;  the  same  representation  occurs  in  En.  88^,  '  He  seized 
that  first  star  .  .  .  and  bound  it  hand  and  foot';  cf.  86^^-, 
where  the  stars  appear  as  animals.  —  t]  kXcIs  tov  <t>p€aTos  Tf|S 
dPTJcrcrou,  the  key  of  the  pit  of  the  abyss:  d/Svaaos^  the  abyss^  is 
the  underworld ;  in  a  few  instances  used  in  a  general  sense 
equivalent  to  Sheol,  e.y.  Ro.  10%  Ps.  71^^;  then  specifically  of 
the  abode  or  prison  of  evil  spirits,  e.y.  Lk.  8^^,  so  in  this  chapt. 
and  elsewhere  in  Rev.,  cf.  11^  20^'''.  —  cfipeap,  lit.  well  or  cistern, 
is  the  pit  itself  as  in  Ps.  55^^,  69^^ ;  this  suits  the  exact  meaning 
of  the  word  better  than  chasm  or  shaft,  i.e.  communicating  with 
the  abyss,  as  some  take  it.  The  abyss  is  represented  as  closed 
and  locked;  cf.  20^' ^  Slav.  En.  42\  '  I  saw  the  key-holders  and 
guards  of  the  gates  of  hell.' 

2-3.  The  language  of  v.  2'"^  is  a  reminiscence  of  Ex.  19^^; 
that  of  V.  2'\  of  Joel  2^^.  —  KaTTVos,  smoke :  i.e.  from  the  fires  of 
Gehenna.  The  meaning  is  not,  as  some  take  it,  that  the  dense 
swarm  of  locusts  forms  a  smoke-like  cloud  darkening  the  sun, 
for  these  come  out  of  the  smoke.  —  If  avroi<;  instead  of  avral'i  is 
adopted,  the  mas.  is  used  because  the  locusts  are  thought  of  as 
the  personal  agents  of  God.  —  €|o\)(ria,  power :  the  particular 
power  meant,  that  of  torment,  is  described  more  fully  in 
vv.  5,  10.  — ol  CTKopiriot  Ti^s  "YilS,  the  scorjnons  of  the  earth:  the 
scorpions  meant  are  of  the  kind  known  to  men,  while  the  locusts 
are  demonic. 

4.  The  marvelous  nature  of  the  locusts  appears  in  the  object 
of  their  attack;  unlike  the  ordinary  locust  they  do  not  ravage 
vegetation,  they  assail  men  only.  —  tva  dSiKTiaouaLV :  for  the 
construction  see  on  8*^.  —  ovhk  irdv  ScvSpov,  nor  any  tree :  the 
particular  specification  of  the  trees,  already  included  in  the 
general  term,  green  thing  (cf.  7^'^,  8'''),  seems  less  appropriate 
here;  it  is  perhaps  the  retention  of  a  stereotyped  form  in  which 
the  tree  is  mentioned  as  the  most  conspicuous.  — el  [XTJ,  except : 
for  this  elliptical  use  of  el  firj  without  influence  on  the  construc- 
tion, see  Burton  §§  471,  274.  ^tovs  dvGpcbirous  oixives,  /crX,., 


562  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IX.  4 

such  men  as  have  not  the  seal,  etc.:   i.e.  all  except  the  saints;   cf. 

5-6.  The  relief  of  death  is  denied  to  the  tormented.  —  iva 
diroKTeivwcTLV,  ^a(Tavi(xQr\(TOVTai:  for  the  construction,  see  on  8^. 
—  |XT^vas  irevTC,  Jive  months :  visitations  of  locusts  in  the  East 
are  confined  to  the  warm,  dry  season,  about  five  months,  favor- 
able for  the  development  of  the  eggs.  While  these  may  occur 
at  any  time  in  the  course  of  this  period,  the  monsters  of  the 
vision  work  their  torment  continuously  throughout  the  whole 
time.  —  With  V.  6  cf.  Job  321. 

7.  The  plague  of  the  locusts  is  described  briefly  in  vv.  1-6, 
with  reference  to  their  origin  and  their  power  to  torment.  The 
Apocalyptist  now  in  vv.  7-11  adds  a  more  detailed  description 
of  the  form  of  the  monsters,  their  terrible  array,  and  their 
manner  of  torture.  Some  repetition  is  inevitable  (but  see  on 
V.  10).  Their  actual  torture  as  in  vv.  3-6  is  in  their  sting, 
but  the  other  attributes  here  assigned  them  are  meant  to  be 
significant  as  increasing  the  terror  they  produce.  — 6|i0L(0|xaTa, 
forms,  shapes :  properly  forms  made  in  the  likeness  of  some- 
thing; cf.  Ro.  1^3,  Phil.  2''.  In  appearance  the  locusts  are  like 
war-horses,  a  comparison  taken  directly  from  Joel  2*;  but  a 
certain  resemblance  is  often  fancied  to  exist  between  the  head  of 
a  locust  and  that  of  a  horse,  and  the  hard  thorax  of  the  insect 
might  suggest  the  breast-shield  (jrpocrrepvihLov)  of  the  war-horse. 
There  is  an  Arab  saying  often  quoted  in  illustration  of  our 
passage  to  the  effect  that  the  locust  has  a  head  like  a  horse,  a 
breast  like  a  lion,  feet  like  a  camel,  a  body  like  a  serpent,  and 
antennae  like  the  hair  of  a  maiden.  Also  the  Italian  cavalletta, 
locust,  is  referred  to  as  expressing  the  fancied  likeness  to  a 
horse,  cavallo.  —  aT€<j)avoi  crotvns  :  it  is  difficult  to  connect  this 
feature  with  any  belonging  to  the  natural  locust;  a  glistening, 
yellowish-green  protuberance  on  the  thorax  (De  Wette,  al} 
could  hardly  suggest  it.  Like  the  human  face  and  the  scorpion- 
like tail  it  is  probably  an  invention  of  fancy  to  give  terrible- 
ness  to  the  appearance  of  the  monsters. 

8-9.  Tpi)(as,  hair :  not  improbably  suggested  by  the  antennae 
of  the  locust;  see  quotation  above  on  v.  7.  ^656vt€S,  Xcovtwv, 
teeth,  of  a  lion :  taken  from  Joel  1*^,  and  suggested  by  the 
voracity   of   the   locust    in    devouring    vegetation.  —  6<opaKa?, 


IX.  11]  COMMENTARY  563 

breast-plates:  see  on  v.  7.  —  f)  ({xovi]  tojv  irTtpxiYtov  /crX.,  the 
soimd  of  their  wings,  etc. :  the  loud  rushing  sound  made  by  the 
wings  of  a  SAviftly  flying  swarm  of  locusts  is  often  spoken  of; 
it  suggests  the  comparison  with  a  host  of  chariots  driving  to 
battle,  adopted  here  directly  from  Joel  2^.  —  itr-ircov:  the  word 
seems  superfluous  here,  and  is  rejected  by  many  (Ewald, 
Bouss.  al)\  rpexovTwv  may  have  seemed  to  a  copyist  inappro- 
priate to  dpfxaTcov.  But  Swete  cites  apfiara  rptuKoaia  ittttcov, 
I  Kings  12-^",  LXX. 

10.  This  is  not  a  mere  repetition  of  vv.  3,  5;  the  scorpion- 
like  tails  with  stings  are  here  mentioned  as  the  equipment  of 
the  locusts  for  inflicting  the  torture  there  attributed  to  them; 
so  far  as  stated  in  vv.  3,  5  the  scorpion-like  sting  might  be 
inflicted  by  some  other  organ.  —  [x-qvas  irevTC,  Jive  mo7vths :  see 
on  V.  5. 

11.  The  likeness  of  the  host  of  supernatural  locusts  to  an 
advancing  army  dominates  the  preceding  representation ;  ap- 
propriately then  they  are  conceived  to  have  a  commander,  and 
one  who  adds  to  the  terribleness  of  the  array,  the  angel  of  hell. 
—  €X,OD(nv  pactXea  tov  d-yyeXov,  they  have  the  angel  as  king,  or 
a  king,  viz.  the  angel:  the  difference  is  not  material.  With  a 
quite  different  thought  the  author  of  Prov.  30^"  says.  The 
locusts  have  no  king.  —  tov  a"Y"Y€\ov  Tfjs  dp-Ocraou,  the  angel  of 
the  abyss :  not  Satan,  who  does  not  appear  at  this  stage  in  the 
history  of  the  book,  but  the  angel  who  is  over  the  pit  ;  the 
abyss  like  everything  else  has  its  special  angel  presiding  over 
it;  see  pp.  70,445. — For  the  abyss  see  on  v.  1. — 'ApaSSwv, 
Abaddon:  the  word  meaning  destruction,  or  place  of  destruction, 
becomes  a  proper  name  equivalent  to  Sheol,  Hades  (e.g.  Job 
26^,  Prov.  15^1)  ;  it  is  such  in  cases  where  personification  is 
intended  (e.g.  Job  28^^),  as  Death  and  Hades  are  personified 
in  our  book,  cf.  6^.  The  Apocalyptist  gives  the  name  to  the 
angel  of  hell  and  translates  it  into  Greek  by  'ATroXXwcoy  (partic. 
of  uTToWv/xi^,  Apollyen,  Destroyer.  Compare  the  giving  of  the 
name  Wormwood,  as  expressive  of  the  effect  to  be  wrought,  8^^. 
Some  (Bouss.  Holtzm. -Bauer,  aZ. )  find  in  the  name  ApoUyon 
an  indirect  allusion  also  to  the  god  Apollo,  one  of  whose  sym- 
bols was  the  locust  and  to  whom  plagues  and  destruction 
were   in  some  cases  attributed   (see  Roscher,  Lex.  d.    G-riech. 


564  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IX.  11 

11.  Rom.  Mythol.  s.v.);  this,  however,  to  say  the  least  seems 
uncertain. 

12.  Cf.  8^^  11^^. — T|  ovai:  the  exclamation  ovai  used  sub- 
stantively would  naturally  take  the  neut.  art.  It  appears  with 
a  designation  of  gender  in  our  author  only,  and  as  fem.  The 
peculiarity  is  generally  explained  as  due  to  the  presence  of 
some  such  equivalent  a,s  dXlyjri'i  or  TaXanrcopia  in  the  writer's 
thought;  see  Thayer  s.v.;  Win.  §  27,  6,  note  2. — t|  p,ia:  the 
first;  for  this  meaning  cf.  Mt.  28^,  Blass  §  45,  1. — diTTiXeev, 
is  past:  not  now  at  the  time  of  the  author's  writing;  he  speaks 
from  the  standpoint  of  the  future,  inserting  this  comment  to 
mark  the  end  of  the  description  of  the  first  woe. — £px,€Tai : 
the  wholly  irregular  sing,  is  possibly  to  be  justified  by  the  fact 
that  the  vb.  precedes  its  subject ;  see  Win.  §  58,  4,  note  1, 
Kiihn.  II,  §  3(37,  1-2.  But  this  construction  does  not  occur 
in  the  N.  T.;  it  is  poetic  and  chiefly  confined  to  elvaL  and 
'yi'yvtadaL.  The  word  ovai  cannot  be  regarded  as  neut.  here 
(so,  B.  Weiss,  al)  ;  such  a  change  of  gender  is  not  supposable 
in  clauses  so  closely  connected.  The  reading  is  probably  an 
error  of  the  writer  or  a  copyist. 

(3,  d)  Sixth  trumpet-vision;  the  plague  of  fiendish  horses, 
913-21.  See  pp.  549,  271.  In  the  plague  of  the  sixth  trumpet- 
vision,  the  second  woe,  the  Apocalyptist  as  before  takes  a  sug- 
gestion from  familiar  eschatology.  The  irruption  of  a  mighty 
army  riding  upon  horses  forms  one  of  the  striking  predictions  of 
Ezekiel's  prophecy  (38^^  ^•),  and  from  his  time  on  an  invasion 
of  a  fierce  host  becomes  a  standing  event  in  visions  of  the  Last 
Days;  e.g.  Is.  52«ff-,  Jer.  li*"-,  Q^'-,  Joel  39«-,  Zee.  142,  2  Es. 
1334,  En. '901%  Sib.  Or.  III.  663.  But  the  horse  appears  as  an 
essential  figure  in  the  late  Jewish  pictures  of  an  invading  host ; 
e.g.  Is.  528,  Jer.  4^3,  47^,  50*2,  Ezk.  26'' i^  Hab.  l^.  Ass.  Mos.  3^. 
These  representations,  then,  furnish  what  may  be  regarded  as 
the  origin  of  the  Apocalyptist's  vision  in  this  passage.  In  so 
far  as  these  invasions  described  in  earlier  apocalyptists  relate 
to  the  events  of  the  end,  the  plague  is  commonly  thought  of  as 
sent  upon  God's  people  and  not  as  here  upon  their  enemies. 
But  that  is  the  case  also  with  the  plague  of  the  locusts.  It  is 
only  the  general  form  of  eschatological  calamity  that  furnishes 
the  Apocalyptist  with  his  type.     The  application  of  the  figure. 


IX.  13]  COMMENTARY  565 

as  often  with  him,  is  quite  different  from  its  primary  use.  He 
finds  in  the  familiar  eschatological  imagery  of  the  irruption  of 
a  fierce  cavalry  host  an  example  of  a  calamity  set  for  the  last 
time,  and  he  takes  the  most  conspicuous  figure,  the  horse,  and 
transforms  it  into  a  fiendish  monster,  as  he  had  done  with  the 
locusts.  The  fabulous  form  and  activity  which  he  gives  to 
these  instruments  of  God's  anger  are  doubtlesss  the  product 
of  his  own  fancy,  or  perhaps  may  in  part  be  suggested  by  some 
figure  preserved  in  popular  mythology. 

The  fear  prevailing  in  the  first  century  \\.v.  and  later  of  an 
invasion  of  the  Roman  empire  by  the  Parthian  hordes  from 
beyond  the  Euphrates  caused  apocalyptists  of  this  period  to 
associate  the  eschatological  invaders  with  these  ;  they  placed 
the  home  of  the  armies  of  the  Last  Days  in  the  East,  as  in  an 
earlier  time  it  had  been  placed  in  the  north  ( Jer.  B'-^^,  Ezk.  38^'^) ; 
cf.  En.  56^*-,  'In  those  days  the  angels  shall  return  and  hurl 
themselves  to  the  east  upon  the  Parthians  and  Medes ;  they 
shall  stir  up  the  kings  .  .  .  and  they  [the  kings]  shall  go  up 
and  tread  under  foot  the  land  of  His  elect  ones.'  It  is  prob- 
ably this  association  of  these  eschatological  hosts  with  the 
Parthians  of  the  East  that  furnishes  to  our  Apocalyptist  the 
subordinate  feature  of  his  vision,  the  location  of  the  troop  of 
horses  on  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  v.  14.  To  find  in  vv.  13- 
19,  as  many  scholars  do,  a  fantastic  description  of  a  Parthian 
invasion,  actual  or  feared,  is  to  exaggerate  the  relation  of  the 
imagery  of  the  Apocalypse  to  contemporary  history.  If  that 
were  intended,  the  horsemen  would  form  the  principal  figures ; 
but  they  are  barely  mentioned,  no  activity  in  the  infliction  of 
the  plague  is  attributed  to  them,  and  there  is  no  allusion  to 
the  characteristics  of  the  Parthians.  The  fabulous  horses  with 
their  marvelous  powers  (vv.  17-19)  are  alone  the  agents  of  the 
plague.  The  location  of  the  host  at  the  Euphrates  is  the  only 
feature  distinctly  traceable  to  the  popular  dread  of  the  Par- 
thians.    (Cf.  Gunkel  216  f.) 

13.  <}>(0VTiv  .  .  .  Tov  0COV,  a  voice  from  the  horns  of  the  golden 
altar  tvhich  is  before  God :  the  altar  here  designated  as  the  altar 
of  incense  (see  on  8^)  is  that  especially  associated  with  the 
prayers  of  all  the  saints  in  the  introduction  to  the  trumpet- 
visions  (8^~^).      Thus  the  command  which  comes  forth  from  its 


566  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [IX.  13 

horns,  i.e.  its  corners,  is  represented  as  in  answer  to  those  eric 3 
for  judgment  ;  of.  6^  8'^*^-,  141^,  16'''.  The  connection  between 
the  command  given  and  the  prayers  is  made  more  vivid  by  the 
poetic  personification  of  the  altar,  which  as  in  16^  utters  its 
voice ;  the  latter  passage  shows  that  the  voice  is  not  that  of 
God,  God  is  addressed  there.  The  command  is  of  course 
understood  as  in  accord  with  God's  will.  —  |Jiiav  :  indef .  art. ; 
see  on  8^^. 

14.  Only  in  this  vision  does  the  angel-trumpeter  become  an 
actor  in  the  event  to  follow.  In  the  first  woe  an  angel-star  is 
made  the  immediate  agent  (v.  2)  ;  here  in  keeping  with  the 
paramount  significance  of  the  vision  (see  p.  271)  the  ofiice  is 
performed  by  one  of  the  seven  archangels.  —  Xe-yovxa  :  instead 
of  Xeyovaav.,  construct,  ad.  sens.  —  6  e'xwv :  for  the  nom.  see  p. 
224. — -Tovs  T€cr(rapas  d'yveXous,  the  f<mr  angels:  these  angels 
are  evidently  the  leaders  of  the  invading  host  of  horses,  though 
not  distinctly  so  designated ;  this  is  implied  in  their  being 
loosed,  and  especially  in  the  fact  that  the  purpose  for  which 
they  are  said  to  be  loosed,  the  destruction  of  a  third  part  of 
men  (v.  15),  is  executed  by  the  host  (v.  18),  i.  e.,  they  are  iden- 
tified with  the  host  which  they  marshal.  The  monsters  of  this 
woe  then,  like  those  of  the  first  (v.  11),  are  under  supernatural 
leadership.  — -  SeSsixevous,  hound  :  as  ministers  of  God's  purpose 
they  are  kept  bound  till  the  divinely  appointed  time  for  their 
work  has  come  ;  cf .  what  is  said  of  the  winds  in  7^"^.  —  tcS 
TTOxajtw  TcS  ixe-ydXco,  the  great  river :  a  standing  epithet  of  the 
Euphrates,  cf .  Gen.  15i8,  Dt.  1^,  Jos.  IS  Rev.  I612.  — Ev(|)pdTT), 
Euphrates:  cf.  16^2.  The  Euphrates,  the  great  river  of  Assyria 
and  Babylonia,  the  chief  enemies  of  Israel,  is  in  the  prophets 
put  by  metonymy  for  these  countries  to  designate  the  place 
whence  punishment  would  be  sent  by  God ;  cf .  Is.  7^°,  8",  Jer. 
46^^.  It  also  formed  the  Roman  empire's  eastern  boundary, 
from  beyond  which  the  dreaded  Pai'thians  would  come.  Hence 
it  came  to  figure  in  eschatological  imagery. 

The  four  amjels  at  the  Euphrates.  It  is  clear  that  the  author  does  not 
identify  these  angels  with  those  of  7^ ;  their  place,  condition,  and  function 
are  different.  The  article  however  marks  them  as  familiar  figures.  A 
difficulty  arises  also  from  the  number  four ;  it  has  no  significance  so  far  as 
is  indicated  in  the  account  of  tlie  host  of  horses ;  it  would  be  appropriate 


IX.  17]  COMMENTARY  567 

to  a  host  moving  out  into  the  four  quarters  of  the  earth,  rather  than  to  one 
coming  in  one  direction,  i.e.  into  the  western  world  from  the  East ;  for  this 
latter  a  single  leader  would  be  expected,  as  in  the  case  of  the  locusts 
(v.  11).  It  seems  probable  that  the  writer  has  taken  this  feature  of  four 
angels  from  a  familiar  ajiocalyptic  tradition  in  which  four  destructive 
powers,  i.e.  angels,  winds,  or  the  like,  come  forth  from,  or  go  forth  into,  the 
four  quarters  of  the  earth.  The  influence  of  other  forms  of  the  tradition 
appears  in  7'*^-  and  elsewhere,  e.g.  Zee.  6^-^,  Dan.  7^,  Ap.  Bar.  6*.  But  the 
prevalent  expectation  of  an  irruption  of  the  Parthian  hordes  in  the  period 
to  which  our  book  belongs  might  easily  lead  an  apocalyptist  to  identify 
these  destructive  angels  or  powers  with  the  leaders  of  the  Parthians,  and  so 
to  place  them  not  at  the  four  corners  of  the  earth,  but  at  the  Euphrates 
(see  above).  This  identification  was  probably  not  original  with  our 
author,  since  the  angels  of  punishment  are  found  associated  with  the 
Parthians  in  En.  56^  (quoted  on  v.  12).  Iselin  in  TJuol.  Zeitschr.  aus  d. 
Schireitz  1887,  I.  64  cites  from  a  Syriac  Apoc.  of  Ezra  (published  by  Baeth- 
gen)  the  following  passage  parallel  to  ours :  '  A  voice  was  heard.  Let  the 
four  kings  be  loosed  who  are  bound  by  the  gTeat  river  Euphrates,  who  shall 
destroy  a  third  part  of  men.  And  they  were  loosed  and  there  was  a  great 
uproar.'  But  this  cannot  be  taken  as  a  source  wholly  independent  of  our 
Apocalypse  ;  see  Spitta,  97  if. 

15.  oi  T|Toi|xa(r|X€VOi  €ls  tt|v  oSpav  /crX.,  those  ivho  had  been 
made  ready  for  the  hour.,  etc. :  the  precision  with  which  the 
very  moment  has  been  fixed  is  emphasized  by  the  series  of 
time  designations.  It  was  a  cardinal  doctrine  with  apocalyptic 
writers,  that  God  has  fixed  the  precise  time  of  every  event  ; 
cf .  En.  92^  '  The  Holy  and  Great  One  has  appointed  days  for 
all  things.'  See  Volz  165.  —  ttjv:  the  art.  is  not  repeated, 
since  the  nouns  form  a  single  compound  phrase  ;  cf .  5^^.  —  iva 
diroKT€iva)(rLV  :  see  on  8*^.  —  to  rpiTov,  the  third  part :  the  part  to 
be  affected  by  this  visitation,  as  with  the  first  four  trumpet- 
visions,  is  a  third,  i.e.  a  large,  but  not  the  greater  part  ;  see 
p.  251. 

16.  The  angel-leaders  drop  out  of  sight,  because  it  is  the 
horses  that  constitute  the  real  plague.  —  tov  Iuttikov,  the  cav- 
alry :  TO  iTTTTLKov  is  a  substantive  denoting  a  cavalry  force ; 
here  the  writer  has  in  mind  the  horses  rather  than  the  horse- 
men ;  the  latter,  so  far  as  mentioned,  take  no  part  in  what  fol- 
lows. —  TiKouaa,  I  heard:  see  on  7*. 

17-18.  The  Seer  passes  to  a  description  of  the  monsters  and 
their  equipment  for  their  deadly  work  ;  cf .  vv.  7  ft',  in  the 
structure    of   the  vision  of  the  locusts.  —  ^v  xfj    opdaci,  in   the 


568  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IX.  17 

vision :  a  superfluous  addition  to  elBov,  I  saw,  not  occurring 
elsewhere  in  tlie  book,  but  frequent  in  Dan.  e.g.  7^,  8^.  — 
€X.ovTas  6a>paKas,  having  breastplates :  the  words  refer,  not  to 
the  horsemen  only  but  to  the  horses  also  ;  cf .  the  description  of 
the  locusts  in  v.  9  ;  the  words  outoj?  elhov  row  LTrirovi,  thus  I 
saiv  the  horses.,  point  to  some  added  words  descriptive  of  the 
horses  as  well  as  the  horsemen.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  horse- 
men wear  defensive  armor  only,  in  keeping  with  their  subor- 
dinate role.  The  colors  of  their  breastplates  are  made  to 
correspond  with  the  fire,  smoke,  and  brimstone  breathed  forth 
by  the  horses.  The  correspondence  in  the  two  series  shows 
that  the  dark  blue  of  the  hyacinth  is  meant  to  be  parallel  with 
the  bluish  color  of  smoke.  —  ws  KctjiaXal  XeovTwv,  as  the  heads 
of  lions :  a  part  of  the  terror-inspiring  appearance  of  the 
monsters. — ^€K  tcov  crTOfjidToov  /crX.,  out  of  their  mouths  pro- 
ceedeth  fire,  etc.  :  cf.  Job  41''"^-.  Fire-breathing  monsters  are 
common  figures  in  mythology.  The  fire  and  brimstone  here 
mark  the  hellish  nature  of  the  horses  ;  cf.  14^"^,  li)^",  'JP,  En. 
67«. 

19.  T|  "ydp  €|o\)aia  /ctX.,  for  their  power,  etc. :  these  words 
explain  why  the  whole  service  assigned  the  horses,  viz.  the 
slaughter  of  a  third  part  of  men  (v.  15),  is  performed  by  what 
proceeds  from  their  mouths ;  it  is  because  Qydp)  their  power  to 
kill  resides  wholly  in  their  moutlis.  —  Kal  kv  rats  cOpais,  and  in 
their  tails:  in  these  words  closely  joined  with  the  preceding,  as 
if  a  part  of  the  explanation  of  the  slaughter,  the  writer  really 
passes  to  a  new  feature  in  the  plague  of  the  horses,  one  of 
which  there  has  thus  far  been  no  mention.  The  mention  of 
the  power  to  kill  residing  in  the  mouth  of  the  horses  carries 
the  writer's  thought  on  to  the  other  power,  viz.  to  torture, 
which  resides  in  the  tail,  and  he  blends  the  two  in  the  common 
reference  to  the  i^ovaia,  the  power  of  the  horses.  We  should 
expect  a  distinct  sentence  for  the  second  thought.  Since  the 
whole  number  to  be  slain,  a  third  part  of  mankind  (v.  15),  is 
said  to  have  been  slain  by  the  mouth  of  the  monsters  (v.  18), 
it  is  plain  that  the  serpent-like  tails  do  not  kill ;  their  injury 
(^aSiKovaiv,  cf.  aBiK7]aai  v.  10)  is  the  torture  of  the  serpent's 
sting.  The  monsters  of  the  first  woe  torture  only  (v.  6) ; 
those  of  the  second  both  torturo  and  kill  :   but  slausfhter  is  the 


IX.  20]  COMMENTARY  569 

chief  purpose  for  which  they  are  sent  (v.  15)  ;  hence  it  holds 
the  first  place  in  the  description  of  the  woe.  —  €)(ot)(Tai  K€<|>aXds, 
having  heads:  the  tail  ends  in  a  serpent's  head  with  its  sting. 

The  feature  of  the  serpeut-like  tails  given  to  the  horses  has  been  referred 
to  various  origins.  It  is  taken  to  be  an  allusion  to  the  Parthian  custom  of 
binding  the  hair  of  the  horse's  tail  in  a  way  which  gave  it  a  snake-like 
appearance  (Spitta  340),  or  it  is  suggested  by  the  giants  in  the  relief  of  the 
great  altar  at  Pergamum  (see  on  2^^),  which  have  legs  in  the  form  of  ser- 
pents (Iloltzm.  a/),  or  by  an  enemy  skilled  in  shooting  their  arrows  behind 
them  inflight  (Beugel,  al),  or  by  the  so-called  Ainpldshaemi,  which  with  a 
serpent's  head  at  each  end  moved  in  either  direction  (Ewald,  (//).  For  other- 
such  explanations,  equally  far-fetched  and  inapplicable,  see  Dust.  Alford, 
Speaker's  Com.  The  monster  is  purely  a  fabulous  creature,  either  of  the 
Apocalyptist's  fancy,  or  more  probably  taken  from  some  mythological  fig- 
ure. A  close  parallel  is  found  in  the  Chimaera,  widely  represented  on  vases, 
coins,  etc.,  a  fire-spouting  monster,  in  which  the  fore  part  was  a  lion  and 
the  hinder  part  a  serpent;  see  Preller,  (h-iecli.  M//t/iul.  II.  82  ft". 

20-21.  Notwithstanding  the  warning  given  in  the  plague, 
those  who  are  not  slain  repent  neither  of  their  idolatry  (v.  20) 
nor  of  their  immorality  (v.  21).  In  our  book,  as  in  all  apoca- 
lyptic writings,  the  punitive  purpose  of  the  visitations  is  para- 
mount, yet  in  some  cases,  as  here,  there  is  also  implied  a 
purpose  to  warn  and  lead  to  repentance ;  see  pp.  551:,  812.  — 
ol  XoLTTOL,  the  rest:  all  the  survivors  are  unrepentant,  as  were 
also  those  who  perished ;  the  plague,  then,  like  that  of  the 
locusts,  was  sent  only  upon  the  unbelieving  world,  and  v.  20 
shows  that  the  idolatrous  world  is  meant.  The  Apocalyptist 
has  in  mind  the  (lentile  world  as  a  whole ;  the  Jews  scattered 
among  the  (lentiles  are  absent  from  his  thought  here.  The 
problem  of  Israel's  attitude  toward  the  gospel  he  meets  else- 
where ;  see  on  3^  and  ll^^^^^.  —  rats  irXTiYais  xavTais,  these 
plagues:  a  repetition  of  the  words  of  v.  18;  the  plagues  of 
fire,  smoke,  and  brimstone  are  meant.  —  If  ov8e  be  read  before 
ixerevorja-av  (first  case),  the  meaning  may  perhaps  be  that  the 
supernatural  warning  did  not  even  lead  men  to  renounce  their 
false  gods,  though  these  were  but  the  creation  of  their  own 
hands,  and  unreasonable  objects  of  worship,  ovre^  adopted  by 
some,  has  no  proper  correlative.  Probably  the  reading  ov  is  to 
be  adopted.  —  [leTcvoTicrav  €k  :  the  thought  of  turning  away  from 
is  implied  ;   cf.  2^1',  16^^.  — twv  cp^wv  twv  x^ipwv  aiiToiv  kt\., 


570  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [IX.  21 

the  works  of  their  hands,  etc. :  the  nature  and  folly  of  idolatry 
are  set  forth  in  the  stereotyped  terms  of  Jewish  writers ;  cf . 
Dt.  428,  Ps.  115^  "■,  13515 «-,  Dan.  523,  En.  996*-,  Sib.  Or.  V.  80  ff. 
—  Lva  irpocKuvTicroucriv :  equivalent  to  infin.  of  result ;  see  on 
8^2. — SatjJLOVia,  demons:  that  heathen  divinities  were  demons 
was  a  common  Jewish  and  Christian  thought ;  cf .  Ps.  106^'^, 
Bar.  4",  1  Co.  lO^o.  —  In  verse  21  the  writer  gives  a  summary 
statement  of  the  heathen  immorality  generally  associated  with 
idolatry,  taking  the  three  fundamental  vices  named  in  the  deca- 
logue, murder,  unchastity,  and  theft.  The  insertion  of  soreery 
here  in  the  same  list  with  the  vices  named  is  explained  by  its 
wide  prevalence  with  its  trickery  and  allurement  to  all  kinds 
of  evil.  It  is  frequently  mentioned  in  conjunction  with  vice ; 
cf .  218,  2215,  Gal.  520,  Nah.  3^  Mai.  35. 

Textual  notes,  9^^^  2.  ea-KOTLo-dr]  HFQ  min  R  many  edd ;  co-KorwOrj  A 
some  min  Ti  Ws  WH  al.  —  3.  aurots  (after  e8o6rj)  ^Q  Ti  Ws  al ;  ai^rais  AP 
min  R  WH  al.  —  4.  aSiKYjaovo-iv  A  36  Ti  WH  Sod  al ;  aSiKrjawaiv  ^PQ  min  R 
Ws  al.  —  After  avOpMirov;,  some  min  R  add  /xovov<;.  —  5.  /BaaavLo-OyjaovTai 
XAP  min  edd ;  fiaaavicrOoicn  Q  most  min  R.  — 10.  xevrpa,  km  ev  ktA.  KAPQ 
min  vers  edd ;  R  following  som  min  and  vers  inserts  rjv  after  Kcvrpa  and 
omits  Kai,  joining  ev  rai?  oupats  to  the  foregoing ;  Kai  is  then  inserted  before 
7]  e^ovcTLa.  —  r]  €$ov<TLa  avTwv  XAP  min  vers  edd ;  e^ovdLav  e^ovcriv  Q  some 
min  ;  these  variations  in  v.  10  arose  from  the  failure  to  see  that  the  words 
Kat  €v  Tai9  ovpats  .  .  .  fi7]va<;  ttcvtc  combine  two  distinct  thoughts :  the  power 
of  the  locusts  to  injure  is  in  their  tails,  and  their  power  is  to  be  exercised 
five  months.  See  Bouss  in  loc.  — 12.  ep^erut  ^A  many  min  edd  ;  epxovTat 
PQ  many  min  R.  — 13.  reao-apwv  (before  Keparoyv),  PQ  most  min  some  vers 
R  most  edd;  omitted  in  N'^A  some  min  and  vers  WH  RV  al.  —  20.  ov  (be- 
fore ix€T£vor)(Tav)  most  min  WH  Blj  RV  Bouss  Holtzm  al ;  ovBe  i<Q  some 
min  and  vers  Ti  AVs  WHmrg  Sw  Alf ;  ovre  AP  some  min  R  Lch  Sod 
WHmrg.  —  (fiap/xaKLMv  APQ  Ti  Ws  WHmrg  Bouss  Sw  al ;  <l>app.aKwv  ^C 
minTr  WHSod  RV. 


Criticism  of  ehapts.  8-9.  Criticism  of  this  paragraph  has  occupied  itself 
chiefly  with  two  questions :  (1)  its  connection  with  the  preceding  part  of 
the  book ;  (2)  its  unity.  (1)  The  argument  against  a  connection  with  the 
foregoing  ehapts.  has  been  most  fully  set  forth  by  Spitta  (86  ff.) .  It  will 
be  enough,  then,  to  take  up  the  question  as  presented  by  him.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  in  his  view  our  book  is  a  combination  of  a  primitive 
Christian  apocalypse  and  two  Jewish  apocalypses.  This  paragraph  of  the 
trumpet-visions,  82-9^1,  with  its  introduction,  as  he  regards  it,  7*-**,  has  no 
connection  with  ehapts.  1-6,  and,  like  Vischer,  he  assigns  it  to  a  Jewish 
source ;   he  makes  his  first  Jewish  source  begin  here.     (He  transposes  81, 


CRITICISM   OF  VIII.-IX.  571 

making  it  introduce  7^^^  a  part  of  his  Christian  apocalypse,  which  he  com- 
pletes by  appending-  to  the  latter  passage  lO'-*  ^-^''  and  most  of  2'2^-i.)  Chapts. 
1-6,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  sentences,  Spitta  views  as  a  connected  com- 
position of  Christian  origin,  but  S^-y^^i  he  finds  certainly  Jewish ;  its  intro- 
duction, 7^-^,  is  declaredly  concerned  with  the  tribes  of  Israel  only ;  and  in 
the  whole  record  of  the  trumpet-visions  there  is  no  trace  of  a  Christian 
writer,  all  is  purely  Jewish  (82,  90).  But  this  is  an  inadequate  statement. 
While  this  passage  contains  nothing  distinctively  Christian  as  contrasted 
with  Jewish,  the  reverse  is  also  true ;  it  is  one  which  might  jiroceed  from 
any  C^hristian  apocalyptist,  whose  mind  is  filled  with  traditional  eschato- 
logical  conceptions.  Other  objections  offered  by  Spitta  to  a  connection 
with  chapts.  1-6  are :  (n)  that  the  plagues  of  the  trumpet-visions  fall  only 
on  the  unrighteous  [a  statement  not  demonstrable  of  the  first  four],  while 
those  of  chapt.  6  fall  on  both  righteous  and  unrighteous.  Those  of  the 
trumpet-visions  ally  themselves  closely  to  the  Egyptian  plagues  [not  true  of 
them  all]  ;  while  the  others  are  allied  to  the  Lord's  eschatological  discourse. 
But  even  if  the  differences  thus  wrongly  stated  actually  existed  through- 
out, the  inference  of  difference  in  authorship  would  not  be  established. 
(h)  AVhile  according  to  6^^  the  stars  have  already  fallen  to  the  earth  and 
the  heavens  have  been  removed,  this  paragraph  assumes  the  existence  of 
everything  iu  the  heavens  in  the  usual  order  till  at  the  sound  of  the  fourth 
trumpet  (8^'^)  a  third  part  of  all  the  luminaries  is  darkened  ;  in  general  the 
upheaval  of  the  world  in  6^^"^*  is  such  that  the  whole  series  of  plagues  in 
chapts.  8-9  is  inconceivable.  But  the  error  in  exegesis  here  is  shown  in  the 
notes  on  6^^  *•  (c)  In  8^  ^-  heaven  is  represented  entirely  under  the  form  of 
the  temple  with  its  altars,  furniture,  and  priests ;  in  chapt.  4  it  is  a  throne- 
room  with  no  place  for  the  appurtenances  of  the  temple,  or  the  temple 
service.  But  the  error  of  the  inference  that  the  two  representations  can- 
not proceed  from  one  author  has  been  pointed  out  on  pp.  524  f.,  553. 
(rf)  The  seven  archangels  who  figiire  most  prominently  in  this  paragraph 
are  not  found  among  the  heavenly  hosts  as  described  in  chapts.  4-5.  But 
that  no  distinction  as  regards  origin  between  the  two  parts  can  be  estab- 
lished by  that  fact  is  shown  in  the  notes  on  8"^. 

(2)  The  arguments  against  the  unity  of  chapts.  8-9  have  been  most  fully 
set  forth  by  J.  Weiss  (74  ft'.).  He  argues  that  this  portion  of  the  primitive 
apocalypse  consisted  of  a  series  of  '  three  woe's '  (8^^  *•)  and  that  the  later 
editor  inserted  the  first  four  trumpet-visions,  8''-^^,  in  order  to  fill  out  a  series 
of  seven  and  establish  symmetry  with  the  sections  of  the  seven  seals  and 
the  seven  bowls.  The  seven  angels  of  8^  are,  then,  his  addition.  The 
grounds  urged  in  support  of  this  theory  are :  («)  there  is  a  marked  differ- 
ence between  the  first  four  trumpet-visions  (8^-^^)  and  the  last  three.  In 
the  former  there  is  a  certain  monotony  and  repetition,  without  actual 
progress  in  the  action ;  while  the  three  '  woe-visions '  possess  variety  and 
newness,  and  form  an  advance  in  the  development  of  a  plan.  But  even  if 
this  difference,  which  to  say  the  least  is  largely  imaginary,  really  existed, 
it  would  by  no  means  establish  diversity  of  origin ;  variety  and  progressive 
development  in  the  course  of  a  work  are  not  inconsistent  with  monotony 


572  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN 

iu  an  earlier  part.  There  is  a  somewhat  similar  difference  between  the  first 
four  and  the  last  three  of  the  visions  of  the  bowls,  16*  «■-,  and  in  fact  between 
the  earlier  and  later  portions  of  our  book  as  a  whole,  (h)  There  is  a  lack 
of  ao-reement  between  the  two  series  ;  in  the  second  the  locusts  are  forbidden 
to  touch  the  grass  (9-*),  but  in  the  first  all  the  grass  was  burnt  up  (8'').  But 
this  is  a  misinterpretation,  as  shown  in  notes  on  8^  (c)  In  8^1,  instead  of 
an  original '  one  third  '  of  mankind,  which  conformity  with  the  other  plagues 
of  this  fourfold  series  would  require,  the  editor  substitutes  '  many  '  in  order 
to  avoid  introducing  here  a  result  which  forms  a  part  of  the  second  '  woe ' 
(Qi*)  in  the  source  which  he  is  revising.  The  error  in  interpretation  here 
is  pointed  out  in  the  notes  on  8".  (d)  The  first  four  trumpet-visions  are 
described  as  objective  events  which  actually  take  place  at  the  trumpet-blasts, 
the  phrases  '  I  saw '  and  '  I  heard,'  i.e.  in  vision,  do  not  occur ;  while  in  the 
fifth  and  sixth  visions  the  fiction  of  a  vision  is  retained  (from  the  source) 
in  the  '  I  saw,'  9^,  and  '  I  heard,'  9^^.  But  this  dropping  of  the  '  I  saw '  and 
'  I  heard '  occurs  elsewhere  in  the  opening  of  a  vision  or  distinct  part  of  a 
vision,  where  change  of  authorship  is  not  supposable ;  e.(/.  I'i'-^^,  148  f-,  j^g^i. 
So  also  in  the  vision  of  the  bowls,  16-  *'■,  '  I  heard  '  is  used  in  w.  5-7  but 
not  in  vv.  9,  11,  17  ;  'I  saw'  is  inserted  in  v.  13  but  not  in  the  other  visions. 
(f)  The  angels  appear  in  8^,  between  the  breaking  of  the  seal  and  the  in- 
cense scene,  without  taking  any  part  in  the  action  ;  their  part  does  not  come 
in  till  V.  6  ;  thus  v.  2  is  seen  to  be  a  part  of  the  editor's  revision  in  forming 
a  seven  series.  But  on  the  contrary  the  angels  do  take  at  once  an  impor- 
tant part  in  the  dramatic  effect  intended.  The  appearance  of  the  seven 
archangels  here  at  the  opening  of  the  scene  and  the  giving  of  the  trumpets 
to  them,  with  the  momentous  events  thus  portended,  form  the  background 
of  the  incense  scene ;  it  presages  great  issues  with  which  the  prayers  of  the 
saints  are  at  once  presumed  to  stand  immediately  connected.  Without  this 
feature  the  opening  of  the  vision  would  greatly  lose  in  clearness  and  im- 
pressiveness.  (/)  The  breaking  of  the  last  seal  and  the  tokens  of  divine 
anger  when  fire  is  cast  upon  the  earth  lead  us  to  expect  the  immediate 
coming  of  the  great  day  of  wrath,  the  judgment  itself  portended  in  6^^^-, 
but  instead  there  follows  another  series  of  plagues,  no  severer  than  those 
of  the  seal-visions.  But  it  is  a  mistake  to  connect  the  end  iinmediatdy  with 
the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal.  We  expect  here  momentous  events,  to 
be  sure,  but  a  whole  cycle  of  movements  must  intervene  before  the  entrance 
of  the  final  catastrophe ;  see  p.  549. 

Charles  (Studies  145  ff.)  adopts  the  arguments  of  Weiss  against  8'"^^.  He 
finds  also  an  additional  objection  to  the  passage  based  on  his  view  that  the 
sealing  in  7^~*  is  meant  to  secure  against  demonic  plagues;  such  plagues, 
then,  should  follow  at  once  after  the  sealing ;  there  is  no  place  for  the  inter- 
vening four  plagues,  which  are  not  demonic  in  character.  Omitting,  then, 
8'-^  and  the  words  '  before  God '  in  8^,  he  changes  '  seven  angels'  to  'three 
angels '  and  '  seven  trumpets '  to  '  three  trumpets '  in  w.  2,  6,  and  transfers 
V.  2,  putting  it  before  v.  6.  But,  to  say  nothing  of  the  violence  of  these 
changes,  probably  few  will  accept  the  view  upon  which  this  objection  is 
based,  i.e.  that  the  sealing  in  7'"^  refers  solely  to  demonic  plagues ;  see  538  f. 


X.]  COMMENTARY  573 

These  various  objections  cauuot  be  regarded  as  furnishing  a  valid  argu- 
ment against  the  unity  of  chapts.  8-9 ;  and  the  changes  and  transpositions 
made  necessary  in  the  omission  of  S''-'^  are  so  violent  that  they  cannot  be 
justified  without  strong  reasons.  On  the  other  hand,  as  shown  above  (see 
pp.  267  f.,  549,  and  notes  in  lac),  the  pai'agTaph  may  without  violence  to 
exegesis  be  seen  to  be  constructed  by  the  author,  in  correspondence  with 
the  parallel  sections  of  the  seals  and  the  bowls,  on  the  framework  of  his 
favorite  number  seven.  On  these  grounds  most  scholars,  even  those  most 
ready  to  welcome  criticism,  if  reasonably  supported,  accept  this  part  as  a 
unit  in  itself  and  as  suited  to  its  place  in  the  plan  of  the  book.  That  the 
Apocalyptist  in  the  climax  of  the  last  three  of  the  trumpet-visions  may  have 
lieen  influenced  by  some  source  containing  visions  of  three  '  woes '  is  con- 
ceivable ;  but  the  supposition  is  not  necessary  to  a  natural  exegesis  or  criti- 
cism of  the  paragraph. 


X.-XI.  13.  Interlude  bettveen  the  sixth  and  seventh  trumpet- 
visions.  See  pp.  271  ft".  (1)  First  Part,  IQi-".  See  p.  272. 
(2)  Second  Part,  lli-i3.     See  pp.  272  ff. 

The  sixth  trumpet-vision  introduced  in  9^3  ends  with  O^i.  That 
paragraph,  like  those  of  the  preceding  visions,  has  described 
the  whole  course  of  its  'woe,'  in  its  nature  and  effects,  and 
vv.  20-21  show  that  the  account  reaches  its  completion  there. 
A  new  vision  evidently  begins  here  with  chapt.  10.  The  Seer 
has  changed  his  place  from  heaven  (4^)  to  earth,  though  he 
does  not  mention  the  change  (see  on  10^);  new  agents  are 
introduced  and  a  new  set  of  themes  looking  forward  to  the 
events  of  the  seventh  trumpet-vision.  But  that  vision  does  not 
begin  till  11^^.  The  sequence  of  the  trumpet-visions  then  is 
interrupted  by  the  insertion  of  this  interlude,  lO^-ll^^.  We 
have  seen  above  that  at  great  turning-points,  or  before  the 
entrance  of  the  culminating  movement  in  a  series,  the  author 
is  wont  to  pause  and  introduce  a  prelude  to  the  new  revelations 
about  to  be  given.  It  is  thus  that  he  introduced  chapt.  7  as  a 
prelude  to  the  breaking  of  the  last  seal  in  the  seal-series.  Full 
illustration  of  this  habit  of  the  Apocalyptist's  is  given  on 
pp.  214  ff.  In  the  present  place  we  stand  before  the  last  of 
the  trumpet-blasts,  the  one  about  to  usher  in  the  period  to 
which  belong  the  Last  Things.  Here  then  the  characteristic 
prelude  is  to  be  expected  ;  if  it  were  wanting,  the  Apocalyptist 
would  be  felt  to  be  inconsistent  with  himself.  The  special 
significance  of  tlie  two  parts  of  tho  prelude  is  spoken  of  below. 


574  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [X. 

(1 )  The  First  Vnvt  of  the  Interlude,  prefatory  to  the  seventh 
trumpet-vision,  10^-1^  See  above  and  p.  272;  (a)  the  announce- 
ment of  the  end  as  near,  vv.  1-3  a,  5-7;  (^)  foreboding  of 
wrathful  judgment,  vv.  3  b— t ;  (c)  message  to  the  Prophet, 
vv.  8-11. 

There  are  three  agencies  presented  in  this  paragraph;  the 
angel,  the  seven  thunders,  and  the  Prophet.  These  all  look 
forward  to  the  seventh  trumpet-vision,  (a)  An  anc/el  descend- 
ing in  great  splendor,  bearing  attributes  which  mark  him  as 
the  messenger  of  God,  taking  his  stand  on  land  and  sea  as 
indicative  of  a  message  to  all  the  earth,  with  a  loud  voice  and 
the  right  hand  uplifted  to  heaven,  announces  with  the  most 
solemn  form  of  oath  taken  before  God,  the  Eternal  One,  the 
Creator  of  all,  that  the  divine  purpose  will  in  the  period  to  be 
introduced  by  the  seventh  trumpet-blast  be  accomplished  with- 
out longer  delay.  In  his  hand  also  he  bears  a  message  sent 
from  God  to  the  Prophet,  vv.  1-2,  5-7.  (6)  /Seven  thunders 
utter  words  which  the  Prophet  understands  and  is  about  to 
write  down,  but  a  voice  from  heaven  forbids  this.  What  are 
the  seven  thunders,  what  did  they  utter,  why  is  the  Seer  for- 
bidden to  record  the  utterances  and  what  is  the  meaning  of  the 
episode  for  this  connection  ?  The  number  seven  may  conceiv- 
ably be  chosen  by  the  author  himself  in  conformity  with  his 
habit  of  designating  things  by  sevens ;  but  the  article  here 
makes  this  improbable.  The  thunders  are  definitely  specified 
as  the  seven  and  are  apparently  known  to  the  readers  as  such, 
since  no  explanation  is  added.  The  words  are  best  explained 
as  taken  from  some  expression  current  in  popular  usage.  (See 
more  fully  pp.  577  f.).  But  to  whatever  origin  the  use  of  the 
art.  is  to  be  assigned,  the  seven,  whose  number  is  that  of  full- 
ness and  completeness,  are  probably  chosen  here  to  suit  the 
momentousness  of  the  coming  events.  Now  in  all  other  prefa- 
tory passages  in  which  thunders  occur  (8^  11^^,  16^^)  tliey  form 
a  premonition  of  judgments  of  divine  wrath ;  that  then  is 
probably  the  significance  here.  Such  judgments  are  about  to 
follow  among  the  events  of  the  seventh  trumpet-vision.  This 
therefore  may  pretty  certainly  be  taken  as  the  substance  of  their 
utterances  and  to  e.7nhrace  all  that  is  aimed  at  in  these  verses,  3-4. 
Cf.  Wis.  1913,  4  Upon   the  sinners   came   the   punishments   not 


X.]  COMMENTARY  575 

without  the  tokens  that  wei'o  given  beforehand  by  the  force  of 
the  thunders.'  As  in  v.  1  the  accompaniraents  and  attributes 
assigned  to  the  angel  are  meant  to  give  glory  to  his  appearing, 
so  here  apparently  the  Apocalyptist  seeks  to  give  impressiveness 
to  tlie  ^yarning  of  the  thunders  by  representing  them  as  speak- 
ing in  awful  utterances  intelligible  to  a  hearer.  The  conception 
seems  to  have  no  other  purpose  than  the  heightening  of  dra- 
matic effect.  But  in  the  record  of  his  vision,  the  precise  words 
fancied  to  be  uttered,  as  it  were,  by  the  thunders  are  not  essen- 
tial ;  the  significance  of  the  imagery  is  clear  to  the  readers ; 
and  to  have  introduced  actual  words  would  have  been  at 
variance  with  the  writer's  manner.  Thunders  and  '  voices '  of 
storms  are  frequently  employed  in  the  book  as  symbolical 
announcements,  but  nowhere  (not  even  in  19^,  see  note  there) 
are  words  cited  as  spoken  by  these.  The  writer  seems  to  have 
been  reluctant  to  attribute  to  them  specihc  words.  He  may  in 
a  highly  dramatic  vision  conceive  himself  to  hear  articulate 
utterances  from  them  and  to  be  moved  to  record  these  ;  but  at 
the  same  time  he  is  conscious  of  this  feeling  of  reluctance,  a 
feeling  which  in  the  ecstasy  of  the  vision  assumes  an  objective 
reality  as  a  voice  from  heaven  bidding  him  to  seal  up  the  words, 
i.e.,  as  he  explains,  not  to  write  them.  See  further  pp.  577  f. 
( c)  God's  message  to  the  Prophet  and  the  nature  of  his  prophecy 
in  the  seventh  trumpet-vision  are  vividly  symbolized  in  what 
is  said  of  eating  the  little  roll  in  vv.  8-11.  To  eat  the  word  of 
God  is  to  receive  it  into  the  heart  and  make  it  one's  own,  to  be 
so  permeated  with  it  that  it  becomes  the  controlling  power 
within  ;  cf.  Jer.  15^^,  20^,  Job  23^^.  The  symbolism  in  our  pas- 
sage is  taken  directly  from  Ezk.  2^-33,  with  characteristic  varia- 
tion. The  Hebrew  prophet  about  to  be  sent  on  his  mission 
sees  a  hand  put  forth  to  him  holding  a  roll,  and  he  hears  the 
voice  of  God,  '  Eat  this  roll  and  go,  speak  unto  the  house  of 
Israel ' ;  then  he  ate,  and  "•  it  was  in  his  mouth  as  honey  for 
sweetness."  Thus  far  the  Apocalyptist  follows  the  prophet 
closely.  Then  he  introduces  the  new  feature :  '  When  1  had 
eaten  it,  my  belly  was  made  l)itter ' ;  and  this  for  his  purpose 
is  the  most  significant  part  of  the  symbolism  (see  p.  579). 
The  possibility  of  this  effect  of  the  eating  exists  in  the  case  of 
Ezekiel's  roll,  as  implied  in   the  words,  '  there  were  written 


576  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [X. 

therein  lamentations  and  mourning  and  woe  "  {2^^) ;  but  this 
does  not  seem  to  be  thought  of  at  first.  The  allusion  in  3^^  to 
'  bitterness '  —  wanting  in  the  LXX  —  springs  from  a  subse- 
quent perception.  It  was  doubtless  the  words  of  woe  written 
in  the  roll  that  suggested  to  the  Apocalyptist  the  special  ap- 
plicability of  Ezekiel's  vision  to  his  own  oftice  in  uttering  the 
prophecies  of  the  seventh  trumpet-vision  and  led  him  to  add 
this  figure  of  a  bitter  sequel  to  the  eating,  upon  which  he  lays 
the  stronger  em23hasis.  The  prophecies  which  he  is  aljout  to 
announce  are,  as  the  thunders  had  foreboded,  full  of  wrath  and 
calamity.  Sweet  as  it  was  to  be  a  messenger  of  God,  to  feel  in 
his  heart  that  closeness  with  God  enjoyed  by  one  whom  he 
makes  his  prophet,  the  execution  of  his  ofiice  was  fraught  with 
bitterness  in  the  announcement  of  the  awful  oracles  which  form 
so  large  a  part  of  these  prophecies.  The  sweetness  of  the  roll 
is  referred  by  many  to  the  reception  of  joyful  revelations,  such 
as  the  triumph  over  Satan,  or  the  final  blessedness  of  saints; 
the  roll  then  is  partly  sweet  and  partly  bitter.  This  interpre- 
tation is  however  not  in  so  close  conformity  with  the  account 
given ;  it  is  not  said  that  one  part  is  sweet,  another  bitter ;  it 
is  one  and  the  same  roll,  the  whole,  that  produces  both  effects. 
It  is  sweet  or  bitter  according  to  the  different  aspects  of  the 
Prophet's  activity. 

The  view  that  the  little  roll  contains  the  revelations  to  be 
given  in  the  seventh  trumpet-vision,  or  that  it  brings  a  new 
prophetic  commission  to  the  Apocalyptist  presents  difficulties 
which  are  shown  below  (pp.  578  f.).  That  the  contents  of 
the  roll  appropriated  in  eating  are  in  some  way  associated  with 
the  author's  prophetic  office  is  made  clear  by  v.  11,  closely 
connected  with  v.  10  (see  note  on  v.  10),  in  the  words  '  Thou 
must  prophesy.'  The  natural  significance  of  the  fi.gure  of 
eating  aud  of  the  effects  attributed  to  the  act  indicates  that  it 
is  the  prophet's  own  state  and  his  experience  in  the  perform- 
ance of  his  office  that  are  intended  in  the  representation.  The 
conclusion  then  which  most  readily  suggests  itself  is  that  the 
roll  contains  God's  command  (v.  11,  8eZ,  thou  musf)  to  prophesy. 
This  privilege,  this  duty,  the  Prophet  must  take  into  himself, 
he  must  appropriate  it,  his  heart  must  be  permeated  with  it. 
But  this  is  not  his  first  call  to  the  prophetic  office,  nor  is  it  a 


THE  SEVEN  THUNDERS  577 

renewal  of  his  commission  ;  he  has  been  prophesying  through- 
out {irakiv^  cu/ain,  v.  11).  The  message  is  rather  such  as  comes 
to  every  servant  of  God  facing  a  great  crisis.  The  call  to 
duty  which  the  Prophet  has  been  unswervingly  following  since 
the  first  command,  ^  Write '  (1-^^),  is  here  overwhelmingly  inten- 
sified, as  he  stands  before  the  supreme  events  of  the  seventh 
trumpet-vision  (see  p.  579)  ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  is  fore- 
warned that  his  mission  must  carry  with  it  proclamations  of 
woe. 

The  sereii  t/iunders.  This  term  is  thought  by  many  to  be  formed  by  the 
author  himself  in  conformity  with  the  seven  Spirits,  the  seven  churches,  the 
seven  stars,  etc.,  as  a  part  of  the  '  apocalyptic  machinery '  (Alford).  But  in 
all  these  cases  the  art.  is  traceable  to  a  familiar  conception,  or  at  least  the 
reason  for  its  use  is  apparent.  Ewald's  suggestion  that  the  thunders  of  all 
the  seven  heavens  are  meant  presupposes  '  the  thunders  of  the  seven 
heavens '  to  be  a  familiar  thought ;  but  it  does  not  occur  in  Heb.  literature. 
The  sevenfold  introduction  of  the  voice  of  God  in  thunder  in  Ps.  29**"^  is 
taken  by  many  (Ziillig,  Hengstenberg,  al)  to  be  the  origin  of  the  expression ; 
but  that  passage  is  not  likely  to  have  given  currency  to  the  seven  thunders  as 
a  familiar  phrase  ;  on  the  contrary  the  sevenfold  number  there  is  more 
probably  due  to  the  occurrence  of  seven  thunders  in  some  popular  usage. 
The  supposition  of  such  usage  most  easily  explains  the  language  of  vv.  3-4. 
The  episode  of  the  thunders  with  their  mysterious  utterances  and  the 
injunction  given  to  the  Seer  to  leave  them  unrecorded  is  unquestionably 
obscure,  and  no  explanation  offered  can  claim  for  itself  more  than  a  reason- 
able degree  of  probability.  The  view  has  found  favor  with  many  scholars 
(Weizsacker,  Pfleiderer,  Bouss.,  Holtzm.-Bau.,  Baljon  Moff.,  ol)  that  in  w. 
3-4  the  author  had  in  mind  some  apocalyptic  source  containing  seven 
thunder-visions,  which  was  well  known  to  his  readers  and  which  he  begins 
to  use  in  this  chapt.  The  seven  thunders  are  the  thunders  of  that  apoca- 
lypse ;  their  utterances  also  belong  to  the  same  source.  But  deciding  after- 
wards not  to  use  these  thunder-visions  themselves  the  Apocalyptist  justifies 
the  omission  as  in  obedience  to  a  special  injunction  from  heaven.  But 
while  it  is  quite  conceivable  that  the  seven  thunders  may  have  figured  in 
some  familiar  apocalypse,  there  are  strong  objections  to  this  hypothesis 
regarding  our  wr-iter's  use  of  it  in  the  way  suggested,  (a)  The  author  of 
our  book  unquestionably  shows  careful  prearrangement  and  reflection  in 
the  composition  of  his  record  of  his  visions  (cf.  p.  175),  and  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that  he  subjected  so  complex  a  work  to  revision  before  giving  it  to 
his  readers.  There  is  then  no  place  in  it  for  a  topic  found,  immediately 
upon  its  introduction,  to  be  unsuitable,  (h)  Nor  is  there  place  in  it  for  a 
sentence  whose  object  is  to  explain  the  omission  of  parts  of  a  source  used. 
In  view  of  the  freedom  with  which  the  writer  treats  without  explanation 
passages  in  the  canonical  prophets,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  would  feel  it 
2p 


578  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

necessary  to  justify  the  same  freedom  in  using  a  source  of  the  kind 
supposed. 

As  regards  the  utterances  of  the  thunders,  the  argument  (Alford, 
Swete,  al)  that  it  is  futile  to  inquire  about  these,  since  the  Prophet  is 
bidden  to  seal  them  up  and  the  contents  therefore  cannot  be  known,  is  far 
from  conclusive.  They  are  intended  to  form  a  significant  factor  in  the 
prelude,  one  whose  general  purport  is  to  be  apprehended  by  the  readers ; 
otherwise  we  may  be  sure  they  would  not  have  been  introduced.  But  all 
interpretations  are  to  be  rejected  which  are  not  dii-ectly  suggested  by  the 
context  or  other  parts  of  the  book,  as  e.g.  that  they  are  the  announcement 
of  the  final  judgment  (B.  Weiss),  of  the  blessed  mysteries  of  the  world  to 
come  (Hofmann),  the  echoes  of  the  loud  voice  of  the  angel  (Spitta),  the 
proclamation  of  the  fall  of  Rome  (Ewald).  As  pointed  out  above  (p.  574) 
the  analogy  of  the  other  prefatory  passages  in  which  thunders  occur  and 
in  which  they  are  premonitions  of  God's  anger  about  to  burst  forth  in 
judgment,  guides  unmistakably  to  the  conclusion  that  such  is  their  purpose 
here  in  the  prelude  to  a  vision  which  abounds  in  exhibitions  of  divine 
MTath.  To  find  in  the  injunction  against  recording  the  utterances  a 
designed  intimation  that  our  book  contains  only  a  part  of  the  revelations 
given  to  the  Apocalyptist  (so,  Swete,  al,  following  some  ancient  com.)  is  at 
variance  with  the  general  impression  given  by  the  book,  and  with  the 
description  the  author  gives  of  it  in  1^,  as  embracing  oaa  ttSev,  all  that  he 
saw.  If  such  a  comment  on  the  limitation  of  the  book  were  conceivable, 
the  place  for  it  would  be,  not  here,  but  in  the  prologue  or  epilogue ;  cf .  the 
comment  on  the  Fourth  Gospel  in  Jno.  21^^. 

The  little  roll.  The  cnntents  of  the  scroll  are  identified  by  some  with  the 
oracle  concerning  Jerusalem,  ll^"*.  Many  others  understand  it  to  contain 
all  the  remaining  revelations  of  the  book,  beginning  with  chapt.  11  or 
chapt.  12.  (See  p.  606.)  In  the  latter  case  it  is  entirely  distinct  from  the 
great  roll  of  chapt.  5,  whose  revelations  are  now  supposed  to  be  ended,  or  it 
is  included  in  that  roll,  forming  another  part  of  it  and  making  known  to  the 
Seer  these  following  oracles  as  contained  therein.  There  is,  however,  strong 
objection  to  the  interpretation  of  the  roll  as  containing  the  subject-matter 
of  the  visions  now  to  follow,  (a)  On  the  supposition  that  the  revelations  of 
the  little  roll  are  distinct  from  those  of  the  great  roll  of  the  seven  seals,  the 
contents  of  the  latter  must  end  with  the  sixth  trumpet-vision  at  9^1.  But  the 
scene  in  the  court  of  heaven  (chapts.  4-5),  when  the  Lamb  takes  the  roll  to 
break  the  seals,  and  especially  the  hymns  of  praise  declaring  the  grounds  of 
his  worthiness  to  open  the  book,  show  that  the  contents  of  that  roll  are 
understood  to  include  the  consummation  of  the  kingdom.  That  whole 
scene  is  inconceivable  if  the  roll  were  thought  to  contain  only  two  series  of 
pre-messiauic  woes  (chapts.  6, 8  f .).  This  conclusion  is  further  established  by 
the  fact  that  the  seven  trumpet-visions,  the  last  of  which  includes  the  end 
(lO^*-,  ll^^-i^)  are  shown  by  the  breaking  of  the  seventh  seal  Qi^^)  to  be  a 
part  of  the  contents  of  the  great  roll.  (l>)  The  supposition  that  the 
remaining  visions  (chapts.  11  ff.),  as  the  contents  of  the  little  roll,  are  in- 
cluded in  the  great  roll,  forming  as  it  were  a  book  within  a  book,  raises 


THE  LITTLE  ROLL  579 

equal  difficulty.  While  the  contents  of  the  seventh  trumpet-visions  are,  as 
just  seen,  introduced  in  a  way  to  show  connection  with  the  great  roll,  there 
is  no  intimation  of  a  relation  to  the  little  roll ;  this  roll  is  not  mentioned 
afterwards.  The  revelations  of  the  later  parts  of  the  book  are  introduced 
in  the  same  way  as  those  of  the  earlier  pai-ts ;  and  there  is  nothing  to  indi- 
cate that  they  are  thought  of  as  a  giving  forth  on  the  Prophet's  part  of 
revelations  imparted  to  him  by  eating  the  roll.  In  fact  the  figure  of  eating 
the  roll  is  itself  not  appropriate  to  such  a  representation.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  in  Ezekiel's  case  the  roll  does  not  contain  the  messages  which  he  is  to 
deliver.  These  are  to  be  given  to  him  in  the  future,  cf .  3^''' ""  ^■'  ^'' ;  and  as 
he  goes  on  in  the  performance  of  his  office,  his  messages  are  seen  from  the 
subsequent  chapts.  to  be  imparted  to  him  in  each  case  by  special  revelation. 
The  roll  given  to  him  to  eat  contains  the  word  of  God  commanding  him  to 
fulfill  obediently  the  call  and  commission  which  had  already  been  given  to 
him  (2^''),  to  receive  that  word  and  make  it  the  impelling  force  within  him. 
When  the  roll  is  described  as  containing  lamentation  and  woe  (31°),  the 
language  is  meant  to  characterize  the  prophet's  duty  as  woeful  since  he  is 
sent  to  a  rebellious  people,  who  will  not  hear.  The  words  express  also  the 
mournful  character  which  the  prophet's  message  must  have  for  those  to 
whom  he  is  sent.  We  infer  then  that  the  contents  of  the  little  scroll  given 
to  the  Apocalyjjtist  is  the  command  of  God  urging  him  on  with  intensified 
force  to  his  prophetic  work  in  face  of  the  momentous  issues  now  to 
follow  (see  p.  .576). 

But  it  is  clear  that  the  part  of  the  symbolism  which  is  most  significant 
with  the  Apocalyptist  is  the  bitter  effect  of  the  eating.  This  constitutes  the 
change  which  he  introduces  into  Ezekiel's  vision  (see  p.  575  f .)  ;  this  has 
the  emphatic  place  in  the  angel's  words  (v.  9)  ;  and  in  the  words  of  both 
the  angel  and  the  Prophet  (vv.  9-10)  sweetness  is  attributed  to  the  recep- 
tion into  the  mouth,  it  is  only  momentary,  while  the  permanent  effect  is 
bitterness  ;  and  in  w.  10  f.  it  is  the  bitterness  of  the  roll  that  is  immediately 
connected  with  the  Prophet's  coming  activity.  The  chief  office  of  the 
symbol  then  is  to  give  warning  that  the  seventh  trumpet-vision  must  con- 
tain prophecies  of  bitter  woe.  The  view  held  by  many  that  the  gift  of  the 
scroll  to  the  Seer  symbolizes  the  gift  of  a  new  prophetic  commission,  making 
as  it  were  a  new  beginning  here,  is  perhaps  sufficiently  met  in  what  has 
been  said.  The  commission  given  in  the  outset,  !">  i^,  covers  the  revelations 
of  the  whole  book.  There  is  no  intimation  that  that  commission  is  to  cease 
with  the  sixth  trumpet-vision,  or  that  the  seventh  is  not  as  truly  included 
in  it  as  all  that  precedes.  The  words  of  v.  11,  '  Thou  must  prophesy  again, 
cited  in  support  of  the  view,  no  more  imply  an  end  of  the  first  commission 
and  the  gift  of  a  new  one  than  does  the  repetition  of  the  command 
'  write  '  21,  1413,  199^  215. 

X.  1.  See  pp.  271  f.,  573  f.  ctSov,  I  saw:  the  Apocalyptist 
has,  as  it  were  unconsciously,  changed  his  place  from  heaven 
(-1:1)  to  earth  again  ;   though  this  is  not  announced,  it  is  clear  that 


580  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [X.  1 

he  is  no  longer  in  heaven  ;  the  angel  descends  from  heaven  and 
stands  upon  the  earth  when  the  Seer  goes  to  him  to  take  the 
roll  (vv.  8  f.)?  iinti  the  voice  which  directs  the  Seer  comes  to 
him  from  heaven  (vv.  4,  8).  The  sudden  change  is  charac- 
teristic of  visions  (see  p.  607). — dXXov  a-y-yeXov  lo-xvpov, 
another  strong  angel:  a  contrast  may  be  intended  with  the 
trumpet-angel  of  9^=^  or  the  angels  of  the  preceding  part  of  the 
book  in  general,  or  possibly  with  the  '  strong  angel '  of  5^.  A 
similar  indefiniteness  occurs  in  14^.  For  the  introduction  of 
new  persons,  see  on  5^  — ir€pip€p\T|fji€vov  v(.^€kx\v  kt\.,  arrayed 
in  a  cloudy  etc.  :  the  majesty  of  the  angel's  appearance  is  con- 
formed to  his  mission  as  a  messenger  from  (Tod.  Clouds  are 
the  chariot  of  God  (Ps.  1043),  ^i^g  Lord's  com-ing  is  to  be  with 
clouds  (1^);  the  bow  forms  an  element  in  the  glory  of  (rod's 
throne-room  (4^,  cf .  Ezk.  1^8)  ;  the  face  shining  as  the  sun  is  an 
attribute  of  the  glorified  Christ  (l^*^,  cf.  Mt.  17^),  as  are  also 
the  feet  glowing  like  fire  (1^^).  A  special  significance  is  not  to 
be  sought  in  these  several  attributes  of  the  angel.  They  serve 
to  give  him  an  appearance  of  heavenly  glory.  They  do  not 
however  furnish  ground  for  identifying  him  with  Christ  (so, 
many  earlier  com.)  ;  the  unvarying  use  of  the  word  angel  in 
the  Apocalypse  is  against  such  a  supposition,  as  is  also  the 
oath  in  v.  6,  which  would  be  inappropriate  to  Christ.  —  t|  Ipis : 
the  construct,  changes  to  the  nom.  The  art.  is  generic,  as 
with  97  yi),  6  7]Xio<;^  when  the  genus  consists  of  a  single  object ; 
cf.  Blass  §  46,  5;  H.  A.  §  659  a. — Trobes,  feet:  the  compari- 
son with  (TTvXoi,  pillars,  implies  that  the  word  here  includes 
the  leg,  as  %ei)o,  hand,  often  includes  the  arm. 

2.  pLp\api8iov,  a  little  scroll:  a  diminutive  form  not  found 
elsewhere.  Apparently  the  word  is  meant  to  distinguish  this 
roll  from  the  great  roll  of  chapt.  5  —  f|V€(0'Y[JL€VT)v,  ojjen:  this 
feature  is  taken  from  Ezk.  2^^,  and  as  the  epithet  is  repeated  in 
V.  8  it  is  evidently  meant  to  be  significant,  yet  no  use  is  made 
of  it.  No  allusion  is  made  to  an  exhiljition  of  the  contents  of 
the  scroll.  Apparently  the  writer  has  in  mind  merely  a  mark 
of  distinction  from  the  great  roll  which  was  closely  sealed.  — 
Tov  8€|i6v  lirl  Tfjs  6aXdo'<rT|S  ktK.,  his  right  foot  upon  the  sea,  etc.: 
instead  of  one  foot  upon  the  sea,  etc.,  to  give  precision  to  the 
picture  ;  no  other  motive  for  the  specification  of  the  right  foot 


X.  5]  COMiMENTARY  581 

is  intimated  in  the  context.  The  angel  bestrides  land  and 
sea,  and  cries  with  a  loud  voice,  because  his  message  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  whole  world. — ttis  9a\do-o-T|s,  the  sea:  a  refer- 
ence to  the  Mediterranean  cannot  be  insisted  on  here  (Ewald, 
Spitta)  ;  sea  and  land  form  here,  as  often,  a  comprehensive 
phrase  for  the  whole  earth ;   cf.  v.  6,  7^  12^,  14'^. 

3.  oicnrep  \€o)V  (JLUKdrai,  as  a  lion  roareth:  fivKaadai  gener- 
ally of  tlie  lowing  or  bellowing  of  cattle,  is  also  used  of  the 
roaring  of  the  lion,  see  L  and  S.  s.v.  The  comparison  refers 
to  loudness,  and  does  not  imply,  as  many  take  it,  that  the 
angel  utters  a  warning  cry  ivitliout  articulate  ivords.  Such  a 
representation  is  less  suitable  to  the  angel,  as  it  is  to  God 
whose  voice  is  compared  to  the  roaring  of  the  lion.  Am.  3^, 
Hos.  ll^^.  Our  writer's  habit  of  using  an  indefinite  expression 
which  he  afterwards  defines  or  expands  (see  p.  242)  makes  it 
easy  to  find  in  v.  6  the  words  uttered.  The  language  of  v.  5a, 
repeating  that  of  v.  2,  connects  the  two  passages  closely.  The 
intervention  of  vv.  3b-4  is  not  against  this  supposition  ;  see 
pp.  242,  574.  —  On  the  seven  thunders  and  their  utterances, 
see  pp.  272,  574  f.,  577  f. — -taurtov,  their:  i.e.  those  which 
they  utter.  In  Jno.  12^^  ^-  the  sound  of  articulate  words  is 
heard  by  some  as  the  noise  of  thunder.  The  reflex,  here  is 
equivalent  to  the  pers.  pron.,  cf.  Mt.  21^,  Lk.  ll^i. 

4.  (jxovTiv  €K  Tov  ovpttvov,  a  voice  from  heaven:  this  may  be 
the  voice  of  God,  or  that  of  Christ,  who  had  in  the  outset  given 
the  command  to  write,  1^^'  ^^.  —~(T^^b.y(i(JOV.,  seal  up:  the  term 
is  apparently  taken  from  Dan.  12^'  ^,  where  the  prophet  is 
bidden  to  keep  his  visions  secret  till  the  end.  His  book  was 
already  written  and  its  contents  were  to  be  concealed  by  seal- 
ing the  roll.  In  our  passage  the  word  is  used  figuratively,  the 
words  have  not  been  written  ;  the  meaning  is  explained  imme- 
diately in  the  added  command,  'Write  them  not.'  Here  the 
idea  of  keeping  the  utterances  of  the  thunders  secret  is  not  so 
much  thought  of  as  the  omission  of  them  from  the  record  of 
the  vision.  The  reluctance  of  the  Seer  to  attribute  specific 
words  to  the  thunders  is  thus  referred  to  a  prohibition  from 
heaven  ;  see  p.  575. 

5-6.  See  p.  575.  After  the  mention  of  the  thunders,  the 
writer  returns  to  the  mission  of  the  angel,  relating  definitely 


582  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [X.  5 

his  solemn  announcement,  and  the  purpose  of  the  scroll  which 
he  bore.  —  ■^pev  ttiv  X^^PO-  •  •  •  o'^po-vov,  lifted  up  his  riyht  hand 
to  heaven:  the  customary  gesture  in  taking  an  oath  before  God 
who  dwells  in  heaven  ;  cf.  Dan.  V2\  Gen.  I422,  Dt.  32'io.  The 
scene  here  and  the  form  of  the  oath  are  taken  from  Dan.  12'', 
but  to  God's  eternity  apj)ealed  to  in  that  scene  there  is  added 
here  his  attribute  as  creator  of  all.  These  two  attributes  are 
taken  up  in  the  respective  hymns  of  4^'  ^i,  and  are  especially 
appropriate  here  ;  the  Eternal  One  and  the  Creator  of  all  will 
surely  accomplish  the  eternal  purpose  which  he  had  in  creating 
the  world.  — XP°^°S  ovk€tl  co-rai,  there  shall  he  delay  no  longer: 
i.e.  beyond  the  days  ushered  in  by  the  seventh  trumpet-blast. 
Earlier  and  some  recent  com.  interpret,  time  shall  he  no  longer., 
a  thought  found,  e.g.  in  Slav.  En.  SS"-^,  65'^.  But  the  contrast 
in  V.  7  and  the  passage  in  Dan.  here  imitated  show  that  the 
angel's  assurance  is  meant  to  answer  the  longing  cry  character- 
istic of  apocalyptic  writings,  'Lord,  how  long  ?'  (cf.  6^°).  For 
this  sense  of  ^p6vo<;  see  L  and  S.  s.v.;  cf.  also  '^^povi^eiv  Mt.  24*^, 
Heb.  1037. 

The  interpretation,  '  There  shall  be  delay  no  longer,  except  in  the  days 
of  the  voice  of  the  seventh  angel,  and  then  the  mystery  shall  be  fulfilled ' 
(see  punctuation  of  WHmrg),  is  as  regards  language,  if  not  impossible, 
extremely  forced ;  and  the  announcement  of  the  days  of  the  seventh  trumpet- 
vision  as  a  period  of  delay  is  not  supposable  here,  nor  is  it  consistent  with 
the  hymns  that  follow  the  trumpet  blast  in  ll'-^^^. 

7.  €v  Tttis  T|[jL€pais  .  .  .  dY-YeXoi),  in  the  dags  of  the  sounding 
of  the  seventh  angel:  the  period  (cf.  Thayer,  s.v.  4)  belonging 
to,  introduced  by,  the  seventh  trumpet  is  meant.  In  the 
course  of  that  period  the  mystery  of  God  will  be  accomplished. 
The  trumpet-visions  are  conceived  to  extend  over  periods  of 
time;  this  in  the  case  of  the  fifth  was  at  least  live  months  (9^). 

—  OTav  |X€\\t|  craXmt,€iv,  /r/ien  he  shall  sound.,  or  sliall  have 
sounded:  not  shall  hegin  to  sound  (AV),  nor  is  ahout  to  sound 
(RV),  a  prophecy  contrary  to  the  subsequent  facts  of  the  book. 
/jbeW(o  with  the  infin.  forms  a  periphrastic  fut.  ;  cf.  Blass 
§  62,  4.  The  words  repeat  the  phrase,  the  dags  of  the  angel, 
i.e.  the  days,  the  period,  which  shall  come  when  he  shall  sound. 

—  Kal  iT(\i<yQr\ :   the  idiom  is  Hebraic,  kul  corresponding   to 


X.  9]  COMMENTARY  583 

vav  consec.  with  a  perf.  in  apod.  The  meaning'  is,  sluill  he  ful- 
filled. —  TO  ixvcTTipiov  Tov  0€ov,  tlw  yiiystery  of  (Jod:  the  purpose 
of  (iod  to  bring  his  kingdom  to  its  consummation  —  a  purpose 
hidden  from  the  world  but  in  the  end  to  be  fully  revealed  in 
its  accomplishment.  /xvarTjpiov,  inystery.,  is  often  used  in  the 
N.T.  of  a  plan  or  purpose  of  God,  for  a  time  hidden,  or  only 
partially  revealed,  but  eventually  made  fully  manifest,  especially 
God's  purpose  of  salvation  in  Christ,  e.g.  Ro.  16^^  1  Co.  2'. 
St.  Paul  uses  the  word  of  the  incorporation  of  the  Gentiles 
into  the  people  of  God,  e.g.  Eph.  3^  **■.  In  our  passage  it  is  the 
one  great  purpose  which  includes  all  others,  the  full  salvation 
of  the  saints  in  the  perfected  kingdom.  —  ws  ivy\^'^i\i<JiV  /ctA,., 
as  he  declared  good  tidings^  etc.  :  i.e.  according  to  the  good 
tidings  which  he  declared  to  the  prophets.  The  prophets  meant 
may  be  those  of  the  O.T.  (Diist.  I)e  Wette,  a/),  or  the  Chris- 
tian prophets  (Bouss.  Moff.  al).  The  latter  are  meant  by  the 
word  in  most  places  in  our  book,  and  the  Apocalyptist  is  likely 
to  have  had  in  mind  the  prevalent  Christian  expectation  of  the 
parousia  as  near.  For  the  ace.  instead  of  the  dat.  with  eua7- 
yeXL^eiv  see  Thayer,  s.v.  I. 

8.  See  p.  575.  The  second  part  of  the  angel's  mission,  the 
delivery  of  God's  message  to  the  Prophet,  now  begins.  —  i\  (Jxovt) 
kt\.  ,  the  voice,  etc. :  the  one  mentioned  in  v.  4.  The  construo 
tion  here  is  harsh,  though  the  sense  is  clear ;  (ficovij  stands  without 
a  vb.  Perhaps  the  construction  first  thought  of  was  \a\ovaa 
rjv,  but  the  partic.  being  attracted  into  agreement  with  rjv.,  the 
copula  was  omitted  (the  form  XaXovcra  in  some  Mss.  is  prob- 
ably a  correction);  or  possibly  (^wvri  was  thought  of  as  nom. 
abs.  and  the  writer  intended  to  continue  rjv  rjKovaa  .  .  .  rJKovaa 
ttoKlv  XaXova-av,  but  the  second  rjKovaa  was  omitted  by  mistake 
either  of  the  writer  himself  or  a  copyist. 

9-10.  See  pp.  272,  576  f.,  578  f.  —  Xe-ycov  Sovvai :  for  the 
intin.  with  Xejeiv  containing  a  request  or  command  cf.  Ac.  21^1; 
see  Blass  §  72,  5.  —  The  order  of  the  effects  of  the  eating  is 
reversed  in  the  two  verses ;  in  v.  9  the  bitterness  is  put  first 
because  the  emphasis  is  thrown  on  it.  The  order  in  v.  10  is 
commonly  explained  by  the  natural  order  in  eating ;  but  it  is 
better  referred  to  the  purpose  to  bring  the  bitterness  into  im- 
mediate connection  with  the  words  to  follow  in  v.  10,  which 


534  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [X.  10 

show  wherein  the  bitterness  will  arise,  i.e.  in  bringing  to  many- 
peoples,  nations,  etc.,  prophecies  containing  grievous  woes. 

11.  Xe-youo-iv,  they  say:  possibly  the  pi.  refers  to  the  voice 
from  heaven  and  the  angel  (B.  Weiss),  but  more  probably  it  is 
used  indefinitely,  equivalent  to  a  passive  ;  see  Kiihn.  II.  §  352,  c; 
H.  A.  §  602,  c.  Doubtless  heavenly  speakers  are  meant.  — 
8€i,  thou  must:  not  a  new  commission  to  the  prophet;  see  pp. 
577,  579. — ttclXiv,  again:  not  in  contrast  with  some  other 
writer  whose  document  the  Apocalyptist  is  going  to  repeat 
(J.  Weiss,  a?),  nor  in  contrast  with  the  O.  T.  prophets  (Bengel, 
al),  but  in  contrast  with  the  Apocalyptist's  prophecies  given  in 
the  former  part  of  the  book.  The  new  prophecies  which  he 
must  utter  are  those  that  follow.  —  eiri:  l)est  taken  in  the  sense 
oi  r  once  mi  mj ;  ci.i  wo.  V2^^.- — Xaois  .  .  .  y\<ji(T(Tais,  peoples  and 
nations  and  tonyues:  see  on  9'\  The  Apocalyptist  here  adds 
^amXeva-tv,  kinys,  which  are  really  included  in  the  preceding 
general  terms  ;  he  emphasizes  tlie  rulers  as  distinguislied  from 
their  peoples,  perhaps  having  in  mind  such  prophecies  as  Itl^^, 
1710-17, 

Textual  lu/tes,  10^-".  —  1.  aXXov  XAC  edd ;  wanting  in  PQ  many  min.  — 
rj,  before  ipts,  KACQ  edd ;  wanting  in  P  many  min  R.  —  K€<fiaXrjv  AC  min 
edd  ;  K€(fiaXr)<;  XPQ  min  R  Sod.  —  2.  cx(^v  KACPQ  min  edd ;  ei)^ev  many  min 
R.  —  3.  at,  before  eirra,  wanting  in  K*  some  min.  ai'm.  —  5.  Tr]v  Seiiav  want- 
ing in  A  some  min  and  vers  R.  —  6.  Kat  ttjv  6aX.aaaav  .  .  .  avrr]  wanting 
in  N*A  some  min  and  vers;  WII  l>racket.  —  7.  ereXeaOrj  XACP  most  min 
edd  ;  reXeaOr]  Q  many  min  R.  —  Instead  of  SouAors,  some  min  R  read  8ovXol<;. 
—  8.  XaXovaruv,  Xtyovcrav  KACPQ  some  min  edd  ;  AaAoucra,  Xeyovaa  most 
min  R.  accepted  as  alternative  form  by  Sod  Rl j  Bonss.  —  9.  8ovvai  KAC(i 
most  min  edd  ;  80s  some  min  R.  —  11.  Xeyovatv  KAQ  many  min  vers  edd  ; 
Aeyei  P  many  min  and  vers  R. 

(2) ,  XI.  1-18.  TJie  second  part  of  the  Interlude  between  the 
sixth  and  seveiith  trumpet-visions  :  the  repentance  of  Israel.  See 
p}).  272  ff.,  573.  (a)  The  chastisement  of  Jerusalem  (Israel), 
vv.  1-2.  (5)  The  mission  of  the  two  Witnesses  (prophets) 
sent  to  it,  vv.  3-12.     (c)  Its  final  repentance,  v.  13. 

This  paragraph,  ll^-i^^  the  second  part  of  the  interlude,  con- 
tains a  vision  to  which  it  is  confessedly  difficult  to  assign  a 
meaning  and  place  appropriate  in  our  book.  Taken  as  it  stands 
it  is  a  prophecy  of  the  divine  chastisement  of  Jerusalem,  and  its 


XI.  1-13]  COMMENTARY  585 

repentance  in  the  last  times.  Because  of  its  grievous  sins 
Jerusalem  will  be  given  over  into  the  hands  of  the  Gentiles  the 
punishment  often  announced  by  the  prophets  and  often  actually 
inflicted  in  the  course  of  history.  But  God's  love  and  mercy 
are  not  entirely  turned  away  from  the  holy  cit}^  The  prophets 
had  foretold  the  salvation  of  a  Remnant  (see  p.  22)^  so  here 
the  temple  and  a  remnant  of  faithful  ones  are  marked  off  as 
preserved  from  the  chastisement,  and  two  great  prc^phets  will 
be  sent  to  preach  repentance  to  the  people  throughout  the 
period  of  Gentile  domination.  In  spite  of  the  marvelous  powers 
with  which  the  prophets  are  seen  to  be  endowed,  the  people  will 
fur  a  time  refuse  to  receive  their  message;  but  in  the  end,  after 
Antichrist  has  slain  the  prophets,  after  the  glorious  revival  of 
these  and  their  exaltation  into  heaven  in  the  sight  of  their 
enemies,  and  after  a  destructive  earthquake  —  signs  sent  as 
further  monitions  —  all  the  people  who  have  escaped  death  in 
the  earthquake  will  be  startled  into  conviction  and  repent  of 
their  sins. 

It  is  certain  that  such  an  oracle  understood  literally  could 
not  be  attributed  to  a  Christian  prophet.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  cite  the  words  ascribed  to  our  Lord  concerning  the  destruction 
of  the  temple  (Mk.  13^),  which  may  be  of  later  origin  (though 
there  is  good  ground  for  accepting  them;  cf.  Ac.  (3i^),  or 
which  might  be  unknown  to  the  writer  of  this  prophecy.  Quite 
apart  from  that  utterance,  the  whole  cycle  of  events  described 
lies  entirely  outside  of  Christian  eschatology,  as  represented 
elsewhere  in  the  Apocalypse  and  other  N.  T.  books.  Nothing 
is  known  there  of  a  preservation  of  the  temple  from  Gentile 
desecration.  The  outlook  of  the  Christian  world  was  directed 
to  the  early  return  of  the  Lord,  with  no  anticipation  of  one  or 
more  great  forerunners  who  should  come  to  prepare  the  way 
for  him.  The  sending  of  two  prophets  in  the  character  of 
Elijah  and  Moses  (see  pp.  593  ff.)  to  preach  repentance,  the 
martyrdom  of  these  through  Antichrist  (the  Beast),  their 
revival  and  exaltation  into  heaven,  form  a  series  of  eschato- 
logical  events  which  has  no  parallel  in  Christian  thought. 

The  passage  has  been  taken  b}^  many  allegorically :  Jerusalem 
is  the  Church,  the  temple  and  the  outer  courts  are  respectively 
the  faithful  and  faitldess  Christians,  the  two  Witnesses  are  the 


586  THE   APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XI.  1-13 

testimony  borne  by  the  whole  body  of  Christian  teachers,  saints, 
and  martyrs.  But  there  is  in  the  passage  itself  no  intimation 
that  such  was  the  author's  meaning.  It  is  true  that  Christians 
are  sometimes  compared  to  God's  temple,  bu^  it  is  a  temple 
that  is  spoken  of,  a  shrine  within  which  he  dwells  (cf.  1  Co.  3^'\ 
2  Co.  6^^),  not  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  which  is  never  used 
to  symbolize  Christians  or  the  C'hurch;  and  when  Jerusalem 
designates  the  Church,  it  is  always  the  heavenly,  not  the 
earthly,  city  that  is  meant  (cf.  Gal.  426,  Heb.  1222).  xhe 
details  of  the  prophecy,  especially  vv.  1-2,  8,  13,  make  clear 
that  primarily  the  actual  Jerusalem  was  meant.  The  allegori- 
cal explanation  is  happily  rejected  by  most  among  recent 
expositors,  as  belonging  to  a  form  of  exegesis  which  reads  into 
the  Apocalypse  anything  to  which  a  figurative  parallel  can  be 
found  there. 

But  unless  we  adopt  the  theory  that  the  paragraph  was 
inserted  here  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  trumpet-visions  by 
accident  or  an  unintelligent  compiler,  we  must  conclude  that  it 
has  a  meaning  and  place  here  consistent  with  Christian  eschato- 
logical  thought  and  the  Apocalyptist's  manner  as  seen  elsewhere. 
The  visitation  sent  upon  Jerusalem  and  its  repentance  suggest 
as  symbols  an  appropriate  eschatological  meaning.  But  as 
regards  the  form  of  the  prophecy,  viewed  as  a  symbol  of  an 
eschatological  hope,  it  is  difficult  to  assign  it  in  the  first  instance' 
to  the  origination  of  a  Christian  apocalyptist.  Its  facts  are 
not  in  accord  with  the  history  of  Jerusalem  at  the  time  of  the 
Judseo-Roman  War  (67-70  a.d.);  and  at  the  date  of  the 
Apocalypse,  the  end  of  the  century,  when  the  temple  had  long 
since  been  completely  destroyed,  the  Apocalyptist,  if  writing 
independently  and  forming  his  own  symbolism,  could  hardly 
have  conceived  such  a  picture,  or  have  introduced  as  essential 
traits  expectations  which  were,  as  seen  above,  so  remote  from 
Christian  thought.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  author 
has  made  use  here  of  some  apocalyptic  source  unknown  to  us, 
taking  his  symbolism  therefrom,  and  adapting  it  to  his  present 
purpose.  We  have  already  seen  his  indebtedness  as  regards 
form  to  familiar  sources;  e.g.  lO^'ii  is  founded  on  Ezk.;  92-11  qj^ 
Joel;  71^^  on  an  unknown  source.  Most  critics  of  recent  times 
are  agreed  that  such  is  the  primary  origin  of  much  which  is 


XI.  1-13]  COMMENTARY  587 

given  in  this  passage,  11  ^^^-^  Improbable  as  it  is  that  a  Chris- 
tian prophet  would,  uninfluenced  by  any  archetype,  embody  his 
expectation  in  such  a  form  as  this,  yet  he  may  easily  be  con- 
ceived to  give  his  interpretation  to  some  existing  source,  and 
take  this  over  as  the  groundwork  of  his  symbolism.  In  spite 
of  its  divergence  from  the  historical  circumstances  of  the 
writer's  own  time,  we  have  seen  the  source  of  7^~^  used  in  this 
way;  a  striking  case  of  similar  character  is  also  found  in  12^~^, 
where  a  borrowed  symbolism  is  applied  to  the  Messiah  quite 
at  variance  with  the  historic  course  of  the  Lord's  life  (see 
pp.  613,  617).  It  is  a  plausible  conjecture  that  the  supposed 
apocalyptic  source  which  furnished  the  symbolism  of  our  para- 
graph was  written  by  a  Jew  in  view  of  some  threatened  con- 
quest of  Jerusalem  by  Gentiles,  that  the  author  predicted 
the  preservation  of  the  sanctuary  and  a  nucleus  of  faithful 
Israelites,  the  mission  of  the  two  prophets,  their  martyrdom, 
their  heavenly  triumph,  and  the  repentance  of  the  Jerusalemites, 
all  as  literal  prophecy  of  events  leading  up  to  the  coming  of 
the  Messiah,  The  significance  which  the  author  of  our  book 
attaches  to  the  prophecy  and  the  use  he  makes  of  it,  as  con- 
trasted   with    its    original    meaning,   will  be   spoken  of  below 

(pp.  588  fe.). 

Spitta  (417  If.)  holds  that  the  source  was  written  in  view  of  the  historic 
situation  which  followed  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  by  Pompey,  63  b.c.  ;  at 
that  time  the  temple  though  desecrated  was  spared,  and  afterwards  puri- 
fied. It  is  to  remain  undeiiled  throvigh  the  period  of  Gentile  domination. 
In  this  period  the  two  prophets  will  he  sent  to  preach  repentance  to  the 
Gentiles  ;  the  scene  of  their  preaching  will  be  Rome,  where  they  will  die  (a 
natural  death)  when  their  mission  is  ended ;  after  death  their  bodies  will 
continue  to  work  terror  and  prevent  men  from  burying  them ;  they  will 
then  be  revived  and  exalted  into  heaven,  and  a  large  number  of  Gentiles  will 
be  converted  to  the  Jewish  religion.  Everything  in  the  present  form  of  the 
passage  at  variance  with  this  view  of  the  source  is  attributed  by  Spitta  to 
the  Christian  redactor  who  inserts  the  document  here.  The  theory  is 
interesting  as  an  example  of  a  not  uncommon  method  of  criticism.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  discuss  seriously  so  arbitrary  a  treatment  of  the  text,  to  say 
nothing  of  impossible  exegesis.  Most  critics  find  the  origin  of  the  source, 
at  least  of  w.  1-2,  in  the  times  of  the  Juda^o-Roinan  war  (67-70  a.d.), 
which  ended  in  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  ;  its  author  foresees  the  capture  of  the 
city,  but  predicts  the  preservation  of  the  temple  and  a  remnant  of  faithful 
Jews.  Some  place  the  document  definitely  between  May  and  August  of 
the  year  70,  on  the  ground  that  the  peril  of  the  city  has  become  extreme 


58S  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XL  1-13 

and  hope  of  deliveraiice  must  now  be  limited  to  the  temple.  There  is, 
however,  nothing  in  the  passage  to  show  an  advanced  stage  of  the  war ; 
the  certain  cont|uest  of  the  city  as  the  outcome  of  a  conflict  with  Rome 
might  have  been  anticipated  by  any  careful  observer  even  before  hostilities 
had  begun.  Wellhausen  (SIdzzen  u.  Vorarb.  VI.  221  ff.),  followed  by 
Bouss,  Blj.,  al,  holds  vv.  1-2  to  belong  to  an  ' eschatological  leaflet '  written 
by  a  Zealot  in  the  last  months  of  the  war.  At  this  time  the  powerful  party 
of  the  Zealots,  who  took  an  important  part  in  the  war,  had  its  headquarters 
in  the  temple  and  its  inner  courts  (Joseph.  B.  J.  TV.  3,  7  ff.,  al)  ;  and  an 
adherent  of  that  party  is  supposed  to  have  written  the  leaflet  in  this  hour 
of  distress,  predicting  the  final  safety  of  the  Zealots,  designated  'the 
worshii)ers'  from  their  special  relation  to  the  temple.  But  the  language 
used  here  does  not  go  beyond  the  common  idea  of  the  sanctity  of  a  temple 
as  an  asylum ;  and  as  the  Zealots  encouraged  the  people  at  large  to  con- 
tinue in  the  temple  worship  (Joseph.  B.  J.  V.  1,  3 ;  cf.  Ewald  Geschichte^ 
VI.  759  f .)  the  term  '  the  worshipers '  would  form  no  specific  designation  of 
the  Zealots.  The  term  itself  is  against  the  theory ;  see  pp.  598  ff.  Some 
critics  i-efervv.  1-2  and  vv.  3-13  respectively  to  two  different  sources,  chiefly 
on  the  ground  that  the  former  represents  a  historic  fact,  Jerusalem  besieged 
and  destroyed,  the  latter  an  eschatological  expectation  in  which  the  city  is 
conceived  to  be  still  standing.  But  it  should  be  observed  that  Jerusalem  is 
not  represented  in  vv.  1-2  as  destroyed,  but  as  conquered  and  profaned. 
Bouss.  (335  ff.)  attributes  w.  3-13  to  an  earlier  apocalypse  especially 
concerned  with  the  Antichrist  legend,  the  two  parts  being  afterwards  com- 
bined by  a  writer  from  whom  our  Apocalyptist  takes  with  modification  the 
present  form.  These  and  similar  theories,  some  of  them  ingenious,  are 
interesting  as  studies  in  literary  history.  But  they  do  not  go  far  in  settling 
the  meaning  which  our  author  attaches  to  the  oracle  in  the  form  which  he 
gives.  His  procedure  in  other  cases  assures  us  that  he  has  modified  his 
source  to  any  extent  necessary  for  his  purpose,  and  that  he  uses  it  in  a 
sense  concordant  with  the  plan  of  his  book,  and  in  a  sense  which  may  be 
distinctly  at  variance  with  its  original  sense. 

TJie  significance  and  place  of  the  projjheey  in  our  book.  It 
appears  reasonably  certain  that  in  the  thought  of  our  author 
Jerusalem  here  represents  Israel  as  a  whole.  A  nation's  capi- 
tal is  everywhere  freely  used  to  denote  the  nation  itself.  So 
in  the  Psalms  and  the  Prophets  Jerusalem  is  often  sjjoken  of 
where  the  writer  has  in  mind  all  that  the  city  represents  ;  and 
so  St.  Paul  speaks  of  '  Jerusalem  that  now  is '  (Gal.  4^^),  mean- 
ing the  whole  Heb.  people  organized  under  the  Mosaic  cove- 
nant ;  cf.  Mt.  2337,  Ps.  1375 ';  Is.  40i  '■  The  local  Jerusalem 
and  its  people  in  distinction  from  the  nation  as  a  whole  are 
nowhere  the  subject  of  special  concern  in  Christian  thought, 
nor  do  they  occupy  any  special  place  in  Christian  eschatology. 


XI.  1-13]  COMMENTARY  589 

But  the  repentance  of  the  people,  of  Israel  in  the  hist  (hiys  was 
a  clearly  expressed  hope  among  Christians.  Tlie  C!hurch  must 
often  liave  asked  with  perplexity,  What  is  to  become  of  (iod's 
ancient  people  in  the  future  of  the  new  covenant  ?  Are  they 
to  continue  alienated  to  the  end  and  to  be  excluded  from  a 
share  in  the  Messiah's  kingdom  ?  The  prophecies  which  fore- 
told the  restoration  of  the  dispersed  tribes  and  the  sharing  of 
all  Israel  in  the  glories  of  the  final  Davidic  kingdom  must 
have  suggested  to  many  Jewish  C'hristians  the  hope  of  an 
ingathering  of  their  people.  The  Lord  himself,  in  a  connection 
not  unlike  the  present,  when  reproaching  the  Jews  for  reject- 
ing the  prophets  sent  to  them,  had  declared  that  at  his  second 
coming  they  would  repent  and  rejoice  in  him  as  the  Messiah, 
Mt.  2334-39.  St.  Paul  had  discussed  the  subject  with  fullness 
and  intense  earnestness  (Ro.  chapts.  9-11),  and  while  finding 
as  yet  only  a  remnant  preserved  (the  temple  and  its  worshipers 
of  our  passage),  he  had  foreseen  the  incoming  of  Israel  as  a 
whole  at  the  last.  St.  Peter  also  is  represented  in  Ac.  3^^  "•  as 
looking  for  the  repentance  of  his  people  before  the  messianic 
time.  Hope  of  this  conversion  seems  to  be  expressed  by  our 
author  in  3^  (see  note  there).  And  it  will  be  noticed  that  in 
all  these  references  to  Israel's  repentance,  this  is  brought  into 
close  proximity  to  the  End.  This  is  what  Paul  means  in  the 
words,  '  What  shall  the  receiving  of  them  be  but  life  from  the 
dead?'  i.e.  the  resurrection  and  the  establishment  of  the  final 
kingdom,  Ro.  11^^.  If  now  this  hope  was  general,  and  was 
shared  by  our  author,  it  could  hardly  fail  to  receive  a  distinct 
place  in  a  book  concerned  with  the  last  things.  And  no  more 
appropriate  place  for  it  could  be  found  than  here  before  the 
seventh  trumpet-vision  which  embraces  the  last  great  cycle  of 
events.  It  stands  in  one  of  the  author's  interludes,  because  it 
does  not  properly  belong  to  the  drama  of  the  trumpet-visions, 
since  these  are  occupied  with  great  world  movements  in  the 
earth  and  among  the  nations,  to  which  the  repentance  of  God's 
ancient  people  bears  no  direct  relation.  It  forms  properly  a 
part  of  the  prelude  to  the  seventh  trumpet-vision,  because,  as 
was  believed,  it  would  be  followed  closely  by  the  End.  The 
repentance  of  Israel  is  expressed  in  general  terms  ;  the  recogni- 
tion of  Christ  as  Messiah  is  not  specifically  mentioned.      But 


590  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XI.  1-13 

in  this  respeot  the  paragraph  agrees  with  the  book  in  general  ; 
express  reference  to  Jewish  recognition  of  the  Lord's  Messiah- 
ship  appears  only  in  3^.  That  the  author,  however,  thinks  of 
it  as  included  in  the  great  spiritual  conversion  at  the  End  is 
beyond  question.  What  has  brought  the  divine  chastisement 
upon  Israel  is  their  sin  in  all  its  forms,  including  that  of  reject- 
ing Christ  (see  on  v.  8)  ;  so  their  repentance  embraces  this  sin 
with  the  others.  If  the  above  interpretation  be  correct,  this 
vision  has  a  certain  analogy  to  that  of  the  sealing  in  chapt. 
7i~^.  Both  are  interludes,  they  stand  apart  from  the  main 
course  of  dramatic  movement,  they  form  pictures  apart  from 
that  of  the  immediate  context.  And  the  former  assures  the 
reader  of  the  final  safety  of  the  whole  Church,  the  latter  assures 
him  of  the  final  safety  of  Israel.  The  details  of  the  prophecy 
must  be  considered  more  fully  in  their  primary  significance 
and  in  their  application. 

Tlie  delivery  of  Jerusalem  into  the  hands  of  the  Grentiles  and 
the  preseri'ation  of  the  temple  with  its  icorshipers,  vv.  1-2.  The 
Jerusalem  here  spoken  of  is,  as  v.  2  shows,  not  the  heavenly, 
but  the  earthly,  city.  The  measurement  commanded  is  indica- 
tive of  preservation  (see  on  v.  1).  The  temple  meant  is  the 
earthly  sanctuary,  the  altar  is  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  in  the 
court  of  the  priests  before  the  temple-edilice,  the  '  worshipers ' 
are  the  faithful  people  who  worship  in  the  courts  before  the 
great  altar.  As  has  happened  often  in  the  course  of  its  history 
Jerusalem  (representative  of  Israel)  is  given  up  to  the  Centiles 
in  punishment  for  its  sins.  But  a  remnant,  the  true  Israelites, 
shall  finally  be  preserved  from  perdition  ( Ro.  11^^).  See  fur- 
ther notes  on  vv.  1-2. 

ITie  two  Witnesses ;  (a)  their  work  and  its  place,  vv.  3-6. 
The  two  men  who  will  be  sent  by  (lod  are  called  fidpTvpet, 
Witnesses.  They  are  prophets,  as  they  are  expressly  called  in 
V.  10,  and  their  work,  as  designated  in  vv.  3,  6,  is  that  of  the 
prophet.  Tliey  may  properly  be  called  Clod's  witnesses,  be- 
cause sent  by  him  to  bear  witness  to  the  truth  which  they  pro- 
claim. The  word  and  its  cognates  are  favorite  terms  in  the 
Johannine  writings ;  its  use  here  is  probably  due  to  the  author 
rather  than  his  source.  Tlie  prophets  will  appear  wearing 
sackcloth  (v.  3),  the  garment  of  mourning  and  penitence  (cf. 


XI.  1-13]  COMMENTARY  591 

Joel  1^3,  Jon.  3^,  Mt.  11^^),  and  the  course  of  the  narrative 
points  to  that  as  the  cliaracter  of  their  preaching.  As  in  gen- 
eral with  the  prophets  of  the  Great  Day,  their  message  will 
consist  of  denunciations  of  Israel's  sin,  the  call  to  repentance, 
and  the  threatening  of  judgment;  cf.  Joel  l^^^o^  Mt.  3^"^, 
Ac.  3^^~2^.  The  prophets  will  carry  on  their  mission  through- 
out the  period  during  which  .lerusalem  is  trodden  down  by 
the  Gentiles,  three  and  a  half  years  (vv.  2-3),  the  symbolical 
period  of  calamity  (see  p.  252).  Whoever  the  two  prophets 
may  be  in  the  source,  in  the  meaning  of  the  Apocalyptist  they 
are  Christian  prophets  —  no  others  are  conceivable  with  him 
(see  p.  595  f .)  —  and  he  must  think  of  their  message  as  ad- 
dressed to  Israel  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Christian  Jew,  as 
are  the  parallel  messages  of  Peter  (Ac.  2^2-40^  3^2-26^  .^^^^^  Qf 
Paul  (Ro.  chapts.  9-11).  That  Israel's  sin  in  rejecting  Christ 
is  included  in  the  Apocalyptist's  thought,  and  that  he  viewed 
the  two  prophets  as  Christians  he  shows  in  the  words  of  v.  8, 
'  where  their  Lord  was  crucified,'  which  are  an  addition  of  his 
to  the  source.  Jerusalem  is  certainly  represented  in  the  vision 
as  the  place  of  the  prophets'  labors.  The  words  '  the  great 
city,'  V.  8,  do  not  show  Rome  to  be  meant  (so  Spitta,  al) ;  for 
this  term  see  note  in  loc.  That  Jerusalem  is  the  scene  is  shown 
not  merely  by  the  added  words  of  v.  8,  but  first  of  all  by  the 
close  connection  between  v.  3  and  vv.  1-2  ;  the  coming  of  the 
Witnesses  (v.  3)  is  introduced  in  immediate  sequence  with 
the  events  transpiring  at  Jerusalem  (vv.  1-2^,  without  any 
intimation  of  a  change  of  place.  Also  the  final  outcome  of 
God's  dealing  with  the  city  as  given  in  v.  13,  the  sparing  of 
nine  tenths  of  it,  and  the  conversion  of  most  of  its  people,  can- 
not be  harmonized  with  the  character  and  destiny  of  Rome  as 
presented  everywhere  else  in  the  book. 

(h)  The  martyrdom  and  resuscitation  of  the  Witnesses,  vv. 
7-12.  Wheii  the  two  prophets  have  finished  their  appointed 
time  they  will  be  slain  by  the  beast  that  cometh  out  of  the 
abyss.  Hut  the  ignominious  treatment  of  their  dead  bodies 
will  be  suddenly  ended  and  the  rejoicing  over  their  death 
changed  to  fright  by  the  revival  of  the  prophets  and  their 
exaltation  into  heaven.  This  part  of  the  prophecy  is  evidently 
taken  over,  with  divergences,  from  the  source ;  but  the  space 


592  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [Xl.  l-i;3 

it  occupies  in  the  paragraph  shows  that  it  is  not  a  mere  detail 
retained  to  fill  out  the  picture.  Tlie  description  of  the  beast 
as  the  one  that  cometh  up  out  of  the  abyss  of  hell  shows  that 
the  familiar  figure  of  Antichrist  is  meant  (see  pp.  397  ff.). 
The  episode  of  the  prophecy  belongs  then  to  a  period  extending 
into  his  era  (whether  precisely  coinciding  with  it  in  its  begin- 
ning is  not  important).  Antichrist  will  have  destroyed  Rome, 
17^^  18^"^*.  His  authority,  whose  central  seat  is  no  longer 
thought  of,  will  have  been  extended  over  all  peoples  and  nations, 
and  he  will  suffer  no  opposition  to  his  worship  (13^^).  Jeru- 
salem will  be  occupied  by  the  hosts  of  his  followers.  On  the 
presence  of  these  powers  in  Jerusalem  cf.  Ps.  Sol.  2^^  ^5^  'The 
nations  reproached  Jerusalem,  trampling  it  down.  .  .  .  Delay 
not,  O  God,  to  turn  the  pride  of  the  dragon  into  dishonor.' 
Objection  has  been  raised  to  the  representation  of  the  beast 
and  the  Gentiles  as  hostile  to  the  Witnesses.  The  argument  is 
that  the  Witnesses  are  sent  to  Jerusalem ;  they  cannot  then 
incur  the  hatred  of  the  Gentiles,  nor  suffer  death  through  Anti- 
christ whose  seat  is  in  Rome.  It  will  be  seen  from  what  has 
just  been  said  that  this  objection  is  based  on  a  situation  alto- 
gether different  from  that  here  presupposed.  While  the  mission 
to  the  Jews  is  the  aspect  in  which  the  work  of  the  Witnesses  is 
presented  here,  their  denunciations  of  evil  are  universal,  their 
rebukes  and  the  wonders  wrought  by  them  (vv.  5-6)  must  fall 
on  the  nations,  the  followers  of  Antichrist,  who  as  conquerors 
occupy  the  city.  Tormentors  of  these  also  they  will  prove  them- 
selves as  described  in  v.  10  ;  and  they  will  draw  upon  themselves 
the  deadly  enmity  of  the  Beast  whose  worship  they  must  de- 
nounce. The  resuscitation  of  the  Witnesses  and  their  assump- 
tion into  heaven  is  intended,  doubtless  in  the  source  as  well  as 
here,  to  form  a  marvelous  vindication  in  the  sight  of  all  men  of 
God's  messengers  rejected  and  martyred. 

(c)  The  repentance  of  Jerusalem  (Israel),  v.  13.  The  preach- 
ing of  the  Witnesses,  enforced  by  their  resuscitation  and  exal- 
tation into  heaven  following  their  martyrdom,  is  still  further 
enforced  by  a  great  earthquake.  Nine  tenths  of  the  people  are 
terror-stricken  and  aroused  to  repentance.  Their  repentance 
is  signified  in  the  peculiar  idiomatic  expression  give  glory  to  G-od^ 
which  is  used  to  denote  acknowledgment  of  error  and  turning 


XI.  1-13]  COMMENTARY  593 

from  it  (see  on  v.  13),  That  the  preaching  of  the  Witnesses 
has  in  the  end  its  influence  in  moving  the  people  to  repentance 
is  implied  in  the  narrative  as  a  whole,  but  more  distinctly  in 
this  idiomatic  phrase,  which  denotes  a  real  spiritual  change. 
Israel's  repentance  of  its  rejection  of  the  Christ,  though  not 
specified,  must  in  the  thought  of  the  Apocalyptist  be  included 
here.  Thus  the  prophecy  contained  in  the  symbol  of  the  preser- 
vation of  the  temple  and  its  worshipers  will  be  fulfilled.  The 
purpose  of  God  in  temporarily  casting  off  Jerusalem  (cf.  Ro. 
chapt.  11),  in  sending  his  two  prophets,  and  in  working  his 
marvels,  will  be  attained,  while  the  visitations  sent  upon  the 
Gentiles  will  have  failed ;  cf.  921,  16K 

The  personality/  of  the  two  Witnesses.  The  figures  of  the  two 
Witnesses,  taken  over  from  the  source,  with  whatever  modifi- 
cation, are  partially  defined  or  at  least  dimly  outlined  in  what 
are  probably  additions  by  the  Apocalyptist.  They  are  first 
described  in  v.  4  (see  note  in  loc.^  in  their  relation  to  God,  and 
the  imagery  is  taken  with  variation  from  Zee.  •l^-i'^.  In  the 
vision  of  Zee.  two  olive  trees  (symbolizing  probably  Zerubbabel 
and  Joshua)  feed  their  oil  into  a  bowl,  whence  it  is  conveyed 
to  the  lamps  of  a  single  lampstand.  The  olive  trees  represent 
the  channels  tlirough  which  God  supplies  his  power  for  the 
work  to  be  done.  The  Apocalyptist  in  adopting  the  figure 
introduces  two  lampstands  instead  of  one,  thus  conforming  it 
more  closely  to  his  use,  and  blends  these  in  significance  with 
the  olive  trees,  i.e.  the  lampstands  and  the  olive  trees  alike 
symbolize  the  channels  through  which  the  might  of  God  is  to 
work.  The  comparison  is  clearly  not  meant  to  designate  the 
Witnesses  as  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua,  for  the  latter  are  not 
preachers  of  repentance,  nor  have  they  the  powers  attributed 
in  vv.  5-6  to  the  Witnesses.  The  language  is  meant  rather  to 
describe  the  Witnesses  as  the  agents  of  Crod  working  in  the  might 
which  he  supjjlies.  From  the  description  of  the  Witnesses  in 
their  relation  to  (iod,  the  writer  proceeds  to  designate  them 
more  distinctly  in  their  personalities  (vv.  5-6).  It  is  a  reason- 
able conjecture  that  the  personal  names  of  the  two  Witnesses 
were  given  in  the  source,  but  the  Apocalyptist  for  a  special 
reason  (see  p.  595)  prefers  to  designate  them  by  certain  activ- 
ities in  familiar  usage  associated  with  them.  The  powers  of 
2q 


594  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XI.  1-13 

shutting  up  the  heavens  that  it  rain  not,  of  turning  the  waters 
into  blood,  etc.,  are  those  that  appear  as  striking  activities  in 
the  histories  of  Elijah  and  Moses  (see  notes  on  vv.  5-6).  So 
also  the  function  of  calling  to  repentance  here  assigned  to  the 
Witnesses  is  that  of  Elijah,  who  according  to  Jewish  expecta- 
tion should  return  as  the  forerunner  and  great  moral  reformer 
before  the  day  of  the  Lord.  This  expectation  regarding  Elijah, 
expressed  first  in  Mai.  4^  ^\  is  widely  attested  in  the  N.  T.  and 
rabbinical  writings  (cf.  Mt.  17^"^-,  par.,  Mk.  6^^  par.;  see  also 
Weber,  /System,  337  f.).  It  is  doubtless  the  origin  of  the  repre- 
sentation in  this  prophecy.  While  the  special  office  of  preach- 
ing repentance  in  the  pre-messianic  time  was  not  attributed  to 
Moses,  yet  he  appears  in  Jewish  tradition  among  the  expected 
forerunners  of  the  Messiah.  The  promise  of  a  prophet  like 
unto  Moses  (Dt.  18^^)  came  to  be  interpreted  sometimes  of  a 
return  of  Moses  himself.  This  expectation  is  expressly  stated 
in  rabbinical  literature  (see  Weber,  in  ref .  above),  and  probably 
in  the  original  form  of  Sib.  Or.  V.  256  (see  Kautzsch  in  loo., 
Volz  49).  That  Moses  and  Elijah  were  grouped  together  with 
special  significance  appears  from  the  history  of  the  Transfigura- 
tion (Mk.  9^^).  The  one  name  sometimes  seems  to  suggest 
the  other ;  thus  they  are  brought  together  in  Mai.  4^  ^-  and 
frequently  in  rabbinical  tradition  (cf .  Weber,  as  above ;  also 
Edersheim  Life  and  Times,  etc.,  II.  706  ff.).  The  rabbinical 
belief  in  their  association  as  forerunners  of  the  Messiah  was 
probably  current  also  in  popular  eschatology,  whence  it  was 
taken  up  into  the  source  of  our  passage.  It  is  further  to  be 
noted  that  the  last  end  of  the  Witnesses,  as  described  in  v.  12, 
is  like  that  accorded  to  Moses  and  Elijah  in  Jewish  tradition ; 
like  these,  the  two  Witnesses  are  glorified  by  exaltation  into 
heaven.  Earlier  Heb.  history  records  the  death  and  burial  of 
Moses  in  the  land  of  Moab,  Dt.  34^^-.  But  as  Elijah  was  taken 
up  into  heaven  (2  K.  2}~^^')  so  also  according  to  later  tradition 
was  Moses.  This  belief  is  implied  in  the  rabbinic  legend  of 
the  taking  of  his  soul  at  death  up  to  a  dwelling-place  under 
(iod's  throne  (see  p.  525),  but  it  is  directly  attested  in  the 
fragments  of  the  Assumption  of  Moses,  which  are  preserved  in 
early  writers ;  cf .  also  Jude  v.  9  (see  Charles,  Assrimp.  of  Mos. 
105-110,  Hast.  III.  450).     It  appears  certain,  then,  that  the 


XI.  1-13]  COMMENTARY  595 

two  Witnesses  are  Elijah  and  Moses,  who  as  forerunners  of  the 
great  day  are  to  perform  the  office  elsewhere  in  the  Scriptures 
assig-ned  to  the  former  only.  The  eaiiy  commentators  under- 
stand the  second  of  the  two  Witnesses  to  be  Enoch  rather  than 
Moses,  because  he,  like  Elijah,  is  recorded  in  Scripture  to  have 
been  translated,  Heb.  11^  Ecclus.  44^'^.  But  the  description  in 
vv.  5-6  is  inappropriate  to  Enoch,  and  modern  scholars  are  for 
the  most  part  agreed  in  rejecting  that  reference. 

But  in  what  sense,  now,  can  our  Apocalyptist,  a  Christian 
writer,  have  taken  up  the  return  of  Elijah  and  Moses  in  the 
last  days  ?  It  is  noticeable  that  he  does  not  expressly  give 
these  names  to  the  two  prophets  ;  in  one  aspect  he  describes 
them  by  a  figure  belonging  to  other  names  (Zerubbabel  and 
Joshua)  ;  the  powers  which  he  attributes  to  them,  following  in 
the  one  case  the  story  of  Elijah  ( vv.  5-6  a),  in  the  other  that 
of  Moses  (v.  6  b),  he  assigns  to  both  in  common.  We  are  led, 
then,  to  the  conclusion  that  he  has  not  in  mind  the  reappear- 
ance of  the  historical  personages  themselves,  but  rather  prophets 
who  shall  perform  the  function  assigned  to  Elijah  and  Moses  in 
Heb.  tradition.  Even  if  not  familiar  with  the  Lord's  inter- 
pretation of  the  prophecy  regarding  Elijah  as  fulfilled  in  John 
the  Baptist  (Mt.  17^*^^^),  yet  as  a  Jewish  Christian  who  saw  in 
Jesus  the  fulfillment  of  prophecy,  he  must  have  recognized  in 
many  predictions  an  impersonal  reference  to  agents  who  should 
act  in  the  '  spirit  and  power '  (Lk.  1^")  of  former  servants  of 
God,  and  perform  the  offices  of  these.  So  here  we  may  take 
the  Apocalyptist  to  have  adopted  the  prediction  of  his  source 
in  the  sense  of  the  sending  of  two  great  prophets  in  the  last 
times,  who  in  the  spirit  and  power  of  Elijah  and  Moses  should 
call  Israel  to  repentance. 

But  while  the  diuility  of  the  Witnesses  in  the  source  is  thus 
accounted  for,  it  is  doubtful  whether  its  presence  there  covers 
wholly  the  significance  which  the  Apocalyptist  attaches  to  it. 
He  seems  to  give  prominence  to  it ;  cf .  vv.  3,  4,  10.  The 
familiar  grouping  together  of  Moses  and  Elijah  spoken  of 
above,  i.e.  of  the  great  lawgiver  and  the  foremost  of  the  proph- 
ets, is  only  another  aspect  of  the  truth  contained  in  the  frequent 
phrase, '  the  law  and  the  prophets,'  which  comprehends  the  sum 
of  all  revelation  and  commandment  given  to  Israel.     The  for- 


59G  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XI.  1-13 

mula  embraces  the  unquestioned  authority  to  which  appeal  is 
made  for  the  enforcement  of  duty  (Mt.  7^^^  or  the  sanction  of 
truth  (Lk.  2427).  It  is  quite  natural,  then,  that  our  Apocalyp- 
tist,  Jewish  Christian  as  he  is,  should  be  impressed  by  this 
representation  in  his  source,  and  should  take  it  up  and  empha- 
size it  as  a  prophecy  of  the  authority  which  both  the  law  and 
the  prophets  will  give  to  the  message  of  the  Witnesses  whose 
office  it  will  be  to  call  Israel  to  repentance  in  the  last  times. 
The  prophets  whom  he  foresees  will  come  in  the  character,  not 
of  Elijah  only,  but  of  Moses  as  well.  In  view  of  the  word 
fjidpTvpa,  tvitmsses,  we  almost  catch  a  reminiscence  of  St.  Paul's 
words  urged  in  his  great  plea  to  the  Jew  for  the  Christian  doc- 
trine of  righteousness  before  God,  Ro.  3^1,  fiaprvpov/xevi]  viro 
Tov  vojxov  Kol  TOiv  7rpo(f)r]T(ov,  being  untnessed  by  the  law  and  the 
prophets.  This  supposition,  it  should  be  observed,  is  quite  dif- 
ferent from  the  attribution  of  an  allegorical  meaning  to  the 
Apocalyptist's  words.  He  conceives  the  Witnesses  as  actual 
persons,  whose  work  and  destiny  he  portrays  with  details  as 
objective  realities.  There  is  no  trace  of  an  intended  allegory 
representing  a  general  power  or  influence  at  work  in  the 
Church. 


XI.  1.  See  pp.  584  ff.,  590.  The  Apocalyptist  in  passing  to 
the  second  part  of  the  interlude  introduces  a  new  vision  with- 
out the  usual  phrase  kol  etSov,  and  I  saw,  or  similar  mark  of 
transition  (see  on  4^).  A  voice  addresses  him,  not  as  a  mere 
beholder,  but  as  an  actor ;  for  such  symbolic  actions,  frequent 
with  the  O.T.  prophets,  cf.  Is.  202,  jer.  13*,  Ezk.  243,  cf.  also 
Ac.  21".  But  the  Apocalyptist  is  not  represented  as  actually 
carrying  out  the  measuring ;  the  significant  fact  is  the  declara- 
tion of  God's  will. — kb6Qr\,  there  was  given:  i.e.  by  a  divine 
agent,  whether  the  angel  of  the  preceding  vision  or  another  is 
not  important.  —  KaXap-os,  a  reed:  a  measuring  rod,  as  in  21^•'*•^^ 
Ezk.  40^'^  —  pdp5(o,  a  staff:  cf.  Mt.  lO^o,  par.,  Heb.ll^i.  The 
comparison  refers  to  length.  —  Xe-ycDV :  a  harsh  construction, 
the  partic.  referring  to  the  agent  of  i866j],  as  if  ehcoKev  had 
been  used.  The  command  is  that  of  God,  though  uttered  by 
an  agent. — c-ycipe :    for  the   frequent   intrans.    use   as   a   sum- 


XL  1]  COMMENTARY  597 

moiis,  ?/^,  cf.  Mt.  9^  Mk.  2^^  Eph.  51'*.  —  (xerpTicrov,  measure: 
the  imagery  is  suggested  by  Ezk.  cluipts.  40-48  (or  perhaps  by 
Zee.  2-"),  though  a  different  meaning  is  attached  to  it.  The 
determining  of  dimensions,  as  in  21^^,  Ezk,  40'''*,,  cannot  be 
meant ;  that  idea  has  no  place  here.  The  meaning  is  shown 
by  the  contrast  in  v.  2  to  be  the  symbol  of  preservation ;  the 
measurement  marks  olf  the  sphere  whose  bounds  the  devasta- 
tion or  profanation  of  t[ie  enemy  may  not  cross ;  Zee.  2}^^  is 
interpreted  by  some,  though  probably  not  rightly,  as  support- 
ing this  meaning  of  the  symbol.  In  some  places,  e.g.  2  K.  21^^, 
Is.  34^^,  Lam.  2^,  the  measuring-line  and  plummet  are  symbols 
of  destruction,  and  many  older  com.  (so  also  Erbes  71  ff.)  take 
that  to  be  the  meaning  here  ;  but  the  contrast  of  the  unmeasured 
in  V.  2,  which  is  to  be  trodden  down  by  the  Gentiles,  makes 
that  interpretation  untenable.  — tov  vadv,  the  temple:  the  tem- 
ple-edifice itself  is  meant  here,  as  distinguished  from  tlie  various 
courts  connected  with  it.  This  is  the  meaning  of  va6<i  every- 
where in  the  N.T.  except  possibly  Mt.  27^;  but  probably  there 
also.  For  the  whole  sacred  precinct  including  the  courts  lepov 
is  used ;  if  vao'^  were  used  in  that  sense  here,  it  would  necessarily 
include  the  outer  court.,  which,  however,  is  expressly  excluded 
from  the  measuring,  v.  2. — to  BucriacrTTipiov,  the  altar:  the 
exact  reference  of  the  word  here  is  important  in  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  following  words.  Most  scholars,  doubtless  with 
right,  refer  it  to  the  altar  of  burnt-offering,  standing  in  tlie 
priests'  court,  outside  of  the  temple-edifice.  But  some  under- 
stand the  altar  of  incense  to  be  meant,  which  stood  within  the 
temple-edifice,  in  the  Holy  place  before  the  Holy  of  holies.  The 
measuring  of  the  latter  altar  would,  however,  be  superfluous, 
as  it  is  included  in  the  measurement  of  the  va6<i.  Moreover, 
whatever  may  be  true  of  the  heavenly  temple  (see  on  8^),  when 
the  altar  of  the  earthly  temple  is  spoken  of  without  any  defining 
word,  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  is  always  meant.  This,  in  the 
religious  history  of  the  Hebrews  and  in  the  temple-worship, 
was  the  altar.  In  the  passage  in  Ezk.  also,  which  suggested 
the  imagery  used   here,   the  altar  of   burnt-offering   is  meant 

Tovs  TTpoo'KDVOTjvTas  cv  avT<3,  those    that  worship    thereat,  or 
therein :  the  idea  of  measuring  the  worshipers  furnishes  no  rea^ 


598  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XI.  1 

difficulty,  for  the  significance  of  the  figure,  preserving^  is  in  the 
writer's  mind.  The  phrase  iv  avrw  may  in  \tself  mean  therein, 
in  the  temple,  or  thereat,  at  or  near  the  altar.  The  position  of 
the  phrase  favors  the  latter.  For  this  use  of  iv  of.  Mt  6^, 
Lk.  IS'^,  also  the  frequent  phrase  iv  8e^ia,  e.g.  Ro.  8^^  Eph.  l^O; 
cf.  the  Homeric  ev  iroTaixcp  II.  XVIII.  521,  Od.  V.  466;  see  Win. 
§  48,  1,  c.  Probably  in  all  such  cases  the  noun  is  primarily 
thought  of  as  including  the  sphere  belonging,  or  adjacent,  to  it. 
If  now  the  altar  of  burnt-offering  is  meant,  the  worshipers 
spoken  of  are  doubtless  the  people,  those  to  whom  were  allotted 
the  courts  directly  in  front  of  the  altar,  i.e.  the  courts  of  the 
Israelites  or  men's  court,  and  the  women's  court;  the  court  of 
the  Gentiles  could  not  be  included.  The  people  thus  assembled 
within  sight  of'  the  great  altar  and  its  service  are  properly 
spoken  of  as  worshiping  at  the  altar;  cf.  2  K.  18^'^  'Ye  shall 
worship  before  this  altar,'  Is.  36'^,  2  Chron.  321^^.  The  precise 
force  of  the  vb.  should  also  be  observed.  irpocrKVvelv  denotes 
worship,  and  is  the  appropriate  word  for  those  in  the  court  of 
the  worshipers.  If  priestly  service  were  meant,  we  should 
expect  Xarpveiv,  or  Xeirovpyelv.  It  is  true  that  this  part  of  the 
temple  was  the  allotted  place  of  worship  for  all  Israel,  and  so 
all  Jews  might  be  thought  to  be  included  in  the  measuring 
symbolical  of  preservation  (so,  some  com.),  but  that  cannot  be 
meant,  for  Jerusalem  itself  is  given  up  to  the  Gentiles,  and  v.  13 
also  shows  that  the  godless  Israelites  are  not  included.  The 
true  worshipers,  the  faithful  Israelites,  must  be  meant.  What 
is  intended  is  a  picture  of  God's  abiding  love  and  mercy  toward 
his  people;  he  has  not  cast  them  off.  A  remnant  (Ezk.  14^^, 
Ro.  11"*  ^•)  shall  be  kept  in  safety  —  a  symbol  of  the  repentance 
and  salvation  recorded  in  v.  13.  If  on  the  other  hand  the 
altar  of  incense  is  meant  here,  or  if  we  interpret,  'in  it,'  i.e.  in 
the  vao'i,  the  temple-edifice,  then  the  worshipers,  the  preserved, 
must  be  the  priests  only,  for  no  others  were  permitted  to  enter 
the  Holy  place.  Such  a  prophecy  is  not  conceivable  with  our 
author,  unless  he  has  in  mind  all  Christians  as  forming  a  priest- 
hood (so,  some  com.).  Though  Christians  are  priests  (1*^,  5^*^) 
the  supposition  that  the  whole  body  of  the  Church  is  meant 
here  only  introduces  confusion  into  the  jiassage;  this  single 
phrase   cannot  be  taken  by  itself  allegorically,  while  the  rest, 


XI.  3]  COMMENTARY  599 

Jerusalem,  the  conquering  Gentiles,  the  outer  court,  etc.,  receive 
a  literal  interpretation;  .see  p.  585. 

2.  TT|v  avXiiv  .  .  .  vaov,  the  outer  court  of  the  temple:  the 
so-called  court  of  the  (Jentiles.  17  e^codev  avXrj  =  17  i^forepa 
avXi],  ct".  Ezk.  10'5.  Grammatically  vaov  might  depend  upon 
either  avXrjv  or  e^wdev  ;  the  meaning  in  the  former  case  is  the 
outer  court  belonging  to  the  temple,  i.e.  the  court  of  the 
Gentiles;  in  the  latter  case,  the  court  which  is  outside  of 
the  vao';,  the  temple-edifice,  i.e.  the  priest's  court;  but  the  court 
containing  the  altar  would  in  that  case  be  given  up  to  the  in- 
vaders, which  is  precluded  by  the  measuring.  —  eVpaXe  €|a)6€V, 
cast  out :  the  meaning  is  shown  by  the  added  w(n-ds,  measure  it 
not ;  that  part  is  to  be  cast  out  from  a  share  in  that  which  is  to 
be  preserved.  — cSoGt),  hath  been  given:  the  tense  refers  to  that 
which  has  already  been  fixed  in  the  will  of  (lod.  The  subj.  of 
the  vb.  is  77  avkr],  or  perhaps  the  following  clause  with  Kai, 
taken  as  equivalent  to  an  infin.,  after  the  Heb.  idiom;  cf.  v.  3, 
Soiao)  Koi  ktX..,  see  Thayer  SiScofjit  III. — tt)V  irdXiv  tt|v  dyiav., 
the  holy  city:  for  this  designation  of  Jerusalem  cf.  Neh.  ll^. 
Is.  48",  Mt.  4'^.  — TraT-qo-ovcTLV,  shall  tread  under  foot :  Jerusalem 
will  be  subjugated  and  profaned,  but  not  utterly  destroyed;  its 
existence  is  presupposed  in  vv.  3-13.  —  |JLi]vas  Tco-crapciKovTa 
hvo.,  forty  two  inonths :  42  months  =  1260  days  =  3^  years,  the 
conventional  apocalyptic  period  of  the  domination  of  evil  before 
the  End,  the  'times  of  the  Gentiles';  cf.  Lk.  21^^  'Jerusalem 
shall  be  trodden  down  of  the  Gentiles  until  the  times  of  the 
Gentiles  be  fulfilled.'     See  p.  252. 

3.  The  Apocalyptist  passes  to  the  prophesying  of  the  two 
Witnesses,  vv.  3-12.  See  pp.  584,  590  fP.,  593.  —  Saxjw, 
I ivill  give  :  the  subj.  of  the  vb.  is  God.  The  abrupt  introduc- 
tion of  God  is  the  easier  here,  because  in  vv.  1-2  it  is  really 
God  who  is  speaking  through  his  agent.  There  is  nothing  to 
suggest  Christ  as  the  speaker  (so,  many  com.);  the  reference 
to  witnesses  of  Christ  in  2^^,  17*^  is  not  sufficient  to  establish 
that  meaning  here. — The  obj.  of  hoocroj  is  contained  in  the 
clause  Ka\  kt\.,  instead  of  hcaaai  fidpTvpaiv  rrpocfyrjTeveip.,  I  will 
give.,  send,  my  witnesses  to  prophesy;  see  on  v.  2. — Trpo<j)T]- 
T€V(rovcriv,  shall  prophesy :  prophesy  is  here  used  in  its  primary 
sense  of  declaring  an  inspired  message  from  God;   cf.  1  Co.  14 


600  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  PCI.  3 

passim.  The  warning  call  to  repentance  is  meant.  —  -qfjiepas 
YiXias  SiaKOcrias  €|T)K0VTa,  a  thousand  two  hundred  and  threescore 
days :  see  on  v.  2.  —  irepiPtpXiUJievoi  o-olkkoxjs,  clothed  in  sack- 
cloth: indicative  of  the  topic  of  their  preaching;   see  p.  591. 

4.  This  verse  is  thrown  in  in  the  form  of  a-  parenthesis  de- 
scriptive of  the  two  prophets  as  acting  in  the  power  of  God.  It 
is  so  distinctly  in  keeping  with  the  author's  manner,  that  it  may 
probably  be  regarded  as  an  addition  of  his  to  the  source;  see 
p.  593.  —  al  6\fo,  the  two :  the  art.  marks  them  as  the  two  well 
known  from  their  mention  in  Zee.  (4^'").  Whether  there  may 
not  lie  behind  the  imagery  of  Zee.  some  popular  representation 
which  he  has  taken  up  and  applied,  as  Gunkel  supposes 
(128  ff.),  is  not  important  for  the  interpretation  of  the  symbol. 
—  a  I  evwTTiov  .  .  .  eaxwres,  tvhich  stand  before  the  Lord  of  the 
earth :  the  epithet  is  taken  from  Zee.  4^*,  and  marks  the  imme- 
diate relation  of  the  Witnesses  to  the  almighty  ruler  of  the 
earth,  whose  servants  they  are  in  their  prophetic  work.  — 
tcTtoTcs:  the  use  of  the  mas.  after  the  fem.  art.  is  very  harsh; 
the  writer's  thought  passes  suddenly  from  the  symbol  to  the 
persons  symbolized. 

5.  TTvp  CKTroptvexai  /crX.,  Jire  proceedeth  out  of  their  mouth, 
etc. :  the  representation  is  derived  from  the  story  of  Elijah, 
2  K.  1^*^,  where,  however,  the  fire  comes  from  heaven  at  Elijah's 
bidding.  In  Ecclus.  48^  the  word  of  Elijah  is  compared  to  fire, 
as  is  that  of  Jeremiah  in  Jer.  5^*.  The  Apocalyptist  taking  up 
the  metaphor  applies  it  as  a  reality  to  the  Witnesses.  That  he 
has  Elijah  in  mind  is  shown  by  v.  6a.  —  Kal  c'l  tis  OeXriaT)  .  .  . 
diroKTavBTivaL,  yea,  if  anyone  shall  desire  to  hurt  them,  in  this 
manner  must  he  he  killed :  the  words  repeat  for  emphasis  the 
thought  of  the  preceding  sentence.  Perhaps  OeXeL  should  be 
read  as  in  the  first  sentence;  in  either  case  the  supposition 
relates  to  the  future  and  ei  with  the  subjv.  does  not  differ  from 
edv  with  the  subjv.;  see  Burton  §  253.  —  ovtcos,  in  this  manner : 
by  fire. 

6.  Probably  another  addition  of  the  Apocalyptist  to  his 
source  ;  see  on  v.  4.  — c'louaiav  KXtio-ai  ktX.,  power  to  shut  the 
heaven,  etc.  :  this  attribute  also  is  taken  from  the  story  of 
Elijah,  cf.  1  K.  171,  Ecclus.  48^,  Lk.  425,  Jas.  5i7.  According 
to  1  K.  18^  the  heaven  was  shut  till  the  third  year,  i.e.  less 


XI.  8]  COMMENTARY '  601 

than  three  full  years  ;  but  Jewish  tradition,  followed  in  Lk. 
and  James,  substituted  three  and  a  half,  the  number  symbolical 
of  a  calamitous  period.  The  Apocalyptist  adopts  the  same  (of. 
V.  3),  in  conformity  with  the  period  supposed  throughout  the 
context.  — elouaiav  tirl  Toiv  vSoltcdv  /ctX,.,  power  over  the  waters^ 
etc.  :  this  attribute  is  taken  from  the  history  of  Moses,  Ex.  7^*^ ; 
the  added  words,  to  smite  the  earth  with  every  plague^  as  seen 
from  their  close  connection  with  the  preceding,  refer  summa- 
rily to  the  power  of  Moses  in  the  infliction  of  all  the  Egyptian 
plagues. 

7.  See  pp.  591  f.  The  Witnesses  are  secure  from  the 
attacks  of  enemies  till  they  have  fultilled  their  prophetic  mis- 
sion, i.e.  to  the  end  of  the  period  determined  by  God  ;  then 
they  fall  as  martyrs.  — to  B-qpiov,  the  beast:  i.e.  Antichrist  ;  see 
pp.  397  ff.  'J'he  beast  is  here  introduced  with  the  art.  as  well 
known  ;  this  has  raised  difficulty  among  critics  unnecessarily. 
The  beast  of  Dan.  7^**-,  the  'abomination  spoken  of  by  Daniel 
the  prophet'  (Mt.  S-l^^),  had  become  a  familiar  representation 
of  Antichrist.  As  such  it  not  improbably  stood  in  the  source 
used  by  the  Apocalyptist,  and  could  be  taken  over  without 
further  definition,  as  well  understood  by  the  readers.  It  is  not 
then  an  anticipation  of  chapt.  13,  introduced  prematurely  ; 
rather,  what  is  introduced  here  incidentally  is  there,  in  its 
proper  place  in  the  author's  plan,  taken  up  and  shown  fully  in 
its  character  and  operations. — iroLTJcrti  |X€T  avTwv  -rrdXeixov, 
shall  make  ivar  with  them:  said  figuratively  of  hostile  assault. 
The  same  expression  is  used  in  12^'',  wliere  there  can  be  no 
question  of  contending  armies  ;  cf.  also  TroXe/ietv,  2^^\  in  refer- 
ence to  a  small  group  of  Nicolaitan  teachers.  For  TrdXe/xo?  in 
the  sense  of  a  single  combat,  see  L  and  S.  s.v. 

8.  The  denial  of  burial  was  felt  by  Jew  and  Gentile  alike 
to  be  the  extreme  act  of  indignity  ;  cf.  1  K.  21^'^,  Jer.  8^%  14^^ 
also  Sophocles,  Ant.  passim.  — to  irTwfJia  avTwv:  strict  accuracy 
would  require  the  pi.  (as  in  some  Mss.),  but  the  sing,  is  some- 
times used  when  the  noun  denotes  that  which  each  one  of  a 
number  of  persons  possesses  severally  ;  cf.  crrofiaTa  v.  5,  Ke^a- 
\r)v  Ac.  18*^ ;  see  Blass  §  33,  4.  The  vb.  se.  eari  or  /celrai  is 
omitted. — tt^s  iroXtoos  ttjs  |Ji€*Yd\T)S,  the  great  city:  Jerusalem 
is  certainly   meant;    see  p.    591.      Elsewhere  in  the  book   the 


602  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XI.  8 

terra  refers  to  Rome  ;  cf.  14*^,  16^^  chapts.  17-18  passim.  But 
the  expression  is  one  whose  reference  must  be  determined  by 
the  connection.  Jerusalem  is  so  called  in  Sib.  Or.  V.  154, 
226,  413  ;  cf.  also  Jer.  22^.  In  connection  with  the  descrip- 
tion of  it  given  in  this  verse,  the  writer  might  hesitate  to  call 
it  the  holy  city.  —  tjtls  KaXtirai  kt\.,  which  is  called,  etc.  :  the 
second  part  of  the  verse  declares  the  sinfulness  of  Jerusalem 
which  causes  it  to  be  given  up  to  the  Gentiles.  —  irvcviJLaTLKws, 
spiritually:  i.e.  in  a  mystical  sense,  in  contrast  with  literally; 
cf.  Thayer,  s.v. — Jerusalem  is  called  Sodom  in  Is.  1^*^;  cf. 
also  Dt.  3232,  Jer.  23^4,  Ezk.  16*'''  ^9.  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  are 
the  synonyms  of  extreme  wickedness  ;  cf.  Mt.  10^^  11^3.  The 
name  Egypt  is  not  given  to  Jerusalem  in  the  O.T.,  but  in  the 
state  of  sinfulness  here  thought  of  the  city  might  receive  this 
name,  typical  of  the  enemy  of  God's  people.  —  oirou  .  .  .  earav- 
p(o6i],  where  their  Lord  ivas  crucified:  the  connection  suggests 
that  these  words  are  not  meant  to  define  more  clearly  the  place 
referred  to,  but  to  specify  one  of  the  sins  of  Jerusalem,  which 
led  to  its  chastisement.  — Kai  (before  o  /cupto?),  also:  the  Wit- 
nesses will  suffer  in  the  same  place  as  did  also  their  Lord. 

9.  pXtirouciv:  the  subj.  is  contained  in  the  partitive  expres- 
sion e'/c  rSiv  \aoyv  ktX.  ;  see  on  2^^.  —  t<ov  Xacov  Kal  <j)\)\wv  kt\., 
peoples  and  tribes.,  etc.  ;  see  on  5^.  This  general  expression  for 
all  peoples  includes  Jews  as  well  as  Gentiles.  The  '  nations ' 
to  whom  Jerusalem  is  given  over  are  taken  to  represent  all 
Gentiles,  as  the  Jewish  inhabitants  are  representative  of  the 
Jewish  people  as  a  whole.  — T)|xepas  xptis  Kal  tjiiktu,  three  and  a 
half  days :  the  number  is  used  in  its  symbolical  sense,  denoting 
calamity,  as  always  in  the  book ;  see  p.  252.  In  a  country 
where  burial  regularly  took  place  on  the  day  of  death  the  time 
of  exposure  and  indignity  would  be  regarded  long. 

10.  ol  KaToiKovvT€S  cttI  tt]s  yi]S-,  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth : 
this  stereotyped  phrase  has  its  bad  sense  here,  the  tvicked ;  see 
on  S^^.  The  writer's  tendency  to  repetition  (see  p.  241)  is 
seen  in  the  use  of  the  same  words  again  at  the  end  of  the  verse. 
The  persons  meant  are  the  same  as  those  spoken  of  in  v.  9,  and 
they  are  thought  of  as  representing  the  world  of  the  ungodly 
at  large.  - — )(^aipovaiv  ktX.,  rejoice,  etc.  :  the  two  prophets  will 
torment  the  people  of  Jerusalem,  Gentiles  as  well  as  faithless 


XI.  13]  COMMENTARY  603 

Jews,  by  their  denunciiitions  (v.  3)  and  their  fearful  miracles 
(vv.  5-6),  and  all  these,  described  in  their  ungodly  character 
as  '  dwellers  on  the  earth,'  will  rejoice  over  deliverance  from 
their  torments  (see  p.  592)  ;  '  the  world  will  rejoice  '  (Jno. 
16^0),  and  men  will  send  presents  to  one  another  in  token  of 
their  joy  ;  cf.  Neh.  gio- 12,  Esth.  9i9'  22, 

11-12.  The  martyrdom  and  ignominious  treatment  of  the 
Witnesses  are  succeeded  by  a  triumphant  vindication  in  their 
revival  and  exaltation  into  heaven.  —  irvevixa  .  .  .  tovs  iroSas, 
the  breath  of  lifefroyn  God  entered  i7ito  them,  and  they  stood  upon 
their  feet:  the  language  follows  closely  Ezk.  37^^  ;  cf.  also  2  K. 
1321.  For  TTvevfx.a  t<«?}9,  the  breath  of  life;  cf.  Gen.  6^''. — 
ela-TiXOev,  entered  into:  in  vv.  3,  7  the  writer  uses  the  fut.  as 
prophesying,  and  in  vv.  9-10  the  pres.,  for  greater  vividness, 
with  the  same  force  ;  in  vv.  11-13  he  changes  to  the  aor.,  as 
narrating  what  he  had  already  seen  and  heard  in  vision.  —  If 
iv  be  read  before  avTol<i,  its  use  Is  peculiar,  especially  after  a 
compound  with  ek  ;  but  cf.  Lk.  9^*^ ;  result  after  motion  is 
thought  of,  see  Blass  §  41,  1  ;  Win.  §  50,  4,  a.  —  The  resusci- 
tation of  the  Witnesses  takes  place,  not  after  three  days,  but 
after  three  and  a  half  ;  and  the  scene  of  this  and  the  assump- 
tion into  heaven  is  a  public  place  in  the  midst  of  the  city  and 
in  the  sight  of  all  the  people.  The  representation  then  is  not 
parallel  to  the  resurrection  and  ascension  of  the  Lord,  and  can- 
not be  traced  to  that  as  its  origin  (so,  some  com.).  It  is  prob- 
ably taken  from  the  author's  source,  and  its  ultimate  origin 
may  easily  be  traced  to  the  resuscitation  described  in  Ezk.  37^'^, 
and  the  ascension  of  Elijah,  2  K.  2ii. — iiKOuaav,  thet/  heard: 
cf.  Jno.  528,  'All  that  are  in  the  tombs  shall  hear  his  voice.' 
But  the  reading  ij/covo-a  ktX.,  I  heard  a  voice  saying  unto  them, 
gives  a  better  sense  and  is  more  in  keeping  with  the  author's 
usage ;  cf.  6I'  3,  5,  7^  1210,  18*,  21^. 

13.  See  pp.  584,  592.  A  comparatively  small  portion  of 
the  city,  one  tenth,  is  destTroyed  and  apparently  a  corresponding 
part  of  the  people.  The  rest  of  the  city  is  spared,  the  rest  of 
the  people  are  aroused  to  repentance.  —  6v6\iaTa  dvGpcbirwv, 
lit.  names  of  men :  i.e.  persons.  For  ovo^a  in  the  sense  of 
person  cf.  3^  Ac.  1^^.  Deissmann,  Neu.  Bibelstud.  p.  24,  gives 
examples  from  papyri.     It  is  especially  used  thus  in  enumera- 


604  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF   JOHN  [XL  13 

tions,  persons  being'  numbered  by  name  ;  cf .  Num.  1"' ""' "-.  — 
01  XoLTTOi,  the  rest :  strict  literalism  would  find  here  Gentiles  as 
well  as  Jews;  but  a  conversion  of  the  followers  of  Antichrist 
is  foreign  to  our  book.  The  Apocalyptist  with  the  purpose  of 
the  paragraph  in  mind  forgets  the  aliens  present  in  the  city; 
both  in  the  tenth  destroyed  and  in  the  nine  tenths  delivered, 
he  is  thinking  of  only  the  normal  inhabitants,  the  Jews.  — 
€8coKav  56|av  t(o  9€(3,  gave  glory  to  Crod:  a  peculiar  idiomatic 
phrase  denoting  repentance ;  the  meaning  is  to  pay  the  honor 
due  to  God  by  changing  one's  attitude  and  confessing,  speaking, 
or  doing,  the  truth  as  the  truth  of  God  ;  cf.  16^,  Jno.  9^*,  Jos.  7^^, 
Jer.  13^^  1  Es.  98,  cf.  1  Pet.  2}\  —  tco  Ocw  tov  ovpavov,  the  God 
of  heaven:  the  term,  found  in  the  N.  T.  here  and  16^^  only,  is 
frequent  in  late  Jewish  writings,  e.g.  Dan.  2^^,  Jon.  1^,  Ezr.  1^, 
Tob.  10^^ ;  see  Bouss.  Judenthum  306.  It  came  to  be  used  as 
expressive  of  the  transcendant  majesty  of  God,  without  refer- 
ence to  a  contrast  with  false  gods.  There  is  in  our  passage  no 
implication  of  turning  from  idols  to  the  true  God.  There  is 
then  no  ground  for  Wellhausen's  contention  (^Analys.  16)  that 
it  is  absurd  to  speak  of  the  conversion  of  Jews  to  the  God  of 
heaven,  that  the  language  can  be  used  of  Gentiles  only,  and 
that  therefore  Rome  rather  than  Jerusalem  must  be  the  city 
spoken  of  here. 

Textual  notes,  11^"'^.  1.  Before  A.eywv,  ^''Q  many  min  (cf.  AV)  insert 
ufTTTjKtL  o  ayycAos.  —  2.  Instead  of  e^oj^ev  before  tov  vaov,  )^  some  min  R 
Sod  read  ecrw^ev.  —  3.  7rtpi/3e(3Xr)ixcvoL  H'^^C  min  R  edd ;  '7rept/3£y8Xr;/Aevov9 
H*APQ  min  Tr  WIL  —  4.  For  ecrTWTes  ^''P  many  nun  R  read  earuyaai,  a  cor- 
rection.—  5.  OeXrjcTr]  5b  KA  most  edd;  deXei  CPQ  most  minWH  mrg 
Bouss.  —  8.  TO  TTTOifxa  ACQ  most  min  edd ;  ra  TrTto/xara  1<P  many  min  R.  — 
For  avToiv  after  Kvpio<i,  one  min  R  read  -qfjunv.  —  9.  For  /SXeirovcnv,  some 
vers  Prim  R  read  (SXeipovatv.  — affaovaLv  XACP  min  edd  ;  a^-qcrova-LV  Q  many 
min  R.  —  19.  ^aipovatv  nearly  all  sources  edd  ;  -^ap-qcrovTai  some  min  Prim  ; 
•)(a.pov(jLV  R,  uncertain  source.  —  evcftpaivovTai  KACP  min  edd ;  ev<f>pav- 
6r}(TovTai  Q  some  min  R.  —  irtpApovcnv  ><''AC  many  min  R  Ws  Sod  WH  al; 
TTtp-TTovdiv  ^*V  some  min  Ti  Blj  Bouss.  —  \\.  tv  aurois  A  some  min  most 
edd;  ev  is  wanting  in  CP  some  min  Tr  Sod,  bracketed  by  WH  ;  ets  avrous 
KQ  many  min;  tir  avrovs  some  min  R.  — 12.  -qKOvcrav  S*ACP  min  R  most 
edd ;  rjKova-a  K^'Q  many  min  some  vers  De  Wet  Diist  Alf  Bouss  al. 

Criticism  of  10-11'^^.  The  fundamental  difficulties  raised  in  criticism  of 
this  part  of  the  Apocalypse  have  been  considered  above  in  the  interpreta- 
tion, as  they  are  in  reality  exegetical  problems.     The  entire  passage  is  re- 


CRITICISM  OF  X-XI.  13  605 

garded  by  many  as  foreign  to  tho  plan  of  the  book  iu  tlii.s  place  and  as  the 
work  of  a  different  hand ;  so  e.g.  Spitta,  Weyland,  Wellhausen,  J.  Weiss,  al. 
The  seventh  trumpet-vision  and  the  third  woe  (11"*)  must,  it  is  urged, 
follow  directly  after  the  sixth  vision  and  the  second  woe,  i.e.  immediately 
after  9^1 ;  this  paragraph  breaks  the  sequence  and  in  subject-matter  has  no 
connection  with  the  preceding  or  the  following.  But  for  the  appropriate- 
ness of  the  passage  in  this  place  see  pp.  244  ff.,  573,  588  if.  In  addition 
to  what  is  there  said  of  the  conformity  of  the  structure  to  the  author's 
manner,  it  should  be  observed  that  in  characteristic  language  and  phrase- 
ology the  passage  agrees  with  the  other  parts  of  the  book ;  see  pp.  222  ff. 
Also  two  special  considerations  should  be  noticed.  (1)  The  words  of  the 
angel  in  10'^  announcing  the  nearness  of  the  Last  Days  and  of  the  seventh 
trumpet-blast  show  that  the  paragTaph,  at  least  in  its  present  form,  is  de- 
signed to  stand  between  a  series  of  six  trumpet^visions  and  a  seventh  as  the 
last;  likewise  the  expressions  'another  angel'  10^,  and  'prophesy  again' 
10^1,  look  back  to  some  such  connection  as  the  preceding.  If  the  theory  of 
an  editorial  addition  is  to  be  maintained  here,  these  words  and  phrases 
must  be  expunged,  a  process  for  which  there  is  no  ground  apart  from  the 
theory  itself.  An  editor  feeling  the  necessity  of  establishing  a  connection 
which  he  saw  to  be  wanting  in  the  original  form  would  have  been  likely  to 
make  the  links  more  conspicuous.  (2)  The  paragraph  is  not  complete  in 
itself,  it  could  not  have  formed  an  '  eschatological  leaflet '  which  has  been 
caught  up  and  preserved  here ;  and  that  an  editor  should  have  excerpted  it 
from  its  original  position  in  another  document  and  have  inserted  it  between 
two  trumpet-visions  is  to  say  the  least  extremely  unlikely.  A  plausible 
motive  for  such  a  procedure  has  not  been  suggested. 

Further  arguments  adduced  for  a  different  origin  of  the  paragraph  are : 
(rt)  11'--  was  written  before  the  year  70 ;  but  the  first  chapts.  of  the  book 
as  late  as  the  end  of  the  century.  But  it  has  been  shown  on  other  grounds 
that  the  Apocalyptist  has  in  his  symbolism  here  drawn  from  some  earlier 
source  in  the  same  way  as  he  uses  throughout  the  O.  T.  wi-iters ;  see  pp. 
'584ff.  {li)  The  supposed  use  of  an  apocalypse  of  seven  thunders  (10^) 
has  been  spoken  of  above ;  pp.  577  f .  (c)  The  Seer  is  on  earth,  no  longer 
in  heaven.  But  see  on  10^.  (rf)  From  being  a  mere  beholder  he  has  be- 
come an  active  agent,  11^.  But  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  really  becomes 
an  actor,  see  on  11 1 ;  in  any  case  the  variation  is  not  significant. 

Spitta  (104  ff.)  finds  here  the  beginning  of  his  second  Jewish  document, 
J2.  Weyland  (154)  makes  this  the  beginning  of  the  first  of  his  two  Jewish 
documents;  he  thinks  that  if  the  Christian  redactor  who  combined  the 
documents  had  perceived  this  document  to  be  prior  in  time  to  that  used  in 
the  preceding  chapts.,  he  would  have  placed  it  first  and  have  given  us  a 
better  book.  J.  Weiss  also  (146)  assigns  the  passage  to  his  Jewish  apoca- 
lypse Q,  which  he  finds  to  have  been  used  in  the  earlier  chapts.  But  the 
presence  of  Jewish  elements  is  to  be  expected  in  any  apocalypse ;  the  type 
of  literature  is  Jewish  in  origin  and  a  Christian  apocalyptist  follows  Jewish 
archetypes,  especially  the  O.  T.,  in  forms  and  symbolism.  Volter  (Offenb. 
76  f.)  takes  the  paragraph,  including  chapts.  17-18,  which  he  transfers  %o 


606  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XI.  14^19 

a  place  between  chapts.  10  and  11,  to  be  a  later  addition  inserted  into  the 
primitive  apocalypse  by  the  Christian  author  himself,  thus  forming  a  later 
edition.  Sabatier  (22  ff.)  regards  chapt.  10  as  merely  a  '  literary  ornament ' 
conceived  by  the  Apocalyptist  to  introduce  the  prophecies,  of  chapts.  11-14, 
18,  a  series  of  Jewish  fragments  of  which  he  makes  use ;  these  form  the 
contents  of  the  '  little  roll '  which  the  Seer  eats.  Similarly  Bouss.  (314  f .) 
takes  the  vision  of  chapt.  10  as  a  digression  by  which  the  author  introduces 
the  later  oracles  —  the  '  little  roll '  contains  all  the  oracles  that  follow,  be- 
ginning with  chapt.  12  —  at  the  same  time  he  by  this  means  binds  together 
the  preceding  and  the  following  parts  of  his  book  and  prevents  a  disorder 
into  which  the  visions  through  their  numerousness  threaten  to  fall.  But 
against  this  view  of  the  '  little  roll '  see  pp.  578  f . 


XI.  1-1-19.  The  sounding  of  the  seventh  tmmpet.  See  pp. 
274  f.  (1)  The  announcement  of  the  third  woe,  v.  14  ;  (2)  the 
sounding  of  the  trumpet  and  the  outburst  of  joy  in  heaven,  vv. 
15-18  ;  (3)  answering  manifestations  in  heaven  and  in  the  world 
of  nature,  v.  19. 

The  scope  of  the  seventh  ti'umpet-vision.  It  is  a  frequent  mis- 
reading of  the  author's  plan  to  find  in  it  the  promise  of  the 
End  as  destined  to  follow  at  once  upon  the  sounding  of  the 
seventh  trumpet.  The  English  versions  also  of  7^*^  give  to 
the  reader  this  misleading  suggestion.  On  the  contrary,  the 
seventh  trumpet  introduces,  not  a  single  vision  merely,  but  a 
long  series  reaching  to  and  including  the  End.  The  song  of 
praise  which  bursts  forth  from  heaven  upon  the  sounding  of 
the  trumpet  hails  this  signal  as  announcing  the  consummation  _ 
of  the  kingdom,  but  the  third  woe  and  all  the  other  events 
which  enter  into  the  last  act  of  the  drama  must  intervene  be- 
fore that  consummation  is  reached.  The  scope  of  this  vision 
is  shown  in  10^  rightly  interpreted ;  the  mystery  of  God  will 
be  accomplished,  not  at  the  sounding  of  the  trumpet,  but  '  in 
the  daj^s,'  i.e.  in  t\\e  period  belonging  to,  introduced  by,  it  (see 
note  there).  The  great  cycle  of  events  which  follow  now  upon 
the  sounding  of  the  trumpet  make  up  the  complex  of  the  sev- 
enth and  last  trumpet-vision,  or  more  properly  series  of  visions. 

Connection  with  the  earlier  trumpet-visions.  In  resuming  the 
sequence  of  the  trumpet-visions  the  writer  thinks  of  the  inter- 
lude, chapts.  10-11^3^  as  a  parenthesis  without  effect  upon  the 
orderly  arrangement  of    the  visions.     The  same  introductory 


XL  14-19]  COMMENTARY  607 

formula,  6  .  .  .  dyyeXo';  iadXTricrev,  the  .  .  .  angel  sormded,  is 
used  as  with  the  former  visions,  of.  8^'  ^*''  ^^,  etc. ;  so  also  the 
third  woe  is  announced  in  essentially  the  same  words  as  the 
second,  '  the  .  .  .  woe  is  past,  behold  the  .  .  .  woe  cometh,' 
cf.  9^2.  This  characteristic  feature  in  the  composition  of  the 
book  occurs  in  the  record  of  the  seal -visions.  After  the  inter- 
lude (chapt.  7)  between  the  sixth  and  seventh  seals,  the  writer 
continues,  as  if  unconscious  of  an  interruption  of  the  sequence, 
with  the  fixed  formula,  '  when  he  had  opened  the  .  .  .  seal,' 
cf.  6^'^''',  etc.  (see  note,  8^).  P^or  the  writer's  habit  of  intro- 
ducing such  parentheses  see  pp.  244  ff.  The  scene  of  the 
vision  of  these  verses  is  again  in  the  court  of  heaven,  as  in 
chapts.  4  ff.  The  change  in  the  Seer's  position  from  earth  to 
heaven  and  the  reverse  occurs  repeatedly  in  the  course  of  the 
following  visions;  e.g.  he  is  on  earth  in  17^,  18\  but  in  15^*^-  in 
heaven.  The  transition  is  natural  in  visions,  and  is  not  espe- 
cially mentioned  —  it  is  not  important  for  the  interpretation. 

The  third  woe.  Two  difBculties  present  themselves  here.  (1)  In  the  cor- 
responding announcement  in  9^^,  the  words  follow  immediately  after  the 
first  and  at  the  entrance  of  the  second  woe,  marking  the  transition  from 
one  woe  to  the  other.  It  is  therefore  urged  by  many  interpreters  that  the 
words  '  a  second  woe  is  past,'  v.  14:,  must  stand  immediately  after  the  sec- 
ond woe,  declaring  its  close.  Two  alternatives  are  then  offered  by  those 
who  insist  on  this  immediate  connection,  (a)  The  second  woe  beginning 
with  9^3  extends  to  11^^  (so,  Bleek,  Diist.,  Swete,  al)  ;  the  first  words  of  ll'"* 
refer  then  to  11'^.  But  the  aim  and  outcome  of  God's  dealings  with  Jeru- 
salem in  11^-^-^  (see  pp.  588  ff.)  make  it  impossible  to  class  these  with  the 
'  woes '  sent  upon  the  world  at  large  as  described  in  8'^.  We  cannot  be 
wrong  in  making  the  second  woe  end  with  9^1  (see  p.  573).  (b)  According 
to  the  other  alternative,  11^''  originally  followed  9^1  immediately,  the  inter- 
vening passage,  chapts.  lO-ll^^,  being  a  later  insertion.  But  against  this 
supposition  see  pp.  604  ff .  We  therefore  take  the  words  '  the  second  woe  is 
past '  to  refer  certainly  to  the  record  of  the  woe  as  finished  in  9^1,  and  the 
words  '  the  third  woe  cometh '  as  announcing  a  woe  of  which  the  account 
is  to  be  expected  in  the  seventh  trumpet-vision.  In  so  far  v.  14  might 
appropriately  have  stood  immediately  after  9^1 ;  but  it  may  with  equal  pro- 
priety stand  in  its  present  position.  As  the  Apocalyptist  at  the  beginning 
of  chapt.  8  resumes  the  connection  with  chapt.  6,  picturing  the  details  of 
that  former  scene  vividly  present,  as  if  unconscious  of  the  interlude  of 
chapt.  7,  so  here,  disregarding  the  parenthesis  of  chapts.  lO-lli^,  he  con- 
tinues in  immediate  sequence  with  chapt.  9.  With  our  writer's  tendency 
to  use  set  forms  of  phraseology,  it  is  possible  even  to  find  special  reason  for 
the  present  position  of  the  words ;  it  appears  from  8^^  and  9'-  *'•  that  he 

^  FEB  ::;9  1932  ^ 


608  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF   JOHN  [XI.  14-19 

couples  inseparably  the  announcement  of  the  coming  woe  and  the  trumpet- 
blast,  and  that  they  are  therefore  kept  together  in  our  passage  and  put  in 
the  only  place  where  the  sounding  of  the  trumpet  could  stand. 

(2)  A  second  difficiilty  is  found  in  the  author's  supposed  disregard  of  bis 
announcement  of  a  third  woe.  The  first  and  second  woes  follow  immedi- 
ately after  their  respective  trumjiet-blasts,  9^  ^■■'  ^^  *•  We  should  therefore 
expect  immediately  after  the  trumpet-blast  of  v.  15  some  great  calamity  to 
be  sent  upon  the  world  corresponding  to  the  first  and  second  woes,  but  this 
does  not  occur ;  in  the  opinion  of  many  the  third  woe  is  altogether  want- 
ing. But  while  the  fifth  and  sixth  trumijet-visions  are  wholly  occupied 
with  their  respective  woes,  and  these  therefore  follow  at  once  upon  the 
sounding  of  the  trumpet,  the  seventh  vision  is  of  much  broader  scope  (see 
above),  including  the  third  woe  as  only  one  of  its  events;  the  place  of  this 
among  these  events  is  therefore  not  determined  by  the  analogy  of  the  first 
and  second  woes.  The  word  Ta-^y,  quicH;/,  used  in  the  announcement  of 
the  third  woe,  occurs  six  times  in  the  book,  and  never  in  the  sense  of  imme- 
diately. That  the  third  woe  should  be  altogether  wanting  cannot  be  sup- 
posed upon  any  theory  of  the  composition  of  the  book.  The  emphasis  put 
upon  its  prediction  (8^^,  O^^,  ll^*)  makes  its  omission  as  improbable  as  would 
be  the  dropping  out  of  one  of  the  members  in  the  seal  or  trumpet  series. 
The  writer  does  not  attach  the  specific  title  '  woe '  to  the  visitation  which 
in  the  course  of  the  visions  forms  the  third  woe,  and  so  he  leaves  room  for 
uncertainty  regarding  the  precise  calamity  meant.  Yet  it  appears  most 
probable  that  the  plagues  of  the  seven  bowls  (chapt.  16)  are  intended.  The 
grounds  for  this  conclusion  can  best  be  shown  in  the  interpretation  of  that 
passage ;  see  pp.  669  ff. 

(1)  The  announcement  of  the  third  woe,  11  ^4.  See  pp.  606, 
(j07  f.  This  verse  connects  the  following  paragraph  Avith  what 
precedes  the  interlude,  chapts.  10-11^^  (see  p.  606),  and  should 
therefore  not  be  printed,  as  in  some  editions,  as  a  continuation 
of  the  latter  paragraph.      On  language  see  on  9^^. 

(2)  The  sounding  of  the  trumpet  and  the  outburst  of  praise, 
vv.  15-18.     See  pp.  606,  274. 

15.  ({xovaC,  voices :  no  particular  class  of  the  angelic  host  is 
specified  as  the  singers  in  this  verse  ;  only  the  heavenly  source 
of  the  hymn  is  thought  of  ;  for  similar  indefiniteness,  cf.  121'^, 
19^'  ^.  The  attribution  of  this  verse  to  the  four  Living  Crea- 
tures, and  the  effort  to  find  in  the  two  parts  of  the  hymn 
(v.  15  and  vv.  17-18)  respective  representatives  of  creation 
and  the  Church  (so,  Ewald,  Swete,  a?)  have  no  support  in  the 
passage.  Against  the  view  that  in  the  angelic  hierarchy  the_ 
Living  Creatures  represent  creation,  and  the  Elders  the  Church, 
see  pp.  501,  499.  —  Xe-yovxes  :    constnict.    ad    sens.  —  kyivero  i 


XL  18]  COMMENTARY  609 

PaaiXeia  tov  KoajJiou  ktX.,  the  kingdom  of  the  world  is  become.^  etc. : 
God's  sovereign  rule  over  tlie  Avorld  is  in  the  end  completely 
established  ;  the  power  of  '  the  prince  of  this  world  '  (Jno.  12'5i) 
will  then  be  destroyed.  — tov  Xpicrrov  avTov,  of  his  Christ:  i.e. 
the  Anointed  ;  cf.  12}\  Ac.  426,  jj.,  226,  920^  >s,  gol.  18^'  I  — 
Pa(n\€W€i  cLs  tovs  alwvas,  he  shall  reign  for  ever :  suggested 
by  Dan.  2^'^,  72",  The  subj.  of  the  vb.  is  God,  to  be  supplied 
from  TOV  Kvpiov  rjfxwv  ;  see  v.  17.  But  the  joint  sovereignty  of 
Christ  is  implied  in  the  preceding  words.  If  the  words  tov 
'Kpia-Tov  avTov  were  an  editorial  insertion  to  add  Christ's  joint 
sovereignty  (see  p.  612),  the  interpolator  would  hardly  have 
failed  to  change  the  vb.  to  the  pi. 

16-18.  On  the  twenty-four  Elders,  see  on  4*.  Their  hymn 
is  an  amplification  of  that  of  v.  15.  Here,  as  in  l*',  4^  the 
attributes  of  God  specified  are  his  omnipotence  and  eternity  ; 
these  are  directly  related  to  his  act  here  celebrated,  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  eternally  purposed  kingdom.  But  the  d  epxo- 
/x€vo<i  of  the  former  passages  is  omitted,  because  in  the  time  now 
reached  in  anticipation  he  has  already  come.  —  €'L\T|<|)as  .  .  . 
p.e'ya.X'qv,  thou  hast  taken  thy  great  potver :  the  power  which  God 
has  permitted  Satan  to  hold  over  the  world  he  has  now  taken 
to  himself. — ipaatXeucras,  hast  entered  on  thy  ride:  repeating 
the  thought  of  the  preceding  words.  The  aor.  here  is  incep- 
tive, as  frequently  with  this  vb.,  see  Kiihn,  II.  §  386,  5  ;  cf. 
19^,  2  Sam.  16^.  The  Gk.  idiom  takes  here  the  aor.,  the  past 
moment  being  thought  of  when  the  reign  began,  lit.  didst  hegin 
to  reign.,  whereas  the  Eng.  idiom  uses  the  perf.,  hast  become 
king ;  cf.  Burton  §  52  ;  cf.  the  aorists  iyeveTo  v.  15,  copyia-drja-av 
V.  18. 

The  EV  here,  hast  reigned  (AV),  didst  reign  (RV)  are  un- 
fortunate. —  Tol  (iQvf\  <apyi(yBT\(Tav,  the  nations  have  become  tvroth: 
reference  is  made  to  the  culmination  of  Gentile  wrath  against 
God,  which  is  everywhere  in  apocalyptic  writings  a  feature  of 
the  last  fierce  assault  made  u})on  God's  power  by  his  enemies  ; 
in  our  book  it  appears  in  16^'^  "■.,  20^^-  In  i^aai\evaa<;,  cDpyicrdr)- 
aav  we  have  a  reminiscence  of  Ps.  99^,  Kvpio<;  i^acriXevcrev, 
opyi^eaOoaaav  XaoL  With  our  passage,  cf.  Ps.  2^'^'^^. — TOis 
SovXoLS  ...  TO  ovo|xd  (Toi),  thy  servants  .  .  .  those  that  fear  thy 
name:  tlie  punctuation  here  is  not  certain,  but  the  connection 
2r 


610  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XI.  18 

is  probably,  thy  servants,  namely  the  prophets  and  the  saints,  even 
those  that  fear  thy  name.  While  the  compound  phrase  his 
servants  the  prophets  is  common  and  occurs  once  in  our  book 
(10'^),  the  immediate  combination  of  the  words  here  is  not  thus 
established  with  certainty.  8ov\o<i,  servant,  in  the  Apocalypse 
as  elsewhere  is  far  oftener  used  of  the  Christian  in  general  than 
of  the  prophet  in  particular,  kul  before  toZ?  <f)o^ov/jievoi<;  is 
taken  by  some  to  point  necessarily  to  a  separate  class,  but  the 
use  of  epexegetical  Kai  is  especially  characteristic  of  the  author. 

The  frequent  use  of  ol  (fio^ovfievoi  to  denote  Gentiles  who  as 
proselytes  attached  themselves  to  the  Jewish  synagogues  {e.g. 
Ac.  13^'')  has  led  some  interpreters  to  take  the  two  terms  ol 
ajLoi  and  ol  (f)o^ov/x€voi  as  meaning  here  Jewish  and  Gentile 
Christians  respectively  ;  so,  Bouss.,  Blj.,  unless,  as  they  would 
prefer,  /cat  be  omitted.  But  a  division  of  Christians  into  two 
such  classes  is  wholly  foreign  to  our  author.  For  ol  (^o^ov(xevoi 
in  the  sense  adopted  above,  cf.  19^  Lk.  1^^  Ps.  Sol.  IS^^.  The 
redundancy  in  the  passage  is  characteristic  of  the  author  ;  cf . 
p.  241. — TOis  "irpo(j)TiTaLS  Kal  toi5  0,^1015,  the  prophets  and  the 
saints;  cf.  16^  IS^^.  For  the  elliptical  construction  equivalent 
to  '  the  prophets  and  the  rest  of  the  saints,'  see  on  16^^.  The 
mention  of  the  prophets  as  a  special  class  of  the  saints  is  in 
accordance  with  the  great  dignity  which  the  author  attaches  to 
the  prophetic  office  ;  see  p.  292.  A  distinction  between  the 
Jewish  and  the  Christian  prophets  is  not  thought  of  here. — 
TOLS  |iiKpois  Kal  Tois  fj.c'ydXois,  the  small  and  the  great :  cf.  13^^, 
195>  18^  20^2.  If  the  ace.  be  read,  it  would  be  attributed  to  in- 
attention to  the  preceding  construction,  the  writer  continuing 
as  if  he  had  been  using  the  ace.  —  tovs  5ia<|)6€ipovTas  t\\v  '^r\v, 
those  that  destroy  the  earth :  the  writer  probably  has  Rome  espe- 
cially in  mind  ;   cf.  19^,  ^rt?  €(f)6€i.pev  rrjv  yrjv. 

(3)  Answering  manifestations,  v.  19.     See  pp.  606,  274. 

The  outburst  of  praise  in  anticipation  of  the  End  is  followed 
by  two  manifestations  symbolizing  certain  aspects  of  God's 
coming  in  his  kingdom,  the  disclosure  of  the  ark  of  the  cove- 
nant in  the  heavenly  temple,  and  awful  catastrophes  in  nature. 
The  significance  of  the  latter  is  clear  ;  as  seen  repeatedly  in  the 
book,  God's  wrathful  judgment  upon  his  enemies  is  symbolized, 
cf.  8^  10^,  16^^.     The  symbol  of  the  ark  is  referred  by  some  to 


XI.  19]  COMMENTARY  611 

the  Jewish  tradition  regarding  the  hiding  of  the  ark  at  the 
time  of  the  Babylonian  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  its  prom- 
ised restoration  as  one  of  the  events  of  the  messianic  age.  For 
this  tradition,  see  on  2^"  (also  Bouss.  Judenthum  227,  Volz  340). 
Its  disclosure  here  is  therefore  a  tokeii  that  the  messianic 
kingdom  has  come.  This  explanation  is  attractive,  and  is 
adopted  by  Ewald,  Holtzm.-Bau.,  Bouss.,  Blj.  al.  But  while 
the  use  of  the  symbol  here  may  perhaps  have  been  suggested 
by  this  tradition,  it  is  difficult  to  find  the  significance  of  the 
symbol  in  the  presence  of  a  sign  of  the  messianic  time.  The 
sounding  of  the  seventh  trumpet  has  given  full  assurance  of 
the  End,  already  its  arrival  is  celebrated  in  the  hymn  of 
praise  ;  we  hardly  look  at  this  point  for  further  confirmation 
of  its  presence ;  at  all  events  the  expectation  contained  in  this 
tradition  is  not  sufficiently  prominent  in  Jewish  eschatology  to 
account  for  its  being  singled  out  as  the  one  sign  that  the 
messianic  age  had  come.  On  the  other  hand  the  manifestations 
in  V.  19  appear  to  be  immediately  connected  with  the  hymn  of 
praise  ;  they  form  as  it  were  a  response  to  it  in  action  ;  this  is 
plain  in  the  connection  between  the  disturbances  in  nature  and 
the  wrath  of  God  visited  upon  the  destroyers  of  the  earth; 
therefore  in  the  other  symbol  of  the  verse  we  look  for  some 
aspect  of  God's  act  in  taking  to  himself  his  kingdom.  It  lies 
near  at  hand  then  to  find  in  the  disclosure  of  the  ark  of  the 
covenant  a  symbolical  manifestation  of  God's  faithful  fulfill- 
ment of  his  covenant  with  his  people  (so  De  Wette,  Diist.,  many 
others).  The  two  parts  of  v.  19  correspond  then  with  the  two 
parts  of  V.  18 ;  God  has  fulfilled  his  covenant  in  giving  his 
servants  their  reward,  his  wrathful  judgment  symbolized  by 
the  turmoil  in  nature  has  come  upon  the  destroyers  of  the 
earth.  This  verse  is  often  taken  as  introductory  to  chapt.  12  ; 
but  its  connection  with  that  scene,  which  forms  a  new  and 
quite  distinct  vision,  is  much  less  immediate  than  with  the 
preceding. 

Textual  notes,  ll^^^*.  15.  Aeyovres  AQ  many  min  most  edd ;  ktyovaat 
NCP  most  min  R  Tr  Sod.  —  In  place  of  the  sing,  eyevero  rj  f^ao-iXciu,  R  with 
one  or  two  min  has  the  pi.  —  16.  ol  KadrjvraL  ii*  CQ  many  min  Tr  Ti  Blj 
Sod  WHmrg  al;  KaOrjixtvoL  AP  many  min  R  Lch  Alf  WII  Ws  al.  — 17.  R 
with  some  min  and  vers  adds  /cut  o  ep;(OjU.evos  after  o  rjv.  — 18.  kui  Ijefore  tois 


612  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XH-XIII 

<JI)o/3ov/x,£vois  is  wanting  in  a  few  min  Bouss ;  omission  favored  by  Balj 
in  Com.  p.  126.  —  tois  /xiKpot?  ktX.  i^TQ  min  R  Ti  Ws  Alf  Sod  Bouss  al  ; 
Tovs  ixiKpovs  kt\.  K*  AC  Lch  Tr  WH  RV  Sw  al. 

Criticism  of  1P^'^'\  The  majority  of  critics,  both  those  who  accept 
the  interlude,  chapts.  lO-ll^^^  as  the  work  of  the  Apocalyptist,  and  those 
who  refer  it  to  another  (see  pp.  604  ff.),  agree  in  assigning  lli*-i9  to  our 
author.  The  relation  of  these  verses  to  other  parts  of  the  book  has  been 
frequently  pointed  out  (cf.  Diist.  Bouss.  Blj.).  Some  of  the  more  noticeable 
points  of  contact  are  the  following.  Verse  15  a  looks  back  to  the  seven 
trumpet-visions  of  chapts.  8-9;  v.  156  looks  forward  to  12^***^-;  v.  16  is  a 
reminiscence  of  4'',  5*''*;  vv.  17-18  anticipate  parts  of  chapts.  13-20,  as 
follows  :  the  wrath  of  the  Gentiles,  chapt.  13  ;  the  wrath  of  God,  chapt.  19  ; 
the  judgment  of  the  dead  and  the  reward  of  the  righteous,  chapt.  20 ;  the 
destruction  of  the  destroyers  of  the  earth,  chapt.  18.  As  regards  language 
every  verse  contains  characteristic  expressions  or  idioms  of  other  parts  of 
the  book  (cf.  Bouss.  334).  These  facts  furnish  evidence  bearing  not  only 
on  the  attribution  of  the  passage  to  our  Apocalyptist,  but  also  upon  the 
general  unity  of  the  book. 

Vischer  (18  f .)  and  his  followers  refer  the  verses  to  a  Jewish  apocalypse. 
The  distinctively  Christian  words  koX  tov  Ji-piarov  avrov,  v.  15,  are  deleted, 
on  the  ground  that  the  vb.,  PamXevti,  is  put  in  the  sing.  Evidence  of  Jew- 
ish origin  is  found  in  tois  <^o/3oi;|U.eVois,  v.  18,  which  is  taken  to  denote  neces- 
sarily Jewish  proselytes.  But  see  notes  above  on  these  verses.  Spitta  joins 
15  a  with  V.  19  and  makes  the  passage  form  thus  the  connecting  link  between 
lO'^  and  12\  continuing  thus  the  trumpet  series  belonging  to  his  Jewish  docu- 
ment J\  Verse  19  cannot,  he  thinks,  be  joined  with  15  6-18,  the  latter 
enacting  a  heavenly  scene,  while  v.  19  relates  to  the  earthly  temple,  as  shown 
by  Ki/3ajTos  kt\.  ;  the  words  iv  tw  ovpav<3  are  accordingly  to  be  erased.  In 
the  first  part  of  his  book  (p.  120)  Spitta  thinks  it  certain  that  w.  15-18 
cannot  be  referred  to  either  of  his  Jewish  documents,  their  source  must 
unquestionably  be  Christian ;  but  later  on  (pp.  583  ff.)  he  concludes  that  koI 
TOV  XpicTToi)  avTOv,  tlic  whole  of  v.  16,  and  tcov  veKpwv  Kpidrjvai,  v.  18,  must 
be  deleted  and  the  rest  of  w.  15  6-18  must  form  a  part  of  his  Jewish  docu- 
ment J2.  Some  critics  (e.r/.  Volter)  who  accept  ll'^ia  as  part  of  the  primi- 
tive Christian  Apocalypse  agree  with  Spitta  in  omitting  one  or  more  of  the 
short  phrases  mentioned  above. 


XII-XIII.  On  the  place  of  these  two  chapters  in  the  plan 
of  the  book  see  p.  275. 

XII.  1-17.  Satan's  hostility  to  the  Messiah.  See  p.  275; 
(1)  frustrated  attempt  to  destroy  the  Messiah,  vv.  1-6  ;  (2)  ex- 
pulsion from  the  lieavens,  vv.  7-12 ;    (3)  pursuit  of  the  mother 


XII.  1-17]  COMMENTARY  613 

of  the  Messiah  ami  persecution  of  the  Messiali's  brethren,  vv. 
13-17. 

Tlie  iise  of  a  popular  tradition  in  the  imagery  of  the  vision.  In 
the  interpretation  of  this  difficult  chapt.  it  is  essential  to  recog- 
nize, what  may  be  regarded  as  established,  that  the  Apocalyptist 
has  clothed  his  thought  here  in  a  form  adopted  from  some 
legend  or  myth  familiar  in  Jewish  folk-lore.  That  the  He- 
brew people  retained  as  part  of  their  common  Semitic  heritage 
legends,  more  or  less  transformed,  regarding  creation,  the  heav- 
enly bodies,  etc.,  is  a  matter  of  general  knowledge.  And  the 
poets  and  prophets  of  the  O.  T.  drew  illustrations  from  these 
as  from  any  part  of  the  store  of  popular  thought  and  fancy. 
We  have  seen  in  our  book  symbols  and  representations  derived 
from  the  prophets,  who  took  them  up  as  figures  from  current 
fancy,  though  in  their  ultimate  origin  they  may  be  traceable  to 
an  early  mythological  source ;  such  e.g.  are  the  figures  of  the 
horses  6^^-  (see  note  there),  and  of  the  seven  eyes,  the  seven 
lamps,  etc.  (see  on  8^).  It  seems  beyond  question  that  some- 
thing of  the  kind  occurs  in  this-  chapt.  A  survey  of  the  repre- 
sentation in  all  its  details  from  the  first  appearance  of  the  woman 
in  the  sky  (v.  1)  to  her  final  rescue  on  an  eagle's  wings  and 
through  the  friendly  help  of  the  earth,  which  opens  its  mouth 
and  swallows  the  floods  shot  forth  from  the  mouth  of  the  water- 
monster,  makes  the  mythological  character  unmistakable.  It 
is  all  very  remote  from  an  original  creation  of  the  Christian,  or 
even  the  Jewish,  mind.  The  author  makes  plain  that  the  child 
is  the  Messiah  (see  on  v.  2),  but  it  is  not  conceivable  that  a 
Christian  writer  in  picturing  Satan's  assaults  upon  Christ 
should  spotitaneouslg  invent  a  story  so  at  variance  with  the  his- 
tory of  Jesus  in  all  its  parts.  The  birth  of  Christ,  the  earthly 
career,  the  triumph  over  Satan's  temptation,  the  ascension,  as 
parts  of  that  history,  are  wholly  different  from  what  is  repre- 
sented in  this  scene.  But  we  can  easily  understand  that  an 
author  ready  as  is  our  Apocalyptist  to  take  up  figures  from 
familiar  sources  should  have  seen  in  some  popular  tradition  a 
convenient  symbol  of  Satan's  attempt  to  destroy  the  Messiah 
and  his  people. 

Now  there  occur  in  antiquity  widespread  myths  which  pre- 
sent, some  in  one  point  and  some  in  others,  striking    resem- 


614  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XII.  1-17 

blances  to  this  passage  —  a  dragon's  conflict  with  heavenly 
powers,  a  divine  mother  fleeing  from  the  attempts  of  a  god 
who  seeks  to  destroy  the  child  to  be  born  of  her,  and  the  escape 
of  the  woman  and  the  child  (see  fine  print).  These  myths 
are  primitive  representations  of  the  conflict  of  light  and  dark- 
ness, life  and  death  in  the  natural  world,  of  good  and  evil. 
As  such  they  might  spring  up  independently  among  different 
peoples,  or  in  the  easy  migration  of  myths  might  spread  and 
undergo  modification.  It  is  a  reasonable  supposition  that 
the  Hebrews  also  should  have  retained  or  taken  up  some 
similar  legend  embodying  phases  of  the  fundamental  conflict 
between  good  and  evil,  between  God  and  Satan,  with  promise 
of  sure  triumph  of  the  good.  And  if  such  a  legend  existed 
there,  it  was  natural  that  the  Apocalyptist  should,  as  in  other 
cases,  have  drawn  symbols  from  it.  That  the  conception  should 
receive  among  the  Hebrews  a  form  different  from  that  found 
elsewhere  would  be  inevitable.  In  view  of  our  writer's  usual 
procedure  it  is  also  likely  that  he  has  himself  modified  his 
material  freely.  Whatever  reminiscences  of  the  O.  T.  may  be 
found  in  this  passage,  it  is  not  possible  to  determine  whether 
these  are  the  coloring  given  to  the  myth  by  the  Apocalyptist, 
or  by  its  transmission  through  Hebrew  tradition.  The  special 
value  for  the  interpreter  of  the  Apocalypse  in  recognizing  the 
relation  of  the  chapt.  to  a  popular  legend  lies  in  the  guidance 
to  a  more  certain  distinction  between  what  is  fundamental  and 
what  is  merely  incidental  and  formal. 

There  are  in  our  chapt.  some  details  (which  will  be  noticed  in  their 
respective  places)  to  which  parallels  of  greater  or  less  closeness  are  found 
in  Heb.  writings.  Many  interpreters  account  for  the  present  representation 
by  a  combination  of  these ;  so  e.fj.  Diist.  Spitta,  the  older  com.  generally. 
But  the  picture  as  a  whole  is  something  far  different  from  a  composition 
of  such  elements.  The  origin  of  our  passage  is  found  by  some  in  a  tradition 
preserved  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  (Beracoth  II.  5)  where  it  is  said  that 
the  Messiah,  born  at  Bethlehem  on  the  day  of  the  destruction  of  the  temple, 
was  snatched  away  from  his  mother  by  a  storm  of  wind.  But  this  is  only 
an  outgrowth  of  a  belief  that  the  Messiah,  though  already  born,  was  as  yet 
hidden  (see  p.  48).  There  are  wanting  here  the  essential  features  of  our 
passage  —  the  superhuman  mother,  the  birth  m  the  heavens,  the  rapture  to 
tlie  throne  of  God,  the  dragon's  attempt  upon  the  child's  life,  the  persecu- 
tion of  the  mother  and  the  other  children.  The  origin  of  the  symbolism  is 
found  by  some,  following  Dieterich  {Abraxas),  in  the  Greek  myth  of  the 


XII.  1-17]  COMMENTARY  615 

birtli  of  Apollo.  The  goddess  Leto  was  with  child  by  Zeus,  and  when  slie 
reached  the  time  of  her  delivery  she  was  pursued  by  the  dragon  Python, 
who  sought  to  kill  her  aud  her  child.  But  at  the  bidding  of  Zeus,  Boreas 
brought  Leto  to  Poseidon,  who  provided  her  a  place  of  refuge  in  the  island 
of  Ortygia,  where  she  brought  forth  the  child,  the  god  Apollo.  Python 
returned  to  Parnassus,  whither  Apollo  hastened  four  days  after  his  birth 
and  slew  the  dragon  (the  war  in  heaven  of  our  passage).  It  is  pointed  out 
that  the  Leto  myth  was  well  known  in  Asia  Minor,  the  home  of  the  Apoca- 
lypse. But  striking  as  is  the  parallelism  in  some  respects,  the  difference  is 
fundamental ;  the  most  essential  feature  of  our  chapt.  is  wanting  in  this 
myth,  Satan's  continued  activity  in  persecuting  the  woman  and  her  other 
children  (the  people  of  God)  after  his  initial  defeat.  Gunkel  (379  ff.)  traces 
the  source  back  to  the  Babylonian  creation-myth  and  the  conflict  of  Tia- 
mat,  the  water-monster,  with  the  newly-born  god  Marduk,  the  god  of  light, 
destined  to  be  the  supreme  god.  Viilter  {Ojf'enb.  91  ff.)  seeks  the  original 
in  Persian  mythology,  and  the  conflict  between  Ormazd,  the  supreme  sj^irit 
of  good,  and  Ahriman,  the  supreme  spirit  of  evil,  who  strive  with  each 
other  for  '  the  great  royal  Glory,'  a  heavenly  splendor  represented  as  per- 
sonal and  betokening  the  supreme  rule.  Ahriman  sends  a  dragon-monster 
with  three  heads  to  capture  the  '  Glory,'  which  flees  to  a  lake  and  finds 
refuge  and  nurture  with  a  water-spirit,  who  foils  the  dragon's  purpose. 
Volter  finds  also  some  minor  parallels  here.  But  there  is  nothing  parallel 
to  what  is  essential  in  our  chapt. — a  child  who  is  the  object  of  hatred; 
here  the  woman  is  persecu.ted  because  of  hatred  of  her  child ;  in  the  myth 
the  '  Glory '  is  pursued  because  it  is  the  supreme  treasure  to  be  possessed. 
Bousset  (354  ff.)  finds  similarities  in  Egyptian  mythology,  in  which  Hathor 
(Isis),  the  mother  of  the  gods,  is  persecuted  by  a  dragon  and  flees  to  an 
island,  where  hidden  and  in  solitude  she  rears  her  child  (Horus).  After  he 
is  grown  the  child  slays  the  dragon  by  his  magic  arts. 

A  survey  of  such  myths,  the  details  of  which  cannot  be  entered  upon 
here,  is  interesting  as  showing  resemblances  and  also  important  differences 
in  the  myths  when  compared  among  themselves  and  with  the  Apocalypse. 
But  apart  from  essential  divergences  from  our  passage,  there  is  sufficient 
reason  for  believing  that  the  Apocalyptist  has  not  drawn  material  immedi- 
ately from  any  of  these  sources.  Jewish  Christian  as  he  is,  he  would  not 
for  his  symbolism  go  directly  to  the  form  of  a  myth  current  among  the 
heathen;  as  in  other  cases,  so  here  he  has  probably  drawn  from  familiar 
Jewish  folk-lore,  whatever  be  the  ultimate  origin  of  the  popular  legend. 

Satan's  attempt  to  destroy  the  Messiah,  vv.  1-6.  In  taking 
imagery  in  this  chapt.  from  a  popular  source,  the  Apocalyptist, 
as  in  some  other  instances  (e.//.  1^*^),  intimates  his  departure 
from  the  traditional  understanding  of  the  symbols  by  adding 
explanatory  words.  The  epithet  in  v.  5,  who  shall  rule,  etc., 
derived  from  Ps,  2^  (LXX)  and  used  as  a  messianic  designa- 
tion in  2^'',  191^,  shows  that  the  child  in  this  scene  is  the  Messiah 


616  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  PCTT.  1-17 

(see  on  2^7).  The  dragon  is  defined  (v.  9)  as  Satan,  The 
woman  is  not  so  explicitly  defined,  but  in  designating  her  as 
the  mother  of  the  Messiah,  and  at  the  same  time  as  the  mother 
of  Christians  (v.  17),  the  writer  shows  unmistakably  that  he 
intends  the  reader  to  see  in  her  what  St.  Paul  (Gal.  4^6)  calls 
'our  Mother,'  the  ideal  people  of  God  (see  on  vv.  1,  13).  The 
scene  is  enacted,  not  in  the  heaven  of  God's  abode,  but  in  the 
visible  firmament,  where  are  the  stars  which  the  dragon  sweeps 
to  the  earth.  The  superhuman  mother  is  adorned  with  the 
glory  of  the  sun  and  other  heavenly  bodies,  ornaments  presum- 
ably suggested  by  the  legend.  The  dragon  is  in  the  form  of 
the  familiar  mythological  monster  with  many  heads ;  and  he 
wears  crowns  symbolical  of  his  world-dominion ;  his  might  and 
fury  are  exhibited  as  he  drags  from  their  places  a  third  part  of 
the  stars  with  the  coils  of  his  tail  and  dashes  them  to  the  earth. 
The  mother's  travail  pains  mark  the  arrival  of  the  time  of 
delivery,  and  the  dragon  stands  before  her  ready  to  destroy 
the  child ;  but  the  child  is  caught  away  to  the  securest  refuge 
and  the  most  exalted  messianic  dignity  —  the  heaven  of  God's 
presence  and  his  throne.  In  this  issue  is  represented  the  cen- 
tral thought  of  this  part  of  the  vision,  Satan  foiled  in  his  attempt 
to  destroy  the  Messiah.  The  flight  of  the  woman  is  added  (v.  6), 
not  as  forming  a  significant  factor  in  this  first  scene,  in  which 
it  plays  no  part ;  it  is  spoken  of  in  anticipation  of  the  later  step 
in  Satan's  activity,  described  in  the  third  scene  of  the  chapt. 
(vv.  13-17),  which  the  Apocalyptist  has  in  mind  from  the  out- 
set, and  for  which  he  is  here  preparing  the  way.  These  words 
of  V.  6  are  not  to  be  interpreted  as  describing  the  woman's 
descent  to  the  earth ;  but  with  a  certain  confusion  of  ideas 
the  Apocalyptist  has  in  mind  here  the  place  and  events  of 
vv.  14-16. 

The  drama  of  these  verses  (1-6)  is  altogether  transcendental, 
it  is  enacted  in  the  sky,  the  characters  are  all  symbolical,  the 
figures  and  the  general  dramatic  movement  are  suggested  by 
the  legend  before  the  Apocalyptist's  mind.  A  clear  recognition 
of  the  writer's  main  purpose  here  and  of  the  origin  of  the 
symbols  used  will  relieve  the  greatest  difficulty  in  the  passage, 
i.e.  that  a  Christian  writer  who  accepted  on  the  one  hand  tire 
story  of  Christ's  life  from  his   birth   to  the  Ascension,  and  on 


TTT.  V  171  (COMMENTARY  617 

the  other,  the  preexistence  of  the  Messiah  (see  p.  313),  should 
introduce  a  representation  of  the  Messiah's  birth  and  rapture 
into  heaven  so  irreconcilable  in  all  respects  with  the  Lord's 
earthly  history.  But  that  history  is  remote  from  the  author's 
present  contemplation.  The  Messiah  of  this  scene  is  not  the 
historic  Jesus,  the  woman  is  not  the  Virgin  Mary.  The  Apoca- 
lyptist's  central  thought  here  is  a  wholly  ideal  conception,  in- 
dependent of  time  and  every  concrete  manifestation ;  it  is  the 
thought  of  Satan's  futile  hostility  toward  the  Messiah /rom  the 
hegmning  ;  and  he  sees  a  symbol  of  this  in  a  familiar  legend  of 
a  divine  child  of  a  divine  mother,  exposed  at  the  very  moment 
of  birth  to  a  superhuman  enemy,  but  caught  away  to  enduring- 
triumph.  The  writer  is  not  reflecting  upon  a  moment  when 
the  preexistent  Messiah  came  into  being,  nor  upon  the  Lord's 
earthly  life.  His  vision  is  independent  of  these  limitations. 
It  may  be  vague  and  not  in  all  respects  easily  reconcilable  with 
his  general  doctrine  of  the  Messiah.  But  these  characteristics 
are  not  surprising  in  a  Jewish  prophet  and  apocalyptist.  The 
writer's  use  of  derived  symbolism  independently  of  historic  cir- 
cumstances has  been  seen  above  in  11^"^  (see  p.  587). 

The  tvar  in  heaven  and  Satan^s  expulsion,  vv.  7-12.  A  distincf" 
act  in  the  drama  of  the  vision  is  introduced  here,  which  incor- 
porates as  fundamentals  two  ideas  regarding  Satan  current  in 
Jewish  belief.  (1)  The  seat  of  Satan's  kingdom  and  the  abode 
of  evil  spirits  were  sometimes  placed  in  one  of  the  lower  heavens. 
Thus  in  SI.  En.  7  and  18  the  evil  spirits  are  shown  in  the  second 
and  fifth  heavens ;  in  Asc.  Is.  10^9  the  firmament  is  called  the 
dwelling  of  the  prince  of  this  world,  cf.  id.  7^  11^^.  The  idea 
is  reflected  in  Eph.  2^,  '  the  prince  of  the  power  of  the  air,' 
cf.  Lk.  10^^.  (2)  Satan  was  sometimes  represented  as  having 
access  to  God's  presence,  and  appearing  there  in  his  character 
of  the  arch-enemy  of  men  as  their  accuser,  or  calumniator,  e.g. 
Job  l*^"-.  Zee.  3^  *f-,  Jub.  1'",  En.  40^ ;  so  also  in  rabbinic  theology. 
This  idea  led  to  the  use  of  6  Std/3o\o^,  the  accuser,  in  the  LXX  as 
a  translation  of  the  appellative  of  Satan,  and  thus  the  term  became 
common  as  a  proper  name  in  the  N.T.  (see  on  v.  10).  These 
verses,  7-12,  tell  of  Satan's  expulsion  from  the  seat  of  his  king- 
dom, and  the  end  of  his  activity  in  calumniating  the  saints 
before  God.      This  conquest   is   r.nother  of   the  divine  acts  in 


618  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XII.  1-17 

breaking  the  power  of  the  great  adversary  of  God  and  his 
people,  it  is  another  harbinger  of  the  complete  defeat  in  the 
end.  The  scene  has  no  relation  to  the  '  fall  of  Satan,'  conceived 
as  the  apostasy  of  an  angel  of  light ;  he  is  already,  before  the 
war  in  heaven  here  described,  the  foe  of  God,  the  prince  of  evil 
hosts,  the  accuser  of  the  brethren  (see  p.  276).  Neither  is  the 
war  in  heaven  represented  as  a  sequel  to  the  attempt  on  the 
Messiah  (vv.  1-6).  The  view,  common  among  interpreters, 
that  the  Apocalyptist  means  to  picture  Satan  as  turning  here 
to  assault  heaven  in  wrath  over  his  failure  to  destroy  the  Mes- 
siah is  not  warranted  by  any  intimation  of  such  a  connection. 
The  opening  words  of  the  passage  represent  rather  Michael  and 
his  angels  as  initiating  the  war ;  Satan  and  his  angels  are  men- 
tioned in  the  second  place  ;  contrast  20^  ^■.  If  such  a  relation 
to  the  first  part  of  the  chapt,  were  intended,  we  should  expect 
it  to  be  in  some  way  shown,  as  the  relation  of  the  third  part  to 
the  second  is  shown  in  vv.  12,  13.  The  war  in  heaven  is  a 
separate  and  parallel  event  in  the  conflict  with  Satan's  power. 
Its  position  in  time  is  not  indicated.  That  the  Apocalyptist 
thinks  of  it  as  past  is  evident,  for  Satan  is  already  venting  his 
rage  in  the  persecutions  of  the  Messiah's  brethren  which  have 
now  begun ;  see  pp.  619  f .  For  the  interpretation  of  the 
chapt.  it  is  not  essential  to  determine  whether  the  war  in  heaven 
is  taken  from  the  same  legend  as  the  attempt  on  the  Messiah. 
The  one  appears  to  be  quite  independent  of  the  other.  By 
whatever  source  suggested  the  war  with  its  issue  is  introduced 
as  an  explanation  of  Satan's  fury  in  these  last  times  and  a 
sure  prediction  of  his  final  overthrow.  Akin,  though  not  exactly 
parallel,  to  the  representation  in  these  verses  is  the  expulsion  of 
Satanail  and  his  angels  from  heaven  in  SI.  En.  29* ;  cf.  Is.  14^'^*'-, 
An  assault  upon  the  powers  of  heaven  ending  with  the  over- 
throw of  the  assailants  is  a  familiar  theme  in  ancient  mythology; 
cf .  the  battle  of  the  Titans. 

Safari's  persecution  of  the  woman  and  her  other  children, 
vv.  13-17.  The  third  part  of  the  chapt.  for  which  the  other 
two  form  a  preparation  represents  Satan  foiled  in  his  persecu- 
tion of  the  Messiah's  mother,  and  turning  his  wrath  upon  her 
other  children.  The  scene  is  now  on  earth.  This  is  not  the 
beginning  of  Satan's  activity  among  men,  but  now  earth  be- 


XII.  1-17]  COMMENTARY  619 

comes  the  sphere  of  his  intensified  malice.  His  rage  here 
reaches  its  height,  because  he  has  failed  in  his  design  against 
the  Messiah,  he  has  been  cast  out  with  his  hosts  from  his  do- 
minion in  the  heavens,  and  he  sees  that  he  has  but  a  little  time 
before  his  final  overthrow.  The  woman  at  first  seen  in  the  sky 
now  appears  on  the  earth.  The  Apocalyptist  assumes  the 
change  without  speaking  of  the  transition  (cf.  p.  616).  The 
contrariety  is  not  relieved  by  supposing  different  docu- 
ments combined  here,  or  an  interpolated  document  concerning 
the  war  in  heaven  (see  p.  632).  The  first  two  parts  of  the 
chapt.  look  forward  to  just  such  a  scene  on  earth  as  this  to  com- 
plete their  meaning,  i.e.  the  significance  of  those  events  for  the 
Christians  in  their  present  distresses  and  in  those  which  form 
the  subject  of  the  later  visions.  The  abruptness  of  the  change 
is  not  unlike  that  which  occurs  in  the  Seer's  position  in  10^; 
see  p.  607.  But  in  this  case  the  appearance  of  the  woman  in 
different  places  in  two  closely  connected  scenes  requires  mention 
of  a  transition  the  less,  because  of  the  wholly  ideal  character  of 
the  woman  who  is  assumed  to  be  present  in  a  way  wherever 
the  concrete  reality  exists.  As  in  the  first  scene  she  is  not  the 
Jewish  people,  so  here  she  is  not  the  visible  Christian  Church; 
in  both  cases  she  is  the  ideal  people  of  God,  the  Church  in 
its  broadest,  transcendental  sense,  to  which  the  Messiah  and 
Christians  alike  belong,  and  she  is  present  in  idea  wherever 
they  are;  see  on  vv.  1,  13. 

The  woman  is  caught  up  on  an  eagle's  wings,  the  earth  swallows 
the  flood  which  the  dragon  belches  forth  to  sweep  her  away, 
figures  doubtless  taken  over  by  the  Apocalyptist,  with  whatever 
variation,  from  the  legend.  The  meaning  is  plain;  the  ideal 
people  is  delivered  and  kept  in  safety  till  the  times  of  calamit}^ 
'the  times  of  the  Gentiles,'  are  past  (vv.  6,  14;  cf.  p.  252). 
But  the  actual  earthly  children  of  the  ideal  mother,  the  followers 
of  Jesus,  remain  to  suffer  the  persecutions  of  Satan.  A  dis- 
tinction is  thus  made  between  the  ideal  people,  as  if  a  separate 
entity,  and  the  individuals  that  form  that  entity,  so  that  what 
befalls  the  children  does  not  befall  the  mother.  This  distinc- 
tion is,  however,  formal  rather  than  real.  In  reality  the  safety 
of  the  mother  carries  with  it  the  promise  and  pledge  of  the 
ultimate  safety  of  the  children;  for  the  two  are  inseparable,  so 


(320  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XH.  1-17 

that  only  in  thought  is  the  fortune  of  the  children  different 
from  that  of  the  mother.  A  similar  separation  in  thought  be- 
tween the  ideal  entity  and  the  individuals  forming  it  occurs  in 
19'^-,  where  they  that  are  bidden  to  the  marriage,  Christians, 
are  distinguished  from  the  bride,  the  people  of  God.  For  other 
views  concerning  the  interpretation  of  the  chapt.  see  notes 
below. 

The  purpose  of  the  visions  of  this  chapt.  It  appears  unques- 
tionable that  the  principal  events  portrayed  in  this  chapt.  are 
not  things  which  must  first  come  to  pass  in  the  future.  With 
a  Christian  writer  the  birth  of  the  Messiah  has  already  taken 
place.  So  also  Satan's  expulsion  from  his  dominion  in  the 
lower  heavens,  so  far  as  it  is  thought  of  with  reference  to  time, 
is  viewed  as  past.  But  as  with  the  birth  of  the  Messiah,  so 
here  a  definite  historic  event  is  not  what  is  distinctly  before  the 
mind  of  the  author;  his  thought  is  concerned  with  the  present 
reality.,  the  fierceness  of  Satan's  rage,  which  is  explained  by  the 
defeat  he  has  already  begun  to  suffer.  That  defeat  is  thought 
of  only  in  its  ideal  occurrence,  represented  in  a  vivid  symbolical 
picture,  quite  apart  from  any  actual  event;  cf.  on  the  birth  of 
the  Messiah  p.  617.  Satan  is  already  coursing  the  earth  'with 
great  wrath,'  he  is  now  the  prince  of  this  world,  he  is  now 
persecuting  '  the  other  children  of  the  woman,'  the  followers  of 
Christ;  the  Beast  his  agent  (the  Roman  emperors)  has  already 
begun  his  war  with  the  saints  (13''').  The  heavenly  song, 
vv.  10-12,  connecting  Satan's  expulsion  with  the  arrival  of  the 
kingdom  is  anticipatory,  like  those  of  11^^"'^  The  purpose  of 
the  chapt.  then  is  to  be  taken  as  a  revelation  of  '  things  that  are  ' 
(see  pp.  442  ff.)  — causes  and  agencies  already  at  work  in  the 
world  and  about  to  manifest  themselves  in  other  forms  and  with 
greater  power  in  the  coming  conflicts.  The  scenes  explain  the 
true  cause  of  the  present  distresses  and  those  yet  to  come,  while  at 
the  same  time  they  presage  the  certain  outcome  in  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  saints.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  the  chapt.,  as  it  is 
sometimes  understood,  to  give  a  picture  of  the  two  antagonists, 
Christ  and  Satan,  who  are  about  to  contend  with  each  other  in 
the  scenes  of  the  later  visions;  for  in  the  visions  given  here  the 
Messiah  plays  but  a  passive  part;  he  appears  as  a  child  only, 
miraculously  delivered  from  Satan's  attempt,  and   not    at    all 


XII.  1]  COMMENTARY  621 

among  the  powers  opposinjr  Satan.  Nor  is  the  chapt.  meant  to 
encourage  the  Christians  by  reminding  them  that  Satan's  con- 
queror has  been  born,  and  is  now  awaiting  in  heaven  the 
divinely  ordered  time  to  come  forth  to  action  (a  common  inter- 
pretation); for  in  this  particular  paragraph  nothing  is  said  of 
his  return  or  of  Iris  conflict  with  and  victory  over  Satan.  The 
Apocalyptist  is  wholl}^  occupied  with  Satan's  deadly  hostility 
toward  the  Messiah,  and  his  baffled  designs.  It  is  that  hostility 
which  explains  all  the  awful  distresses,  present  and  future,  in- 
flicted upon  Christ's  followers  by  Satan's  agents,  the  powers  of 
the  world;  while  the  defeat  of  Satan  pictured  in  each  of  the 
three  scenes  forecasts  his  complete  overthrow  in  the  end. 

(1)  Frustrated  attempt  to  destroy  the  Messiah.  12^"^.  See 
pp.  612,275  f.,615f. 

The  new  vision  begins  without  the  usual  introductory 
phrase  ;  see  on  4^.  — (tthiclov  |Ji€Ya,  a  great  wonder:  a-rj/xeiov  is 
primarily  a  mark,  or  sig7i,  by  which  a  thing  is  known,  often  an 
indication  of  something  about  to  happen  ;  but  often,  as  here,  a 
strange  phenomenon  or  prodigy,  in  which  sense  it  is  joined  as 
a  synonym  with  re^a?,  '  signs  and  wonders,'  cf.  Mt.  24^^,  Jno. 
4*^,  Ac.  5^2  .  fop  its  sense  here,  wcmder,  cf.  also  l.S^,  16^4,  19^^, 
Lk.  21^^,  Jno.  9^^.  — kv  T(3  ovpavw,  in  the  heavefi  :  i.e.  the  sky, 
as  shown  by  the  presence  of  the  stars,  v.  4.  — yvvr\,  a  woman: 
as  a  heavenly  figure  and  as  the  mother  of  Christians  (v.  17)  as 
well  as  of  the  Messiah,  the  woman  cannot  be  the  earthly 
mother  of  our  Lord  ;  few  even  among  Mariolaters  maintain 
that.  There  is  here  no  relation  to  the  Lord's  incarnate  life 
(see  p.  613).  Neither  can  she  be  in  this  verse  the  Church  of 
the  O.  T.  of  which  Christ  is  born  after  the  flesh  (so,  Bleek, 
De  Wet.  Diist.  Alf.,  many  others),  for  it  is  one  and  the  same 
person  who  appears  here  and  in  vv.  13  ff.  She  is  the  heavenly 
representative  of  the  people  of  God,  the  ideal  Zion,  which  so 
far  as  it  is  embodied  in  concrete  realities  is  represented  alike 
by  the  people  of  the  old  and  the  new  covenants  (see  p.  616), 
Such  a  distinction  between  the  ideal  and  the  real,  as  if  separate 
entities  (see  p.  619),  is  natural  with  a  Jewish  writer,  since 
in  Jewish  thought  all  earthly  things  have  their  heavenly 
counterpart  or  archetype.     With  our  writer  there  is  only  one 


622  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XII.  1 

true  Israel,  embrcacing  alike  the  Jewish  and  the  Christian 
Church  ;  cf.  3^,  ll^^,  IS^,  2112-".  y^j.  the  ideal  Zion  repre- 
sented as  the  mother  of  God's  people,  cf.  Is.  54^,  66''~^,  Gal.  -I^^, 
2  Es.  10'^.  As  the  Messiah  is  born  of  Israel,  so  he  is  appropri- 
ately made  the  child  of  this  ideal  woman.  The  representation 
of  Israel  as  the  another  of  the  Messiah  is  possibly  contained  in 
Mic.  53.  In  2  Es.  9^3-45,  10^4-46,  often  cited  as  parallel,  the 
son  cannot  be  the  Messiah.  Micah  4^  *^-,  representing  Zion  as 
crying  out  like  a  woman  in  travail  and  destined  to  go  forth  to 
'  dwell  in  the  field,'  but  at  last  to  be  rescued,  is  taken  by  many 
com.  to  furnish  the  principal  traits  of  the  scene  in  this  chapt. 
But  the  birth  of  the  divine  child,  the  attempt  of  Satan  to 
destroy  it,  and  its  rescue,  the  principal  traits  in  this  scene, 
have  no  parallel  in  Micah  ;  and  the  exile  of  the  daughter  of 
Zion  from  Jerusalem,  her  capture  by  her  enemies,  and  her 
deportation  to  Babylon  are  not  parallel  to  the  fortunes  of  the 
woman  as  pictured  in  our  chapt.  The  figure  of  a  woman 
crying  out  in  travail  is  too  common  in  Scripture  to  furnish 
evidence  of  dependence.  Here  the  cries  merely  mark  the 
arrival  of  the  time  for  the  birth  of  the  child,  i.e.  the  time  for 
the  dragon  to  appear  for  the  destruction  of  the  child.  No 
special  symbolism,  such  as  Israel's  long  history  of  suffering 
before  the  advent  of  Christ  (so,  some  com.)  is  contained  in  the 
words  ;  all  such  historic  reference  is  remote  from  the  purely 
idealistic  passage. 

ir€pip€pX.i]|X6VTi  Tov  "ijXiov  ktX.,  clothed  with  the  sun,  etc. :  a  real- 
istic picture  of  the  figure  is  not  easily  formed.  The  woman  is 
arrayed  in  the  dazzling  glory  of  the  heavenly  bodies  in  con- 
formity with  her  divine  dignity  ;  no  further  significance  is  to 
be  sought  in  the  ornaments ;  cf.  1^*^,  Ps.  104^,  Song  of  Sol.  6^*^, 
also  the  description  of  Wisdom,  Wis.  7^9,  '  She  is  fairer  than 
the  sun,  and  above  all  the  constellations  of  the  stars,'  Test. 
Naph.  54  ^•,  '  When  Levi  became  as  the  sun,  a  young  man  gave 
him  twelve  branches  of  palm  ;  and  Judah  was  bright  as  the 
moon  and  under  his  feet  were  twelve  rays'  (Kautzsch,  487). 
Whatever  of  similarity  is  found  in  Joseph's  dream  (Gen.  37^) 
regarding  the  sun,  moon,  etc.,  that  passage  could  not  have 
directly  suggested  the  figure  of  this  scene  (so,  many  com.),  for 
the  ideas  symbolized  are  wholly  unlike.     The  woman's  coronet 


Xir.  4]  COMMENTARY  623 

of  twelve  stars  may  possibly  contain  an  allusion  to  the  twelve 
tribes  of  Israel,  but  it  is  doubtless  taken  over  from  the  source 
and  goes  back  ultimately  to  the  twelve  signs  of  the  zodiac. 

2.  tx^ouca  :  sc.  icrri  ;  exovad  ea-ri  —  e^ei-,  see  Blass  §  62,  2, 
Burton  §  20. — Kpd1^€t  wSivoucra,  arieth  out  in  the  pains  of  travail: 
see  on  v.  1.  —  Pao"avt|^o[jL€VT]  T€Ketv,  tormented  in  hearing  :  the 
infin.  is  irregular  ;  it  seems  to  be  used  as  equiv.  to  the  infin. 
with  Toj,  with  or  without  a  prep.,  defining  the  manner  or  cause 
of  the  general  term  ^aaavtl^oixevrj.  The  idea  of  desire  govern- 
ing the  intin.  can  hardly  be  implied  in  the  partic.  (so,  Burton 
§  389).  The  phrase  ^acravi^ofxevr)  reKelv  is  synonymous  with 
(hBivova-a,  repeating  it  with  Kat  epexegetical. 

3-4.  SpoiKcDV  ixc'yas,  a  great  dragon:  the  dragon,  a  huge 
serpent-like  monster,  often  a  water-monster,  is  a  familiar  object 
under  somewhat  varied  forms  in  all  ancient  mythologies.  It 
appears  in  Heb.  folk-lore,  and  is  mentioned  in  the  O.T.  as 
Leviathan,  Raliab,  Behemoth,  a  serpent,  a  dragon  ;  cf.  Job  7^^, 
Ps.  7414,  8910^  Is.  271,  519,  Ezk.  322,  Am.  9^  (cf.  Gunkel  29  ff.). 
It  is  generally  the  embodiment  of  an  evil  power,  and  in  late 
Heb.  fancy  becomes,  in  the  form  of  the  serpent  of  Eden,  identi- 
fied with  Satan  ;  cf.  Wis.  2^4,  SI.  En.  31,  Ap.  Mos.  17 ;  so  also 
in  rabbinic  demonology  (see  Weber  System  210  ff.).  With 
our  author  here  and  20^  the  dragon,  the  old  serpent,  and 
the  devil  are  synonymous.  The  close  relation  in  apoca- 
lyptic literature  between  Satan,  Antichrist,  and  a  monster 
representing  the  world-power  causes  the  traits  of  one  to  appear 
in  descriptions  of  the  others ;  hence  the  similarity  between  the 
dragon  of  our  passage  and  the  beast  of  chapt.  13  ;  see  notes 
there.  The  description  of  the  dragon  given  here  conforms  in 
part  to  common  tradition,  as  seen  in  extra-biblical  representa- 
tions, and  in  part  is  taken  from  the  beasts  of  Dan.  chapt.  7  ; 
but  the  Apocalyptist  apparently  adds  traits.  The  many  heads 
form  a  frequent  feature,  e.g.  in  the  Lernaean  Hydra,  the  Per- 
sian dragon  mentioned  on  p.  615,  Leviathan,  Ps.  I'V-'^.  The 
huge  coils  with  which  the  dragon  sweeps  the  stars  from  the  sky 
are  a  common  trait.  The  fiery  red  color  may  be  traditional, 
cf.  Hom.  //.  II,  308,  8pdK(ov  8a(f)otv6^,  or  it  may  be  given  here 
to  denote  the  dragon's  murderous  character  ;  cf.  6^,  Jno.  S^*. 
The  number  seven  assigned  to  the  heads  is  found  in  a  Babylo- 


624  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XII.  4 

nian  myth  (see  Gunkel,  361),  but  its  introduction  here  is  more 
likely  due  to  the  Apocalyptist's  fondness  for  seven  as  a  number 
of  fullness.  Some  derive  the  number  from  Dan.  7*"'^,  where 
the  sum  of  the  heads  is  seven,  one  of  the  beasts  having  four  ; 
but  this  is  artificial.  The  seven  crowns  are  added  to  symbolize 
the  fullness  of  Satan's  power  as  prince  of  this  world.  The  ten 
horns  are  taken  from  Dan.  7',  the  horn  being  a  common  symbol 
of  might,  and  the  number  ten  denoting  fullness  (see  p.  254). 
The  question  raised  regarding  the  distribution  of  ten  horns 
among  seven  heads  (De  Wet.  Diist.  a?)  does  not  in  a  vision  of 
this  character  call  for  discussion.  The  dragon's  act  in  hurling 
the  stars  to  the  earth  appears  to  be  suggested  by  Dan.  8^^ 
though  the  specification  of  a  third  part  must  be  due  to  the 
Apocalyptist ;   cf .  chapt.  8  passim^  9^^'  i*.  ^ 

5-6.  vlov,  dpcreva,  a  son^  a  male  child:  the  redundancy  is 
extraordinary ;  there  may  be  a  reminiscence  of  Jer.  20^^  a 
mmi-child,  lit.  a  male  son ;  so,  many  comm.  Possibly  the  author 
wrote  ercKev  apaev(^a)^  as  in  v.  13,  an  expression  frequent  in 
the  LXX,  cf .  Ex.  2^,  Jer.  20^^ ;  and  vlov  was  added  as  a  gloss. 
—  OS  [JitXXtL  /ctA,.,  who  shall  rule,  etc.:  for  the  words  as  a  desig- 
nation of  the  Messiah  see  on  2^^.  —  iravxa  xd  cGvt),  all  the 
G-entiles:  reference  is  made  in  the  common  terms  of  Jewish 
eschatology  to  the  Messiah's  complete  domination  over  all  his 
enemies,  when  his  kingdom  shall  be  established. — irpbs  t6v 
Gpovov  avTo-O,  to  his  throne:  i.e.  the  throne  of  God.  The  words 
are  added  to  emphasize  the  completeness  of  Satan's  failure ; 
the  Messiah,  so  far  from  being  destroyed,  is  caught  up  to  a 
share  in  God's  throne.  The  sentence  would  lose  in  force,  if 
(as  with  Spitta  132)  the  phrase  were  rejected.  —  On  the  sig- 
nificance of  verse  6  see  pp.  616,  619. — -oirou,  €K€i  :  for  the 
Hebraistic  addition  of  a  demonstrative  after  a  relative  see  on 
3^. — T)|j.epas  .  .  .  l^r\K0VTa,  1260  dai/s:  the  stereotyped  phrase 
for  the  period  of  calamity  in  the  last  days,  as  in  11'^ ;   see  p.  252. 

(2)  Satan's  expulsion  from  the  heavens,  vv.  7-12.  See 
pp.  276,  612,  617  f.  The  archangel  Michael  is  the  special 

patron  of  Israel,  he  is  their  'prince,'  Dan.  10^^;  he  is  their 
defender  in  the  troubles  of  the  last  days,  Dan.  12^,  'At  that 
time  shall  Michael  stand  up,  the  great  prince,  who  standeth  for 
the  children  of  thy  people.'     He  is  therefore  aj)propriately  the 


XII.  10]  COMMENTARY  625 

leader  of  the  angel  hosts  here  in  the  war  against  the  arch- 
enemy of  God's  people.  The  Messiah  of  the  preceding  scene 
does  not  appear  here  in  that  office,  because  there  is  no  connec- 
tion of  sequence  with  that  scene  (see  p.  618),  and  especially 
because  it  would  be  contrary  to  Jewish  and  Christian  eschato- 
logical  expectations  that  the  Messiah  should  intervene  before 
the  final  conflicts,  or,  in  our  book,  before  the  millennium.  Cf. 
Volz  222.  —  TOi)  'TroX€jiT]0'ai :  the  meaning  here  is  clear,  but  the 
construction  is  uncertain.  Some  supply  iyei^ero  with  6  Mi^-  in 
the  sense  of  arose;  the  infin.  then  expresses  purpose;  so,  B. 
Weiss,  Blj.  al.  It  is  perhaps  simpler  to  take  the  infin.  as  an 
appositional  gen.  (Burton  §  400,  H.A.  §  729  g),  defining  ttoXc- 
/A0<? ;  so  Buttm.  p.  268.  The  noms.  Mt'x^aTjX  kt\.,  instead  of 
the  ace.  would  then  be  set  down  as  among  the  author's  gram- 
matical irregularities.     Perhaps  there  is  some  error  in  the  text. 

8-9.  ovK  ia\vaav,  were  yiot  able:  i.e.  to  overcome,  prevailed 
not,  EV;  cf.  Gen.  3225,  Ps.  1292.  if  the  sing,  be  read  here,  the 
vb.  agrees  with  the  principal  subj.,  the  dragon.  — ovhk  tottos 
tvpcGTi  kt\.,  neither  was  their  place  found.,  etc.:  this  indefinite 
statement  is  made  specific  by  the  following  words  of  v.  9.  — 
SpciKOJV,  o(j)is,  dragon,  serpent:  the  words  are  synonymous  here. 
—  6  6<})is  6  dpxaios,  the  old  serpent:  referring  to  the  story  of 
Eden.  The  following  words,  the  Devil  and  Satan,  are  added 
to  make  certain  the  sense  in  which  the  Apocalyptist  has  taken 
up  the  familiar  figure  of  the  dragon ;  see  p.  616.  —  6  uXavcov 
ktX.,  the  deceiver  of  the  whole  world:  cf.  20^'^.  Satan  is  denomi- 
nated in  this  paragraph  by  two  characteristic  acts  in  his  hos- 
tility to  men  ;  he  is  the  heguiler  of  the  world,  and  he  is  the 
calumniator  of  God's  servants  before  the  divine  presence  (v. 
10)  ;  for  the  former  cf.  203' «' ^  2  Co.  2",  11^,  1  Tim.  21*;  for 
the  latter  see  p.  617.  Both  activities  are  brought  together  in 
Jub.  120  also. 

10.  The  expulsion  of  Satan  from  the  seat  of  his  dominion  in 
the  heavens  assures  his  complete  overthrow  in  the  end,  and 
calls  forth  one  of  those  outbursts  of  praise  common  in  the  book 
(see  pp.  244  ff.),  celebrating  the  future  triumph  as  if  present. 
The  hymn  is  anticipatory,  the  kingdom  of  God  and  the  Mes- 
siah is  not  yet  established,  Satan  is  still  to  carry  on  his  work  in 
the  earth.  The  contents  and  spirit  of  the  hymn  are  consonant 
2s 


626  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XII.  10 

with  the  leading  purpose  of  the  chapt.,  i.e.  the  assurance  of  the 
Church  of  its  final  deliverance  from  the  distresses  inflicted  upon 
it  by  tlie  wrath  of  Satan.  The  second  pait  of  the  hymn  (v. 
12)  bewails  the  other  aspect  of  Satan's  expulsion  from  the 
heavens,  his  increased  rage  in  the  persecution  of  the  saints 
till  his  power  is  destroyed.  The  singers  are  heavenly  beings, 
but  are  not  designated  more  precisely  ;  see  on  ll^^.  They  are 
not  the  saints,  for  these  are  not  represented  in  the  book  as 
being  in  heaven  before  the  end.  The  term  '  our  brethren  '  may 
be  used  appropriately  by  the  angels  with  reference  to  the  saints 
on  earth,  for  they  are  tlie  fellow-servants  of  these,  as  declared  in 
1910.  The  general  expression  '  in  heaven '  is  unsuited  to  the 
martyrs  beneath  the  altar;  if,  as  some  suppose,  these  were 
meant  to  be  understood  as  the  singers,  they  would  probably 
be  definitely  specified  as  in  6^. 

T|  (r(OTT|pia  «tX.,  the  salvation,  etc.:  the  whole  work  of  God's 
salvation  is  now  accomplished,  he  has  taken  to  himself  his  full 
poiver  (cf.  11^^),  his  kingdom  has  come. — tov  Geov,  of  Grod: 
the  words  are  to  be  joined  with  each  of  the  three  preceding 
nouns. — Tov  Xpicrxov  avTOv,  his  Christ:  see  on  11^^.-6  Kaxii- 
■ytop,  the  accuser:  see  above.  This  form  of  the  word  instead  of 
KaTTjyopo^;  is  not  found  in  the  authors,  but  the  papyri  show  it 
to  have  been  vised  in  the  Gk.  of  popular  speech ;  so  hidicaiv  is 
found  as  a  popular  form  of  hidKovo<; ;  see  Deissmann,  Licht  vom 
Ost.  61  f.  —  Tcov  d56\<j)cov  T)|jL(ov,  our  brethren:  the  fellow-serv- 
ants of  God  on  earth  are  meant ;  see  above.  - —  6  KaTTi-yopcov 
.  .  .  vuKTOS,  who  accused  .  .  .  day  and  night :  lit.  the  one  accus- 
ing., i.e.  before  he  was  cast  out.  The  incessant  activity  of  Satan 
here  spoken  of  is  not  mentioned  elsewhere  in  the  Scriptures, 
but  appears  in  rabbinic  writings. 

11.  This  verse  reminds  the  Church,  struggling  against  Satan, 
of  the  source  and  condition  of  victory.  The  saints  whose  tri- 
umph is  here  anticipated  will  have  overcome  through  the  blood 
of  the  Lamb  (who  by  his  blood  loosed  them  from  their  sins,  1^), 
and  through  the  power  of  the  divine  word  to  which  they  have 
borne  testimony ;  and  they  will  have  proved  steadfast  in  the 
face  of  death.  The  redemptive  power  of  Christ's  death  is 
meant  here  as  in  1^  5^  7^^;  cf.  also  Jno.  1^9,  1  Jno.  1'^.  The 
frequent  connection  of  fiapTvpia  with  \6yo<i  deov  in  the  book 


XII.  12]  COMMENTARY  627 

(1^'  ^,  6^,  20*)  shows  tliat  Xoyov  here  means  the  word  of  God ; 
and  as  the  gen.  with  ixaprvpCa  is  snbj.  (see  on  1^,  6^),  the  ex- 
pression the  word  of  their  testimony  is  to  be  understood,  the  word 
of  G-od  to  which  they  have  borne  testimony,  whether  in  life  or  by 
their  death.  The  power  here  attributed  to  the  word  of  God 
is  the  same  as  in  Jno.  8^^*^'^^  15^,  al.  —  8id :  better  translated 
through  or  by  than  because  of.  The  distinction  between  the  ace. 
and  the  gen.  with  hid  virtually  disappears  when  as  here  a 
directly  active  cause  is  meant ;  cf.  13^'^,  Mt.  15^  Jno.  G°',  15^, 
Eph.  4^^ ;  cf .  Holtzm.-Bau.  in  loc.  There  is  no  contradiction 
between  the  two  conquests  over  Satan,  that  of  this  verse  and 
that  of  vv.  8-9,  as  some  maintain  (Spitta  357,  Volter  Offenb. 
79,  J.  Weiss  80).  The  one  following  Jewish  conceptions  rep- 
resents his  expulsion  from  his  seat  in  the  heavens,  and  shows 
the  cause  of  his  increased  activity  in  the  earth  ;  the  other  an- 
nounces the  spiritual  triumph  of  the  individual  Christian  over 
him  in  this  activity  of  his  in  the  earth.  The  close  juxtaposi- 
tion of  the  Jewish  and  Christian  ideas  is  similar  to  that  in 
chapt.  5.  The  verse  has  a  distinct  Johannine  character  in 
thought  (see  reff.  above)  and  in  vocabulary  {e.y.  vlkuv,  Xo'709, 
jxaprvpia,  cfyairav). 

12.  ol  €v  avTOLS  o-KTivovvTCS,  ye  loho  divell  therein:  cf.  13^. 
The  angels  are  meant ;  departed  saints  are  not  yet  dwellers  in 
heaven.  —  oval  ttiv  -yfiv,  woe  to  the  earth :  the  expression  '  the 
earth  and  the  sea '  is  a  comprehensive  term  for  the  whole  ter- 
restrial world  (see  on  10^),  as  the  sjjhere  of  Satan's  activity. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  world  are  meant ;  there  is  no  idea  -here 
of  operations  in  the  physical  world.  For  the  ace.  after  ovai 
see  on  8^^.  This  descent  of  Satan  to  the  earth  is  taken  by 
many  (^e.g.  Bouss.  297,  J.  Weiss  79  ff.)  to  form  the  third  'woe' 
announced  in  8^^,  11^*.  The  words  oval  rrjv  7^1/  compared  with 
oval  .  .  .  T^9  7779,  8^3,  are  thought  to  confirm  this  view.  But 
ovai  is  too  common  an  exclamation  to  furnish  any  ground  for 
a  conclusion,  and  rrjv  ryrjv  in  this  passage  has  not  the  same 
reference  as  the  expression  tov?  KaroiKovvra'i  eirl  tyj^  'yrj'i  in  8^^ ; 
see  below.  There  are  two  objections  which  seem  conclusive 
against  finding  in  the  event  here  described  the  third  'woe.' 
(1)  Our  paragraph  is  wholly  concerned  with  Satan's  hostility 
to  the  people  of  God  and  the  calamities  he  inflicts  upon  them ; 


628  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XH.  12 

there  is  no  allusion  to  the  godless;  whereas  the  three  woes 
announced  in  S^^  are  calamities  to  be  sent  upon  the  non- 
Christian  world,  as  seen  in  the  first  two  (chapt.  9)  ;  see  on 
8^3,  31°.  (2)  The  trumpet-woes  predicted  in  S^^  all  lie  in  the 
Apocalyptist's  future,  but  this  expulsion  of  Satan,  in  the  past ; 
see  pp.  618  f. 

KaT€pT|,  has  gone  down :  the  word  has  raised  objection  as  if 
implyino-  a  freedom  inconsistent  with  the  violence  expressed  in 
e^XtjOrj^  has  been  cast,  vv.  9,  13.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the 
difference  is  due  to  transference  of  an  Aramaic  idiom  (Ewald, 
Gunkel).  What  is  thought  of  in  the  use  of  the  word  is  the 
simple  fact  of  tlie  descent  with  its  consequences,  not  the  ante- 
cedent cause,  or  the  manner  of  the  descent.  — €lSd>s  .  •  •  t'xei, 
knowing  that  he  hath  hit  a  short  time  :  now  that  Satan  is  expelled 
from  his  throne  in  the  heavens,  he  knows  that  the  end  must 
come  soon  with  the  appearing  of  the  Messiah,  and  his  rage  is 
intensified  accordingly.  The  '  short  time  '  is  relative,  not  abso- 
lute ;  the  words  do  not  place  this  event  in  the  future. 

(3)  Persecution  of  the  Mother  of  the  Messiah  and  her  chil- 
dren, vv.  13-17.     See  pp.  277  f.,  612,  618  &. 

The  Apocalyptist  here  takes  up  and  expands  what  he  had 
mentioned  in  v.  6  summarily  and  in  anticipation  of  this  scene. 
For  this  feature  in  the  Apocalyptist's  manner  see  p.  242. 
The  scene  here  is  on  the  earth.  The  exact  correspondence  of 
this  passage  (vv.  13-16)  with  v.  6  makes  it  certain  that  two 
different  events  cannot  be  referred  to,  and  that  the  woman  of 
this  passage  must  be  the  same  as  in  vv.  1-6.  She  cannot,  then, 
be  the  Christian  Church  (many  older  com.),  for  in  that  case 
it  could  not  be  said  that  the  Messiah  was  born  of  her.  Neither 
can  she  be  the  Church  of  the  old  covenant  (many  modern  com. 
e.g.  Ewald,  Bleek,  Diist.),  for  that  Church  cannot,  except  in  a 
most  unnatural  sense,  be  called  the  mother  of  the  followers  of 
Jesus  (v.  17)  ;  nor  was  that  Church  destined  to  be  kept  in 
safety  to  the  end ;  it  vanished  away  with  the  incoming  of  a 
better  covenant.  The  woman  is  the  ideal  people  of  God  of 
both  the  old  and  new  covenants  alike  ;   see  on  v.  1 . 

The  woman's  persecution  and  escape  are  taken  by  many  to  be  based  on 
the  story  of  Israel's  deliverance  from  Egypt ;  so,  e.//.  Ewald,  Bleek,  De  Wet. 
Diist.  Spitta,  Alf.     Israel  flees  from  the  Egyptians,  the  dry  land  opens  a 


XII.  15]  COMMENTARY  629 

way  for  them  through  the  threatening  waters,  and  they  find  a  refuge  in  the 
wilderness  where  they  are  nurtured  through  the  destined  time.  Their 
deliverance  is  even  described  in  Ex.  W*  as  an  act  of  God's,  bearing  them 
away  on  eagles'  wings.  But  the  figure  of  bearing  on  eagles'  wings  seems  to 
have  been  a  current  simile,  cf .  Ut.  32ii,  Is.  40^^  Ass.  Mos.  108 ;  and  for  the 
gift  of  wings  for  flight  cf.  Jer.  48^.  The  details  of  the  story  of  Israel's 
escape  from  Egypt  are  too  dissimilar  to  suggest  the  imagery  of  a  dragon- 
monster  pursuing  the  woman  and  spouting  forth  floods  of  water  into  the  air, 
and  the  earth  opening  its  caverns  and  swallowing  up  the  waters.  Among 
recent  scholars  most  are  agreed  that  the  Apocalyptist  has  taken  his  imagery 
from  some  familiar  legend  ;  see  pp.  613  ff. 

In  the  symbol  of  the  woman's  flight  many  scholars  suppose  that  refer- 
ence is  made  to  the  flight  of  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem  across  the  Jordan 
to  Pella  in  the  time  of  the  Judseo-Roman  War,  as  recorded  by  Euseb.  H.  E. 
III.  5;  so,  Ewald  followed  by  many.  This  reference  to  a  part  of  the 
Church  removes  the  difficulty  otherwise  thought  to  be  raised  by  the  identi- 
fication of  the  children  with  the  mother,  v.  17  ;  the  '  other  children  '  are  the 
other  Christians  in  distinction  from  the  Jerusalem  Church.  But  this  inter- 
pretation limits  the  symbolism  unwarrantably.  The  woman  who  flees  here 
is  the  one  who  bore  the  child  (v.  18),  the  Messiah;  and  throughout  the 
chapt.  she  represents  the  whole  people  of  God.  The  Church  at  Jerusalem 
is  not  the  mother  of  the  Messiah ;  it  is  nowhere  spoken  of  as  the  mother  of 
the  other  churches,  or  of  the  Christians  as  a  body.  So  far  as  mentioned,  it 
plays  no  conspicuous  part  in  the  thought  of  the  later  apostolic  age.  The 
entire  scene  here  is  ideal  and  general ;  allusion  to  a  specific  historic  occur- 
rence in  the  fortunes  of  that  congregation  has  no  place  in  the  vision.  Upon 
the  supposed  difficulty  of  the  identification  of  the  children  with  the  mother 
see  p.  619. 

14.  €8d9ii(rav  TTTcpvycs  ktX.^  there  were  given  wings,  etc.: 
God's  care  for  the  woman  is  made  prominent.  He  provides 
the  means  for  her  escape,  and  in  a  place  made  ready  for  her  in 
the  desert,  which  though  it  offers  security  is  barren  of  support, 
he  furnishes  succour  for  her.  —  to-O  derov,  the  eagle  :  the  art.  is 
better  taken  as  generic  than  as  referring  to  an  eagle  mentioned 
in  the  legend;  it  is  not  the  author's  manner  to  point  so 
distinctly  to  a  source  when  extra-biblical.  — ottou,  Ikci:  see  on 
V.  6.  —  Kaipov  Kal  Kaipoiis  ktX.,  a  time  and  times,  etc.:  three 
and  a  half  times  =  three  and  a  half  years  =  1260  days;  see 
on  V.  6. 

15-17.  The  scene  enacted  in  vv.  15-16  is  doubtless  taken 
from  the  legend  without  material  variation.  In  this  connec- 
tion a  real,  historical  event  is  not  symbolized,  but  the  purely 
ideal   effort   of    Satan    to   destroy  the   whole  entity  of  God's 


630  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XII.  17 

people,  and  his  defeat.  —  cop'Yio'STi,  waxed  wroth  :  Satan  becomes 
the  more  enraged  against  the  woman  because  of  her  escape,  and 
turns  his  rage  upon  her  children,  the  followers  of  Jesus.  Thus 
is  explained  the  ultimate  cause  of  the  persecution  which  the 
Church  suffers.  —  twv  Xolitwv  tov  o-irepiJLaTos  avTiis,  tlie  rest  of 
her  seed :  there  may  be  here  a  reminiscence  of  Gen.  3^^, '  enmity 
between  thee  and  the  woman,  between  thy  seed  and  her  seed  ' 
(J.  Weiss,  138).  The  rest  of  the  seed  must  be  those  who  are 
distinguished  from  the  child  of  vv.  6,  13,  for  no  other  is  spoken 
of.  And  these  remaining  children  are  defined  as  adherents  of 
Jesus.  The  term  the  rest,  not  the  indefinite  other,  implies  that 
the  whole  body  of  Christians  in  general  are  meant,  not  those  who 
are  contrasted  with  the  church  of  Jerusalem,  see  p.  629; 
not  Gentile  Christians  as  contrasted  with  Jewish  (so,  Diist.  al). 
—  kyowdiV  .  .  .  'It|0"Ov,  holdfast  the  testimony  of  Jesus:  the  tes- 
timony of  Jesus  is  that  which  he  bore  (see  on  1^),  the  truth 
which  he  taught;  and  since  these  words  repeat  and  explain  the 
less  explicit  words  preceding,  keep  the  commandments  of  Grod, 
the  meaning  of  e'^etv  in  this  place  must  be  holdfast,  not  possess 
merely;  see  Thayer  s.v.  I.  d.  By  these  added  words  the 
Apocalyptist  shows  in  what  sense  he  uses  the  familiar  figure  of 
the  '  seed  of  the  woman.' 

Textual  notea,  12^"''.  2.  /cat,  before  Kpa^et,  XC  some  vers  most  edd  ;  want- 
ing in  APQ  most  min  R  Sod.  —  4.  For  ea-rrjKcv,  WH  read  earrjKev,  taking 
the  form  here  and  in  Jno.  S**  as  an  imperf.  of  aTiiJKO} ;  see  their  Introd.  Am. 
ed.  p.  312.  —  5.  apaeva  (or  appeva)  xPQ  most  min  R  Ws  (see  Ap.  p.  97)  Blj 
Sod  alj  apcriv  AC  Lch  Tr  Ti  WH  al.  If  wov  be  omitted  as  a  gloss  (see 
Com.),  the  neut.  might  naturally  have  been  used.  — 7.  tov  iroXefx-qfrai  ACP 
many  min  most  edd ;  tov  is  wanting  in  XQ  many  min  Ti ;  see  Ws  Apok. 
p.  120 ;  R  has  CTroXefirjarav  without  authority.  —  8.  urx^o'c-V  KCP  min  R  Ti 
Blj  Sod  Alf  al;  laxvcrev  A  many  min  Ws  WH  Bouss  al;  urxvov  Q. — 
10.  Kar-qyuip  A  Lch  Ti  Ws  W^H  Alf  al;  Karrjyopo'i  most  sources  R  RV  Sod 
al.  — 12.  Before  ttjv  yrjv,  R  inserts  rots  KaroiKovcn,  following  one  or  two  min 
and  some  anc  com.  —  17.  For  Itjcrov,  R  reads  tov  Irjaov  Xptcrrov,  so  Prim 
and  some  ]\Iss.  of  the  vlg,  without  Ms.  authority. 

Criticism  of  12'^'^''.     Criticism  of  this  chapt.  has  centered  in  two  subjects: 

(1)  the  strangeness  in  the  representation  of  the  Messiah  and  his  birth ; 

(2)  the  unity  of  the  chapt.  (1)  Vischer  (19  ff.)  finds  here  one  of  his  strong- 
est proofs  that  the  book  was  primarily  a  Jewish  apocalyjise.  His  argument 
is  as  follows :  the  book  is  wholly  concerned  with  things  of  the  future,  the 
past  has  no  place  in  the  Seer's  view ;  therefore  this  narrative  of  the  birth 


CRITICISM   OF  XII.  1-17  631 

of  the  Messiah  couhl  not  helong  to  the  work  of  a  Christian,  for  whom  that 
birth  is  already  past.  And  further  the  narrative  has  no  points  of  similarity 
with  the  history  of  Jesus;  neither  is  it  eonformal)le  to  the  Christian  expec- 
tations of  the  Lord's  second  coining.  But  all  difficulty  disappears  with  the 
supposition  of  a  Jewish  apocalypse ;  the  forerunners  of  the  JVIessiah  have 
appeared  (IP'^^),  the  holy  city  has  been  purified  by  a  divine  visitation  and 
prepared  for  its  Messiah  (11'^);  the  seventh  trumpet  promising  the  end  has 
sounded,  and  now  the  Messiah  is  born  (12^"^).  But  he  is  not  to  appear  at 
once ;  in  Jewish  expectation  he  was  to  remain  hidden  for  a  time.  In  the 
second  part  of  the  chapt.  the  representation  of  Satan  as  the  accuser  of  men 
before  God  is  Jewish,  not  Christian.  In  the  third  part  the  flight  of  the 
woman,  the  personified  people  of  Israel,  represents  some  future  event  in 
which  Israel  as  a  body  and  the  Messiah  will  be  safe  from  Satan's  assaults, 
and  he  will  turn  his  wrath  against  the  rest  of  the  Jews,  the  other  seed  of 
the  woman,  who  remain  in  his  powei".  In  carrying  through  this  theory  the 
Christian  elements  v.  11  and  the  last  clause  of  v.  17  must  be  deleted. 

Many  other  critics  (Weyland,  Pfleiderer,  Sabatier,  Schoen,  Spitta,  J. 
Weiss,  Wellhausen,  a/)  thoiigh  differing  widely  from  Vischer  in  other  re- 
spects agTee  in  attributing  the  picture  of  the  Messiah's  birth  and  the  woman's 
flight  to  a  Jewish  document.  A  favorite  hypothesis  makes  the  passage  an 
oracle  designed  to  encourage  the  Jews  in  the  distresses  of  the  Judaeo-Roman 
war  by  the  assurance  that  the  Messiah,  already  born  or  about  to  be  born, 
but  hidden  for  a  time  in  heaven,  will  soon  come  as  deliverer. 

To  all  theories  which  view  the  chapt.  as  part  of  a  Jewish  document  in- 
corporated here  there  is  the  fundamental  objection  that  the  picture  of  the 
Messiah  and  his  birth  is  at  variance  with  the  whole  Jewish  messianic  expec- 
tation. The  rabbinic  legend  of  a  Messiah  carried  away  at  birth  to  a  hidden 
place  is  too  late  and  obscure  to  be  accepted  as  a  probable  origin  (see  p.  614). 
But  in  any  event  the  representation  in  these  verses  is  not  Jewish.  A  Mes- 
siah born  in  the  heavens  of  a  superhuman  mother,  saved  at  the  moment  of 
birth  only  by  miracle  from  the  assaults  of  Satan,  and  caught  away  to  the 
throne  of  God,  is  wholly  unlike  the  expected  son  of  David.  Even  if  we 
suppose  the  Jewish  writer  to  have  borrowed  symbols  from  some  current 
mythological  fancy,  the  paragraph  taken  as  a  prophecy,  or  as  a  representa- 
tion of  the  past,  is  as  difficult  to  explain  from  the  Jewish  standpoint  as  from 
the  Christian. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  view  long  jarevalent  among  the  interpreters  that 
the  scene  in  w.  1-5  represents  the  Lord's  birth  and  ascension  raises  the  in- 
superable difficulty  of  its  disagTeemeut  with  the  accepted  facts  of  the  Gospels 
(see  p.  613).  Volter  {OJf'enb,  96  ff.)  holds  the  chapt.  to  be  Christian,  not 
Jewish,  and  he  finds  it  a  part  of  an  assumed  apocalypse  of  Cerinthus,  whose 
doctrine  was  that  the  heavenly  Christ  descended  and  united  himself  with 
Jesus,  but  again  withdrew  from  hini  so  that  only  Jesus,  not  the  Christ, 
suffered  and  died.  The  opening  of  the  chapt.  then  pictures  the  Christ  after 
he  had  been  born  of  the  heavenly  woman,  and  had  descended  and  united 
himself  with  Jesus  at  the  baptism,  as  now  again  withdrawing  to  heaven  to 
avoid  the  dangers  which  threatened  him  from  Satan  through  the  Roman 


632  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

power.  The  theory  does  uot  call  for  discussion.  Volter  agrees  with  others 
in  supposing  that  the  Apocalyptist's  fancy  is  influenced  liy  mythological 
tradition. 

Since  Gunkel's  epoch-making  study  scholars  have  tended  more  and  more 
to  find  the  solution  of  the  difficulties  of  the  chapt.,  not  in  the  incorporation 
of  an  alien  document,  but  in  the  use  of  symbols  derived  from  some  legend 
current  in  ancient  mythology  and  familiar  in  Jewish  tradition.  From  such 
a  source  the  Apocalyptist  seems  to  have  taken  the  forms  in  which  he  here 
embodies  his  revelation,  shaping  these  to  his  use  and  giving  thus  a  scene 
which  has  a  fitting  place  in  his  plan  (see  pp.  612  ft'.,  620).  This  view 
is  essentially  that  which  is  adopted  by  the  larger  number  of  most  recent 
scholars ;  so,  Bouss.,  Holtzm.-Bau.,  Blj.,  Porter,  Mott'.,  al. 

(2)  The  principal  objection  urged  against  the  unity  of  the  chapt.  is 
based  on  the  account  of  the  woman's  flight,  which  is  given  twice,  w.  6 
and  13-16.  In  the  first  instance  it  is  spoken  of  in  connection  with  the  scene 
in  the  sky,  without  mention  of  a  descent  to  earth,  though  the  words,  the 
wilder7iess,  imply  the  earth.  In  the  second  instance  it  is  distinctly  placed 
ou  the  earth.  Some  critics  therefore  omit  v.  6  as  an  editorial  addition, 
e.r/.  Spitta,  J.  Weiss.  Others  make  vv.  1:3-16  an  editorial  working  over  of 
V.  6  ;  so  AVeizsacker,  Volter  (Problem).  Wellhausen  (Ajialys.  18  ft.)  proposes 
a  theory  of  two  parallel  documents  with  a  common  ending;  A,  consisting  of 
vv.  1-6,  from  which  the  redactor  has  omitted  mention  of  the  woman's  descent 
and  the  dragon's  expulsion ;  B,  consisting  of  vv.  7-14,  in  which  there  was 
originally  mention  of  the  eagle,  the  entrance  of  the  woman  and  the  child, 
and  of  the  rapture  of  the  child  to  heaven  —  these  have  been  omitted  by  the 
redactor ;  w.  15-17  formed  the  common  ending  of  both  the  variant  docu- 
ments A  and  B ;  w.  10-12  stood  in  neither  document,  they  were  added  by 
the  redactor.  The  theory  is  interesting  as  illustrative  of  what  may  be 
seriously  pi-oposed  in  the  way  of  criticism.  J.  Weiss  (13.5)  omits  the  war 
in  heaven  as  having  no  connection  with  the  other  parts  of  the  chapt.,  also 
w.  6  and  13  which  were  added  by  the  editor  to  facilitate  transition.  The 
scene  of  w.  1-5  is,  he  thinks,  probably  not  the  heavens,  but  earth,  as  in 
vv.  14-17  ;  these  two  passages,  w.  1-5,  14-17,  formed  the  original  document. 

If  the  views  taken  in  the  Com.  above  regarding  the  interpretation  of  the 
chapt.  be  correct,  the  real  difficulties  are  much  less  serious  than  those  raised 
by  the  suppositions  underlying  most  of  the  critical  hypotheses.  That  the 
Apocalyptist  should  fail  to  mention  the  woman's  descent  to  earth  in  con- 
nection with  V.  6  cannot  raise  insoluble  difficulty  (see  pp.  616,  619) ; 
that  he  should  first  allude  to  a  subject  briefly  and  afterwards  take  it  up 
more  fully  is  one  of  his  characteristics  (see  pp.  242  ff.).  It  should  be  noted 
that  the  third  part  of  the  chapt.,  w.  13-17,  could  not  follow  immediately 
after  v.  5,  for  an  essential  condition  determining  the  character  of  the  third 
part  is  fvirnished  by  the  second  part,  vv.  7-9,  Satan's  expulsion  from  his 
throne  in  the  heavens  with  all  its  consequences.  But  it  is  not  unnatural 
that  the  Apocalyptist  should  have  closed  the  first  part  with  some  antici- 
patory allusion  (v.  6)  to  its  sequel,  the  flight  and  safety  of  the  woman. 
The  first  and  second  parts  of  the  chapt.  lead  up  to  the  third  as  expressing 


XII.  18]  COMMENTARY  633 

the  chief  purpose  of  the  paragraph  ;  not  unfittingly  then  they  each  conchide 
with  a  statement,  vv.  G,  12,  anticipating  that  part.  In  so  far  the  structure 
of  the  chapt.  seeius  to  be  the  work  of  one  mind. 


XII.  18-XIII.  18.  The  Beaist^  the  aijeiit  of  Satan  in  his  war- 
fare against  the  saints  ;  and  the  Beasfs  helper,  the  secoyid  least. 

In  this  chapt.  tlie  Apocalyptist  passes  immediately  to  the 
vision  revealing  the  agency  used  by  Satan  in  tliis  war  against 
the  children  of  the  woman  which  has  just  been  announced  in 
the  preceding  sentence  (v.  17).  For  the  place  of  the  chapt. 
in  the  plan  of  the  book,  see  pp.  275  f.  For  the  symbol  of  the 
Beast  and  its  significance,  see  pp.  393  ff.,  407  IT. 

XII.  18.  £(rTd6i]V,  /  stood:  with  this  reading  the  words  are 
joined  immediately  with  13^ ;  see  AV.  The  Seer  in  his  vision 
takes  his  stand  in  full  view  of  the  sea,  whence  the  Beast  arises. 
On  the  specification  of  the  Seer's  apparent  place,  cf.  Ezk.  40'^, 
Dan.  8^.  If  ecTTad-q,  he  stood,  be  read,  Satan  is  represented  as 
standing  by  the  sea  to  summon  the  Beast  his  agent  in  the  war 
now  to  be  carried  on.      See  text.  note. 

XIII.  1.  For  the  words  'I  stood,'  etc.,  or 'he  stood,'  in 
some  editions  assigned  to  this  verse,  see  above.  — €K  ttjs  GaXda- 
(n^s  dvaPaivov,  coming  vp  out  of  the  sea:  the  rising  out  of  the 
sea,  thougli  taken  directly  from  Dan.  7'^  is  doubtless  ultimately 
derived  from  the  earlier  form  of  the  myth  of  the  beast  as  a 
sea-monster  (a  Leviathan)  ;  similarly  the  eagle-monster  in 
2  Es.  11  comes  up  from  the  sea.  Since  the  figure  as  used  by 
the  Apocalyptist  refers  first  of  all  to  the  Roman  power,  the 
coming  from  the  sea  would  be  especially  appropriate  in  the 
view  of  one  looking  from  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor  across 
the  Mediterranean,  and  most  com.  regard  the  language  as 
chosen  with  that  thought ;  but  the  representation  is  more 
probably  purely  traditional.  In  the  other  places  in  the  book 
where  the  origin  of  the  Beast  is  spoken  of  (11^,  17^)  he  comes 
from  the  'abyss,'  z.e.  hell,  see  on  9^;  not  that  the  sea  is  the 
gate  of  the  abyss,  nor  (so,  Gunkel  360  f.)  that  the  sea  and 
the  abyss  are  synonymous  here.  But  there  is  no  contradiction 
in  the  two  representations,  as  many  critics  find.  Here  the 
author  is  concerned  with  the  picture  of  the  symbol,  the  Beast 
fi.-Tfured  after  traditional  conceptions  ;   in  the  other  places  the 


634  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  \XIU.1 

actual  person  is  meant  in  whom  hellish  power  is  embodied. 
See  p.  697.  — Kepaxa  ScKa,  fen  horns:  elsewhere  (12-^,  17^' '')  the 
heads  are  mentioned  before  the  horns.  Possibly  the  reversal 
of  the  order  may  be  due  to  the  emergence  of  the  horns  first  as 
the  Beast  rises  out  of  the  water  (so,  many  com.)  ;  but  since  the 
idea  of  a  gradual  emergence  does  not  seem  to  be  intimated  in 
the  context,  it  is  more  likely  that  the  purpose  is  variation  from 
the  description  of  the  dragon  in  chapt.  12  ;  on  variety  with 
the  author,  see  on  5^.  —  K€(j)aX.ds  eiTTd,  seven  heads :  the  number 
seven  is  probably  due  to  the  Apocalyptist  for  conformity  with 
his  representation  of  seven  emperors  as  filling  out  the  number 
of  Koman  rulers  ;  see  p.  706  ff. 

eirl  Tcov  KcpciTcov  .  .  .  SiaSTJjiaTa,  on  his  horns  ten  diadems: 
in  the  picture  of  the  dragon,  chapt.  12,  the  crowns  are  assigned 
to  the  heads  ;  the  seven  crowns  there  are  a  mark  of  Satan's 
complete  kingly  power  as  the  prince  of  this  world ;  here  in 
Satan's  deputy,  the  Beast,  though  the  heads  symbolize  kings  as 
seen  from  17^^,  that  significance  is  not  specially  marked  by  the 
presence  of  crowns,  it  is  assumed.  The  conspicuous  feature  of 
the  heads  here  is  the  name  of  blasphemy,  as  the  author's 
thought  is  here  concentrated  on  the  blasphemous  claims  of 
divinity  which  these  kings  make.  This  trait  of  the  name  of 
blasphemy  on  the  heads  is  doubtless  one  of  the  touches  which 
the  Apocalyptist  himself  gives  to  the  traditional  figure.  On 
the  other  hand  the  horns,  which  in  the  dragon  (12^)  were  a 
mere  symbol  of  Satan's  power,  are  here  the  symbol  of  a  numl)er 
of  kings  who  are  to  aid  Satan's  deputy  in  the  end  (17^*^  "),  and 
crowns  are  assigned  them  to  designate  them  specially  as  kings, 
as  with  the  twenty-four  Elders  in  4"^.  The  ten  horns  are  taken 
directly  from  Dan.  7,  where  they  form  a  prominent  part  of  the 
imagery,  and  the  kingly  significance  is  emphasized  there. 
The  feature  in  our  passage  is  not  a  mere  pictorial  detail 
retained  from  Dan.  (so,  Moff.  aZ)  ;  it  is  made  by  our  author 
to  have  important  meaning  as  a  symbol  of  the  allies  to  be 
joined  with  the  returning  Nero  in  the  destruction  of  Rome  ; 
see  pp.  699  f.  The   8td8r)fjia,  diadem,   is    a  mark   of  kingly 

rank,  cf.  19^^  ;  for  crrec^ai/o?,  crown,  in  the  same  sense  cf.  4*, 
14^^  though  the  latter  is  oftener  the  mark  of  victory.  See 
Thayer  on  the  two  words. 


XIII.  3]  COMMENTARY  635 

6v6|iaTa  p\acr<|)T||Jiias,  names  of  hlaHplmmy :  reference  is  made 
to  the  titles  tuken  by  the  Uomaii  emperors  in  their  assumption 
of  divine  honors ;  see  pp.  198  ff.  Livus^  divine,  became  the 
common  epithet  of  deceased  emperors ;  ^eoV,  (/od,  affixed  to 
their  names  appears  often  in  inscri[)tions  ;  even  the  common 
title  Augustus,  in  the  Gk.  form  ae/3aaT6<i  (Ac.  25^1),  contained 
the  idea  of  religious  reverence.  The  distinction  between  the 
two  readings,  sing,  and  pi.  (see  text,  note),  is  not  important, 
for  the  latter  probably  refers  to  the  one  name  repeated  on  each 
head;  cf.  the  pi.  in  the  seven  diadems  12-^. 

2.  The  beast  here  pictured  combines  attributes  of  the  first 
three  beasts  of  Dan.  (7^  ^-^  cf .  also  Hos.  13^  ^■)  ;  the  fourth 
beast  of  J^an.  is  represented  in  the  ten  horns.  There  is  no  \ 
intimation  that  special  significance  is  attached  to  the  respective 
animals ;  the  purpose  is  to  give  the  monster  an  appearance  of 
might  and  terribleness — such  is  the  power  Satan  is  using 
against  the  Church.  —  eScoKCV  avTcS  /crX.,  the  dragon  gave  to  him, 
etc. :  the  Beast  receives  all  his  power  from  Satan,  the  Roman 
emperors  and  Antichrist  are  only  Satan's  deputies.  —  avTov, 
his:  i.e.  Satan's;  cf.  2^-^.  Grammatically  the  word  could  refer 
to  the  Beast,  but  the  purpose  here  is  to  show  that  the 
Beast  is  Satan's  vicegerent  ;  the  power  and  throne  are  really 
Satan's. 

3.  |xiav:  the  ace.  through  the  force  of  elhov  continued  from 
V.  1. — €(r(j)a'Y(Ji€VT|v  els  Gdvarov,  smitten  (lit.  slain)  unto  death: 
the  meaning  is  not  that  the  Beast,  having  received  a  mortal 
wound  in  one  of  his  heads,  is  healed  and  survives  notwith- 
standing the  loss  of  that  head  ;  the  head  itself  is  seen  as  one 
that  had  been  slain  and  then  restored,  precisely  as  in  5^  the 
Lamb  bears  the  mark  of  having  once  been  slain.  If  the  Beast 
and  the  heads  be  viewed  apart,  as  they  may  be  in  thought,  it 
is  evident  that  the  loss  of  one  head  did  not  involve  the  death  of 
the  Beast,  for  he  is  seen  from  17^*^  to  have  survived  the  loss 
of  five  heads.  On  the  other  hand  in  the  second  part  of  this 
verse  and  in  v.  12  the  Beast  himself  is  spoken  of  as  having 
received  a  mortal  wound.  It  is  clear  that  the  Apocalyptist 
sometimes  identifies  the  Beast  and  the  head  in  which  he  is  in 
a  particular  instance  represented  ;  see  p.  407.  The  heads 
symbolize   Roman  emperors,  and  of  these  the   only  one  who 


636  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIII.  3 

could  in  any  sense  be  said  to  be  restored  after  having  been 
slain  was  the  Nero  of  the  belief  current  at  the  end  of  the 
century.  This  particular  figure  of  a  head  slain  and  restored, 
used  here  to  symbolize  the  Neronic  Antichrist,  may  be  an 
addition  made  by  the  Apocalyptist  himself,  influenced  by  the 
expectation  current  at  the  time,  or  it  may  possibly  be  tradi- 
tional ;  something  of  the  kind  appears  in  the  Lernsean  Hydra, 
in  which  two  heads  sprang  up  in  place  of  one  cut  off. 

cGavixaaev  o\t)  t]  "yfj,  the  tvJiole  earth  wondered :  what  is  said  of 
the  Beast  in  these  words  and  in  the  following  verses  is  best 
understood  of  his  final  impersonation  in  Antichrist.  While 
the  wonder  he  excites,  his  royal  sway,  his  blasphemy,  the  wor- 
ship rendered  to  him,  are  all  to  a  certain  extent  true  of  the 
Roman  emperors,  yet  the  universality  and  absoluteness  here 
emphasized  belong  to  the  supreme  manifestation  expected  in 
Antichrist,  the  head  restored  at  the  end.  The  wonder  spoken 
of  in  this  verse  is  immediately  connected  with  the  revival  of 
the  slain  head,  i.e.  as  seen  in  the  Neronic  Antichrist  ;  the  time 
of  his  sway,  3-|  years  (v.  5),  is  the  stereotyped  measure  of 
Antichrist's  rule  (see  on  11^)  ;  also  the  exact  parallelism 
between  v.  8  and  17^  points  to  this  identification.  —  oiriaa)  tov 
Bripiou,  after  the  Beast:  they  are  drawn  after  him  in  wonder  as 
followers ;  cf .  Jno.  12'^\  Ac.  b^\  1  Tim.  S^^. 

4.  The  worship  of  the  Beast  is  the  worship  of  Satan,  who  has 
endowed  him  with  all  his  power.  The  rendering  of  divine 
homage  to  the  Beast  is  here  spoken  of  summarily ;  it  is  related 
more  fully  in  the  following  part  of  the  chapt. ,  especially  in  the 
account  of  the  office  of  the  second  beast.  — tco  SpdKovxt:  in  the 
Apoc.  as  elsewhere  TrpoaKweiv  is  followed  by  either  the  ace.  or 
the  dat.  —  tis  o|xolos  ktX.  :  who  is  like  ?  etc. :  the  words  are  an 
echo  of  language  frequently  used  in  praising  God;  e.g.  Ex.  15^^, 
Ps.  3510,  1135. 

5.  aTojJLa  \a\ovv  pLcydXa,  a  mouth  speaking  great  thiiigs:  taken 
from  Dan.  7^'""'-''.  The  great,  i.e.  proud,  things  are  blasphemies 
as  explained  by  the  next  word  and  more  fully  in  v.  6;  /cat 
before  ^\aa(f)7]fiia<i  is  better  rendered  even.  —  iroLTicrai,  to  do : 
i.e.  to  work  his  work  or  will.  For  this  absolute  use  of  iroielv 
cf.  Dan.  8^^'^*,  1128.30,32^  ^pj-^g  ^^^^  fj.r]va<i  then  denotes  duration. 
Some  take  iroiriaai  in  the  sense  of  spend  with  expressions  of 


XIII.  8]  COMMENTARY  637 

time;   fMi)va<;  is  then  the  obj.;   of,  Ac.  20^,  Ja.  4",  so  EV.  continue. 
The  former  interpretation  is  that  of  most  com. 

6.  The  Beast's  bhisphemy  against  God  and  the  hosts  of 
heaven  is  suggested  by  Dan.  7^\  8^**.  This  verse  amplifies  the 
general  statement  in  v.  5  a,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  6  5; 
for  such  amplification  and  interruption  of  sequence  as  charac- 
teristic of  the  author  see  pp.  241  ff .  —  tt^v  o-ktivtiv  a-urov,  his 
tabernacle:  the  heavenly,  not  the  earthly,  as  seen  from  the 
following  words.  —  tovs  •  •  .  aKTivoiivTas,  those  who  dwell  in 
heaven:  the  words  are  in  apposition  with  crKrjvqv^  tabernacle.,  and 
explain  that  by  the  name  of  the  place  those  who  occupy  the 
place  are  meant.  If  /cat",  and,  the  easier  reading,  be  adopted, 
there  are  three  objects  of  blasphemy,  God,  heaven,  and  the 
heavenly  host  ( AV). 

7.  TTOifio-ai  TroXcjiov  «tX.,  to  make  war,  etc.:  the  persecution 
of  the  Church  is  described  thus  in  language  taken  from  Dan.  7^\ 
—  €ttI  Trdcrav  <|)1)\tiv  ktX.,  over  every  tribe,  etc. :  for  the  universality 
of  the  Beast's  sway  cf.  Dan.  7^*;  and  for  the  formula  used  see 
on  5^. 

8.  From  the  might  and  blasphemy  of  the  Beast  the  Apoc- 
alyptist  passes  to  the  divine  honor  which  all,  save  the  faithful 
followers  of  the  Lamb,  will  pay  to  him. — ou  to  ovofjia:  the 
sing,  is  used  with  reference  to  an  implied  distributive,  e/cacrro?, 
after  the  collective  irdvTe;;  see  RV. — avxov:  for  the  Heb. 
pleonasm  see  on  3^.  — tco  PipXico  tt^s  I^wtis,  the  book  of  life:  see 
on  3^  It  is  here  as  in  21'-^  (though  tov  apvCov  there  is  rejected 
by  some  critics)  called  the  Lamb's  book;  the  authority  of  the 
Lamb  over  the  book  is  also  implied  in  3^.  —  tov  dpviov  tov 
€0'<t)a*Y|i€V0u,  the  Lamb  slain:  the  words  are  rejected  by  many 
critics,  as  not  found  elsewhere  in  connection  with  the  book  of 
life  and  not  especially  called  for  here.  They  have,  however,  a 
purpose  here;  they  emphasize  the  fact  that  only  those  refuse  to 
worship  the  Beast  who  are  ready  to  follow  the  Lamb  that 
suffered  even  unto  death,  and  so  preserve  their  names  from 
being  blotted  out  of  his  book,  see  3^.  —  €o-(|)a'Y|X€Vou,  slain:  the 
perf .  here  as  in  v.  3,  5^  does  not  differ  from  the  aor. ;  the  past 
act,  not  the  continuing  result,  is  thought  of;  cf.  Blass  §  59,  3; 
Burton  §  80.  The  translation  that  was  slain  (AV)  is  better 
than  that  hath  been  slain  (RV). — duo  KaTapoXfjs  Kdo-|iou, /row 


638  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIII.  8 

the  foundation  of  the  ivorld:  the  term  is  frequent;  of.  Mt.  25^*, 
Lk.  11^^  Jno.  17^'*.  The  phrase  is  to  be  joined,  not  with 
iacfia'Yfievov,  slain  (AV),  but  with  yeypaTrrat,^  hath  been  written 
(RV),  as  shown  by  the  precisely  parallel  words  in  17^.  The 
names  of  the  faithful  are  enrolled  from  the  beginning  in  the 
book  of  life. 

9-10.  As  a  fitting  close  to  the  paragraph  which  describes 
the  character  of  the  Beast,  his  office  and  sway,  the  Apocalyptist 
adds  a  forewarning  of  the  endurance  and  fidelity  which  will  be 
demanded  in  these  trials.  If  captivity  or  martyrdom  by  the 
sword  awaits  the  readers,  they  must  be  ready  to  meet  these 
tests  of  their  steadfastness,  they  must  not  attempt  to  resist  by 
force  the  persecution  inflicted  by  the  Beast.  The  writer  calls 
special  attention  to  his  warning  by  the  familiar  formula, '  If  any 
man  hath  an  ear,'  etc.,  used  often  in  the  N.  T.  and  elsewhere 
in  our  book;  see  the  close  of  the  seven  epistles  in  chapts.  2-3. 
—  €L  Tis  €ls  alxH^a.^wo'iO'V  .  .  .  xnTd-yci,  if  any  man  is  for  captiv- 
ity^ etc.:  i.e.  if  any  man  is  destined  to  captivity,  to  captivity  he 
goes  (will  go)  submissively,  as  a  Christian.  The  words  of  this 
verse  are  a  reminiscence  of  Jer.  15",  though  the  sense  there  is 
different.  The  admonitory  words  at  the  beginning  and  the 
end  of  vv.  9-10  show  that  the  whole  passage  is  a  warning  to  the 
readers  regarding  their  steadfastness  and  the  avoidance  of  force 
in  resisting  persecution.  The  connection  therefore,  as  well  as 
the  weight  of  M.s.  authority,  is  against  reading  aird'ya  after 
(the  first)  alxi^aXcoa-iav,  leadeth  into  captivity  (cf .  AV),  as  if  the 
author  meant  to  console  his  readers  with  the  promise  that  the 
persecutors  shall  suffer  retribution,  like  in  kind  to  that  which 
he  inflicts.  Some  adopt  this  reading  aird'yei  after  the  first 
alxf^aXfocriav  and  interpret,  if  an}^  one  rise  up  in  actual  war 
against  the  Beast  and  try  to  take  his  forces  captive,  he  will 
only  bring  suffering  on  himself  (cf.  Bouss.  in  loe.^.  But  for 
that  sense  avro';  would  be  required  before  virdyei,  just  as  the 
emphatic  avrov  is  used  in  the  following  sentence.  The  two 
clauses,  et  ri?  kt\.,  if  any  man,  etc.,  in  v.  10,  are  not  precisely 
parallel;  the  former  enjoins  readiness  for  destined  suffering; 
the  latter  declares  the  folly  of  resistance.  —  €i  tis  .  •  • 
dTroKT€V€X  kt\.,  if  any  man  shall  kill,  etc.:  i.e.  if  one  shall  draw 
the  sword  against  the  persecutor.      Cf .   Mt.   26'''",  '  They    that 


XIII.  12]  COMMENTARY  639 

take  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword.'  —  wSe  laxiv  t] 
viroii^vr]  ktX. ,  here  is  the  steadfastness,  etc.:  in  these  trials  is 
the  place  for  C'hristian  steadfastness,  etc.,  they  will  l)e  required 
here;  cf.  v.  18,  14^-,  17'^.  —  tticttis, /a^^^ :  so,  EV;  hut  faithful- 
ness better  suits  the  connection;  for  this  meaning  cf.  2^^,  Mt.  23"^ 
Gal.  5-'l 

11.  The  writer  now  turns  to  the  nature  and  office  of  the 
second  beast,  the  agency  employed  by  the  first  beast  in  enforc- 
ing the  religious  homage  which  he  exacts  of  all  men.  So  im- 
portant a  place  does  the  emperor-worship  hold  in  the  Church's 
conflict  with  the  world  at  the  time  and  in  the  anticipation  of 
the  near  future,  that  the  Apocalyptist  represents  its  ministers 
under  a  special  symbolical  form,  the  second  beast.  See  pp.  408  ff . 
This  second  beast  accomplishes  his  work  by  deceit  and  trickery 
(vv.  13-15),  and  by  the  establishment  of  a  kind  of  civic  ostra- 
cism against  the  incompliant  (vv.  16-17). 

dvapaivov  Ik  ttjs  yy\S,  eoming  up  out  of  the  earth :  the  second  ■ 
beast,  impersonating  the  ministers  of  the  emperor-worship,  is 
appropriately  represented  under  an  aspect  quite  different  from 
that  of  the  first  beast.  He  lacks  the  marks  of  ferocity  and 
power  ;  he  speaks  with  the  persuasive  guile  of  the  serpent  who 
deceived  Eve  ;  his  horns,  which  in  common  symbolism  denote 
power,  are  not  ten,  but  only  the  two  horns  of  a  young  lamb ; 
he  comes  up,  not  from  the  sea,  like  the  traditional  monster  of 
terrible  power,  but  from  the  earth.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the 
ascent  from  the  earth  has  any  other  purpose  than  contrast  with 
the  first  beast.  The  two  horns  of  the  lamb  (the  specification  of 
the  number  shows  it  to  be  important)  can  hardly  be  taken  (so, 
many  com.)  as  an  intended  equivalent  of  the  proverbial  '  sheep's 
clothing,'  Mt.  7^^;  in  number  and  in  meaning  they  show  the 
second  beast  altogether  wanting  the  might  and  terribleness  of 
the  first.  The  dragon-like  speech,  as  intimated  by  words  at- 
tributed to  the  beast  in  v.  14  (see  note  there),  seems  to  refer  to 
luring  argument,  the  form  of  expression  being  suggested  by  the 
story  of  the  dragon,  the  serpent,  in  Eden;  thus  the  second 
beast's  speech  is  contrasted  with  the  first  beast's  loud  blasphemy 
against  all  heavenly  things ;  the  ekdXei  «?  BpaKotv  is  contrasted 
with  the  \a\ovv  fxeydXa,  v.  5. 

12.  TT^v    clovaiav   irdcav,    all    the    authority:    i.e.    the    full 


i^ 


640  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIII.  12 

authority  of  the  first  beast  delegated  for  this  particular  work. 

—  cvwiriov  avToii,  before  him :  the  second  beast  performs  his 
appointed  service  as  in  the  presence  of  his  master ;  cf.  Lk.  1'^, 
1  K.  17^  —  iva  Trpoo-KuvTio-oxjo-LV  :  for  the  construct,  see  on  3^. 

—  o5  eGepaTrevBri  /ctX.,  whose  death-stroke  was  healed.  Refer- 
ence is  here  made  to  the  future  culmination  of  ruler-worship 
as  it  will  be  rendered  to  the  Beast  represented  in  the  restored 
head,  i.e.  the  Neronic  Antichrist.  In  these  words  the  Beast  is 
identified  with  the  head  impersonating  him.  —  ou,  avTov  :  see 
on  V.  8. 

13-14.  Cf .  2  Thess.  2^,  '  Whose  coming  is  according  to  the 
working  of  Satan  with  all  power  and  signs  and  lying  wonders 
and  with  all  deceit  of  unrighteousness.'  Cf.  also  Mk.  IZ"^. 
The  Apocalyptist  in  describing  the  operations  of  the  second 
beast  may  have  had  in  mind  the  wonders  wrought  by  heathen 
magic.  On  the  miracle  of  calling  fire  from  heaven  cf.  2  K.  1^"'^^, 
Lk.  9^*.  —  tva  TTOifj  :  essentially  equiv.  to  ware  with  infin.,  see 
Blass  §  69,  3 ;  Burton  §  222.  —  6id  to,  aTi|X€ia,  through  the 
wonders :  for  the  use  of  Slo,  see  on  12^^  —  Xt-ycov  .  .  .  iroiiio-at 
tiKova  ktX.,  bidding  .  .  .  to  make  an  image,  etc.  In  this  com- 
mand is  expressed  the  sole  function  of  the  second  beast,  the 
enforcement  of  divine  homage  to  the  first  beast  through  the 
worship  of  his  image,  as  the  Roman  world  was  bidden  to  wor- 
ship the  statue  of  the  emperor.  This  sentence  contains  also 
the  argument  with  which  the  priesthood  urges  the  worship,  the 
miraculous  revivification  of  the  head  that  had  been  slain.  The 
wonders  also  which  they  will  perform  will  give  force  to  their 
words,  especially  the  artifice  by  which  the  image  itself  will  be 
made  to  speak  and  threaten  with  death  those  who  refuse  to 
offer  the  worship.  —  In  this  verse  again  the  Beast  and  the  head 
are  identified  (see  on  v.  3). — tt]v  ttXti'ytiv  ttjs  jxaxo.ip'nSi  the 
stroke  of  the  sword :  the  words  are  appropriate  to  Nero's  death 
by  his  own  sword.  — ■  (iX^-^crev,  lived :  lived  again  ;  the  meaning 
here  is  not  that  the  Beast  himself  continued  to  live  notwith- 
standing the  slaying  of  one  of  his  heads  (though  this  in  itself 
was  true),  but  that  so  far  as  he  was  identified  with,  a  certain 
head  he  ceased  to  exist  in  that  impersonation  with  the  death  of 
that  head,  and  lived  again  with  its  resuscitation,  i.e.  in  the  Nero 
reincarnate  in  Antichrist.     For  ^d(o  in  the  sense  of  ava^dco,  live 


XIII.  16]  COMMENTARY  641 

again^  not  infrequent,  cf.  20^' ^  Mt.  9'-,  Ro.  14".      The  aor.  is 
inceptive. 

15.  The  second  beast  gives  life  to  the  image  and  causes  it 
to  speak  and  command  worship  to  be  addressed  to  itself  under 
penalty  of  death  to  the  disobedient.  Legends  of  statues  assum- 
ing the  functions  of  life  are  familiar  in  antiquity,  and  even  in 
the  hagiology  of  the  Christian  Church.  Simon  Magus  boasted 
ego  statuas  moveri  feci  et  animavi  exanima  (Clem,  Recog.  III.  -IT). 
Magic  and  ventriloquism  made  such  marvels  common  ;  but  the 
Christians  attributed  these  to  the  presence  of  demonic  power. 
— ^  axiTCO,  to  him:  the  second  beast.  For  this  reading  see  text, 
note.  —  €dv  :  instead  of  dv  after  relatives,  frequent  in  the  N.T. ; 
see  Blass  §  26,  4  ;  Win.  §  42,  (J.  —  dTroKxavBcocriv  :  if  Xva  is  not 
expressed  (see  text,  note)  it  is  to  be  supplied  in  thought. — 
TTJ  €Ik6vl  tov  Siipiou,  the  image  of  the  Beast :  the  repetition  is 
characteristic  of  the  author. 

16.  Tovs  |XLKpovs  Kal  Tovs  |i€"YdXous  /ctX.,  tJte  small  and  the 
great^  etc. :  for  this  formula  emphasizing  universality,  see  on 
ll^*^.  —  Lva  Swcriv  avrois :  the  subj.  of  the  vb.  may  be  indefi- 
nite, cf.  10^^,  16^'^,  that  one  give  them  a  mark;  or  avroh  may  be 
taken  with  reflexive  force,  that  they  give  themselves  a  mark,  see 
H.  A.  §  684  a.  —  x^'PO-'YK'ai  «  mark  :  the  mark  is  explained  in 
V.  17  as  consisting  of  the  name  of  the  Beast,  or  what  is  equiva- 
lent, the  number  of  his  name.  This  mark  indicates  loyal  devo- 
tion to  the  Beast  ;  it  is  set  where  it  could  not  easily  be  hid,  on 
the  forehead  or  the  right  hand,  and  it  is  made  requisite  for  the 
essentials  of  social  and  industrial  life,  buying  and  selling.  The 
origin  of  the  representation  seems  to  be  the  practice  occurring 
among  devotees  of  a  god  of  branding  themselves  with  a  mark 
indicative  of  their  relation  to  the  god;  cf.  Is.  44'^  (RV  mrg.), 
see  on  7'^.  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  compelled  certain  Alexan- 
drian Jews  to  receive  the  mark  of  Dionysos  (3  Mace.  2^9). 
Numerous  illustrations  are  collected  by  Wetstein  on  Gal.  6^"; 
cf.  also  Lightfoot  on  the  same.  Some  iind  the  origin  of  the 
symbol  used  here  in  the  Roman  coinage,  bearing  the  name  or 
likeness  of  the  emperor,  which  must  be  used  in  trading.  But 
the  mark  here  spoken  of  is  one  impressed  on  the  person,  not  on 
some  instrument  of  exchange.  Deissmann  (Neii.  Bihelst.  68  ff.) 
finds  the  origin  in  the  stamp  containing  the  name  and  date  of 

2t 


642  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIII.  16 

ytlie  emperor  which  must  be  affixed  to  documents  in  commercial 
V transactions.  At  all  events  the  meaning-  of  the  symbol  is  clear; 
all  must  openly  show  themselves  loyal  worshipers  of  the  Beast, 
or  be  debarred  from  the  ordinary  relations  of  civic  life.  There 
is  no  evidence  that  an  edict  of  the  kind  was  actually  issued  in 
the  establishment  of  the  emperor-worship. 

17-18.  Upon  the  Number  of  the  Beast,  see  pp.  403  ff.  —  If 
Kai  be  read  before  'iva  fx,r}  Ti'i^  it  coordinates  its  sentence  with 
ipa  hSiaiv,  both  depend  on  iroiel.  — w6€  /crA,.,  here,  etc.:  see  on 
V.  11.  — cro(})ia,  wisdom:  i.e.  understanding,  skill,  in  solving  the 
problem  of  the  number  ;  cf.  Dan.  922.  —  \};T|<|)L(rdTo>,  calculate  :  the 
agreement  of  the  number  and  the  name  is  to  be  ascertained  by 
calculating  the  sum  of  the  value  of  the  letters  which  form  the 
name  (see  p.  405).  —  dpi6|x6s  "ydp  KT\.,forit  is  a  marl's  number: 
the  words  encourage  calculation  by  giving  a  certain  clew  to  the 
solution ;  the  number  of  the  Beast  is  the  number,  or  what  is 
the  same  thing,  furnishes  the  name,  of  a  man.  Some  inter- 
preters (Diist.  Holtzm.-Bau.  Gunkel,  a/.)  urge  against  this 
interpretation  that  tlvo'?  or  ei^o?  would  be  required  with  avOpoa- 
TTov  ;  but  the  addition  is  not  necessary,  for  though  a  certain 
definite  person  be  thought  of  (Nero),  he  may  be  spoken  of 
indefinitely.  The  alternative  interpretation  offered  takes  the 
phrase,  after  the  analogy  of  a  man's  measure  in  21^'',  to  mean 
such  as  is  in  common  use  among  men  ;  so  that  the  task  of 
computation  is  shown  to  be  only  one  of  ordinary  human  calcu- 
lation. But  the  words  in  that  sense  would  not  aid  in  the 
solution  of  the  problem,  for  the  Beast's  name  could  be  any- 
thing, the  sum  of  whose  letters  amounts  to  666,  however  unlike 
names  known  to  men.  It  is  reasonably  certain  that  the  phrase 
should  be  taken  after  the  analogy  of  the  similar  phrases  m  the 
context,  the  number  of  the  name,  the  number  of  the  Beast,  and 
his  number.  It  means  then  the  number  denoting  a  man. 
The  phrase  contains  a  mysterious  hint  that  there  is  a  man, 
whose  name  gives  the  number  666,  whose  name  then  is  the 
name  of  the  Beast.  The  calculation  spoken  of  must  start  with 
the  man's  name.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  Apocalyp- 
tist  assumes  in  some  of  his  readers  a  knowledge,  however 
vaguely  or  secretly  held,  of  the  expectations  regarding  the 
return  of  Nero. 


COMMENTARY  643 

Textual  notes.  121*^-18'*'.  I'i^^.  (.(jTaOrjv  PQ  most  min  several  vers  R 
Ti  Alf  Blj  Sod  Moft'  Boussi^*' r?/;  caraBr}  KAC  many  min  and  vers  Lch 
Tr  WH  Ws  Bouss  !'■•"«  RV  id.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  between  the  two 
readings ;  fortunately  no  important  (juestion  in  interpretation  is  affected. 
While  the  Ms.  evidence  favors  the  second  reading,  the  first  seems  prefera- 
ble on  exegetical  gi-ounds.  If  the  dragon  takes  his  stand  on  the  shore,  it 
must  be  for  the  purpose  of  calling  up  from  the  sea  his  agent,  the  Beast;  but 
nothing  is  said  of  such  a  summons,  and  no  command  is  uttered  here ;  con- 
trast the  summonses  in  chapt.  6  and  the  command  in  IG^.  The  dragon  does 
not  appear  in  the  following  vision ;  his  departure  from  the  scene  and  the 
conclusion  of  the  vision  of  chapt.  12  seem  to  be  intended  in  the  words,  '  he 
went  away,'  etc.  121''.  On  the  other  hand  the  act  expressed  in  the  word  is 
appropriate  to  the  Seer,  who  thus  specifies  his  nearness  to  the  scene  of  the 
Beast's  appearance,  as  he  alludes  to  his  position  in  4^,  17^  21"'.  — 13^.  R 
without  authority  adopts  the  order  Ke<^aAas  tma  Kai  Kcpara  StKa.  —  ovo/JMTa 
KAQ  min  vers  most  edd;  ovofw.  CP  min  vers  R  Sod  Blj. — 3.  R  inserts 
ciSov  before  fxiav,  so  one  min  and  some  Mss.  of  the  Vlg.  —  edavfxxiaev  iiVQ 
most  min  Ti  Blj  Sod  RY  ;  edavfxaaOrj  A  some  min  R  most  edd  ;  edav/xa- 
(TTwd-q  C.  —  R  with  some  min  inserts  cv  before  oXrj  rj  yr).  —  5.  ironqmu 
without  added  obj.  ACP  min  vers  edd ;  K  adds  o  ^eXet ;  Q  most  min  add 
TToXe/Aov.  —  6.  X'^PQ  many  min  vers  R  Bouss  add  Kai  before  tous;  wanting  in 
X*  AC  most  min  vers  most  edd.  —  7.  The  words  Kat  eSodrj  ■  ■  ■  vLKrjcrai  avTov<; 
are  wanting  in  ACP  some  min ;  WH  bracket ;  nearly  all  edd  retain  them 
following  >?Q  most  min  vers.  The  omission  might  easily  occur  through 
oversight,  since  two  consecutive  sentences  begin  here  with  the  same  words, 
Kat  eSo^r;  avTco.  —  8.  ov,  before  ou,  C.  Iren.  nearly  all  edd ;  wv  KPQ  min 
vers  R  Sod.  —  to  ovojjjo.  ACQ  min  edd,  see  Ws  Ap.  105 ;  ra  ovofiara  KP  some 
min  and  vers  R.  —  avrov  AC  most  edd;  avTuiv  ><*^PQ  min.  10.  After  the 
first  at;)(^aAa)o-iav,  some  min  and  some  Mss.  of  the  Vlg  Iren  Prim  Bouss 
add  QTrayei ;  wanting  in  nearly  all  sources  and  edd ;  R  reads  crwayei  with 
some  anc  com,  without  ]\Is.  authority.  —  15.  After  eSoOrj,  K  QP*'  nearly 
all  min  edd  read  avrw,  avrr)  ACP*  Lch  WH  RV.  On  avrrj  AVestcott  re- 
marks that  it  is  impossible  to  interpret  it ;  and  Hort  suggests  that  rrj  yr) 
may  have  been  lost  after  avrr),  reference  being  made  to  '  the  spirit  of  the 
earth  as  given  to  the  image  of  the  Beast '  (N"otes  on  Select  Readings)  —  a 
suggestion  which  hardly  calls  for  comment,  —  Tvonqfrrj  most  sources  and 
edd ;  Troirja-a  K  some  min  Tr  mrg  WH  mrg  al.  See  translation  in  RV  mrg. 
—  tva,  before  ocroi  or  aTroKTavOu)(Tcv,  AP  some  min  and  anc  com  R  Ws 
(see  Ap.  116)  Bouss  RV  nl ;  wanting  in  XQ  many  min  Iren  Ti ;  bracketed 
by  Alf  WH  Sod  al.  Its  omission,  whether  by  the  author  or  a  copyist,  is 
an  oversight,  as  it  is  required  with  a7roKTav6o)(nv.  — 17.  /cat,  before  tva 
fxr),  K'^APQ  most  min  vers  R  Ws  Sod  RV  al ;  wanting  in  K*C;  some  rain 
vers  Iren  Prim  Lch  Ti  Blj ;  bracketed  by  Alf  WH  Bouss  Sw  Moff  al.  — 
18.  Nearly  all  sources  have  the  niimber  666  ;  616  is  given  in  C  two  min 
Ticonius.  Iren.  (Haer.  V.  30)  mentions  certain  of  his  time  who  adopted 
the  latter  reading,  but  states  that  666  is  the  number  of  all  the  oldest 
and  best  sources ;  see  Zahn  Ein.  II.  637. 


644  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN 

Criticism  of  12^^-lS'^^.  The  connection  of  chapt.  13  with  12^''',  as  exhibit- 
ing the  instrument  and  the  manner  of  Satan's  war  against  the  seed  of  the 
woman,  is  so  clear  that  nearly  all  critics  are  agreed  in  making  the  chapt.  a 
continuance  of  what  is  there  begun,  even  though  the  paragraph  of  which 
this  is  a  part  is  regarded  by  some  as  not  belonging  originally  to  the 
Apocalypse.  Many  following  Vischer  (85)  trace  the  chapt.  to  a  Jewish 
apocalypse ;  so,  Spitta,  Schoen,  J.  Weiss,  Wellhausen,  al.  It  is  written,  as 
is  argued,  entirely  in  a  Jewish  spirit,  without  original  Christian  traces ;  it 
pictures  Jewish  horror  of  emperor-worship  and  a  hatred  of  Rome  as  perse- 
cutor and  conqueror  of  the  Jewish  people;  the  characterization  of  Rome 
as  a  deadly  enemy  is  not  Christian,  it  is  not  found  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T., 
not  even  in  the  seven  epistles,  a  Christian  part  of  the  Apocalypse ;  the 
Jewish  character  of  the  chapt.  is  seen  especially  in  the  abhorrence  of  the 
Roman  coins  bearing  the  image  of  the  emperor  (v.  17),  which  it  was  sinful 
to  touch ;  the  chapt.  contains  nothing  distinctly  Christian ;  vv.  9-10  contain- 
ing the  specifically  Christian  terms  vTrofiovrj  and  Trto-rts,  and  the  words  '  the 
Lamb  that  was  slain,'  v.  8,  are  additions  of  the  redactor,  as  shown  by  their 
inappropriateness  to  the  context. 

But  the  inconclusiveness  of  this  argument,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  w.  8, 
9-10,  17  is  shown  above  in  the  Com.  For  the  alleged  non-Christian  attitude 
toward  Rome  see  p.  396.  It  is  an  error  to  find  a  contradiction  in  this 
respect  between  this  chapt.  and  the  seven  epistles.  It  is  true  that  these  do 
not  make  special  mention  of  Rome's  hostility ;  they  speak  specifically  of 
the  perils  and  enmities  encountered  in  the  respective  congregations,  because 
the  Prophet  is  seeking  in  this  way  to  prepare  the  several  churches,  through 
victory  over  the  dangers  immediately  present  with  them  and  especially  those 
inhering  in  their  present  spiritual  state,  to  meet  the  great  trial  now  threat- 
ening the  Church  at  large ;  that  thought  forms  the  background  of  the  ad- 
monitions given.  But  the  part  which  the  hostility  of  the  Roman  power  is 
to  play  in  the  trial  is  well  known,  the  presence  of  a  Satanic  agency  as 
already  at  work  in  the  imperial  arrogation  of  divine  honor  is  probably 
alluded  to  in  2^^  (see  note  there).  At  all  events  the  later  portions  of  the 
book,  setting  forth  Roman  agency  in  the  great  trial,  are  only  a  continuation 
and  iinf  olding  of  the  Prophet's  message  to  the  churches ;  in  other  words 
chapt.  13  is  just  as  truly  a  part  of  the  message  to  the  seven  churches  as  are 
the  seven  epistles,  and  no  difficulty  can  arise  from  the  author's  deferring  to 
this  place  specific  mention  of  a  fact  which  lies  behind  all  the  epistles  and 
concerns  all  the  churches  alike.  As  regards  the  attitude  of  Rome  toward 
Christians,  there  is  nothing  in  the  picture  of  the  Beast's  enmity  to  God's 
people  which  is  inappropriate  in  the  mouth  of  a  Christian ;  see  p.  494. 
Moreover  there  is,  quite  apart  from  the  Christian  passages,  exscinded  with- 
out sufficient  reason,  a  rather  clear  intimation  that  the  writer  has  in  mind 
here  the  Christians  rather  than  Jews ;  the  prominence  given  in  the  chapt. 
to  the  insistence  on  emperor-worship  and  the  perils  of  disobedience  reflect 
Christian  rather  than  Jewish  experiences  ;  see  p.  199. 

Critics  who  do  not  accept  the  chapt.  as  an  originally  planned  part  of  the 
Apocalypse  have  offered  different  hypotheses  concerning  its  origin  and  re- 


CRITICISM   OF  XII.  18-XIII.  18  645 

daction.  Spitta  (lo4  f£.,  oG2  ft'.)  makes  the  Beast  a  single  person  and  iden- 
tifies him  with  Caligula  whose  history  presents  certain  striking  parallelisms. 
This  identification  forms  the  norm  for  Spitta's  treatment  of  the  whole 
passage.  He  exscinds  not  only  the  Christian  allusions  in  w.  8,  9-10,  but 
also  the  mention  of  the  wounded  head  healed  (v.  3),  and  all  other  allusions 
to  Nero,  of  whom  the  original  form  of  the  oracle  knew  nothing ;  these  all 
are  additions  of  the  redactor,  who  following  chapt.  17  identified  the  Beast 
with  Nero,  and  worked  over  chapt.  13  to  make  it  conform  with  chapt.  17. 
The  TrXrjyy]  davdrov  was  primarily  the  deadly  sickness  from  which  Caligula 
recovered.  The  number  of  the  Beast  was  616  =  Fato?  Koicrap  (Caligvila) 
but  since  the  redactor  could  not  apply  that  number  to  Nero  he  changed  it 
to  666,  which  by  the  use  of  Heb.  letters  and  the  scriptio  defectira  could  give 
the  name  Nero.  The  second  beast,  who  by  his  magic  arts  furthered  the 
paying  of  divine  homage  to  Calignila,  was  Simon  MagTis.  The  original 
form  of  the  passage  then  was  purely  Jewish  representing  the  trials  under 
Caligula.  This  document  a  Christian  editor  of  the  second  century  worked 
over  into  the  present  form.  Volter  (OJfenh.  100  ff.)  makes  the  chapt.  a 
part  of  the  large  paragraph  which  he  supposes  Cerinthus  to  have  inserted 
in  the  Apocalypse  ;  see  pp.  226  f .  Chapt.  17,  which  according  to  Volter's 
theory  belonged  to  an  Appendix  added  by  the  original  Christian  apocalyp- 
tist  himself,  was  a  few  years  afterwards  seen  by  Cerinthus  to  contain  un- 
fulfilled prophecies,  e.g.  the  return  of  Nero  as  the  Beast.  Cerinthus  there- 
fore prepared  chapt.  13  as  a  kind  of  recension  of  chapt.  17.  The  tenth 
horn  is  Vespasian  in  whose  reign  the  Roman  empire  (the  Beast)  recovered 
from  the  troubles  of  the  interregnum  (the  deadly  wound).  In  him  Nero, 
the  wounded  head,  returned  from  the  dead.  Cerinthus  obtained  the  num- 
ber 666  by  writing  the  Gk.  word  Orjpcov  with  Heb.  letters;  but  by  the  use 
of  Heb.  letters  this  number  could  be  made  to  yield  Titus  Flavins  Vespa- 
sianus  Augustus  ;  and  at  the  same  time  Caesar  Nero.  Vespasian  therefore 
is  the  Beast,  and  at  the  same  time  Nero  redivivus.  J.  Weiss  (92  ff.,  139  ff.) 
takes  the  beast-vision,  13^-'^,  to  be  a  doublet  of  the  dragon-vision  in 
chapt.  12,  since  the  office  of  both  is  Trot^crat  ttoAe/aov  fxera  toiv  dyiwy.  The 
two  traditions  existing  separately  are  here  placed  side  by  side,  either  by  the 
aj^ocalyptist  of  Q  (Weiss'  Jewish  document)  or  by  the  later  redactor, 
without  effort  to  work  them  over  into  one.  In  seeking  to  recover  the  form 
which  the  passage  had  in  Q,  several  parts  must  be  omitted  as  additions  of 
the  last  redactor ;  in  v.  3  the  head  wounded  and  healed,  in  v.  6  the  words 
'  those  who  dwell  in  the  heaven,'  v.  8  which  speaks  of  the  emperor- 
worship,  w.  '9-10  containing  an  exhortation  inappropriate  here.  The 
second  beast  is  a  figure  transformed  from  a  false  Messiah  or  false  prophet, 
mentioned  in  the  original  Christian  apocalypse.  Wellhausen  (Anal.  21  ff.) 
sees  in  the  chapt.  an  extensive  working  over  of  a  Jewish  source  in  which  the 
Beast  represented  the  Roman  empire,  the  iinperiuin,  and  not  an  emperor, 
to  which  was  given  power  to  war  against  the  Jews  and  overcome  them  in 
the  3|  years'  war.  In  that  earlier  form  the  oracle  contained  no  mention  of 
Nero  redivivus,  of  a  second  beast,  a  false  prophet,  nor  even  of  an  image  of 
the  emperor.     Verses  3a,  7/>-9,  10«,  14-15,  18,  and  sundry  other  traits  in  the 


646  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIV.  1-5 

passage  are  the  work  of  one  or  more  redactors.  The  original  of  the  second 
beast  was  the  alter  ego  of  the  imperium,  which  was  conceived  to  represent 
the  full  power  of  the  imperium  in  the  provinces,  as  the  imperium  itself  had 
its  seat  in  the  city  of  Rome.  As  no  plastic  likeness  of  the  abstract  im- 
perium (as  distinguished  from  an  emperor)  can  be  formed,  this  alter  ego 
was  thought  of  as  the  etKwv  of  the  imperium,  just  as  Jesus  is  the  eiKwv  of 
God.  This  part  of  the  vision  (w.  11  ff.)  primarily  ran  thus:  'I  saw  a 
likeness  ( =  an  alter  er/n)  of  the  Beast  in  the  country  (the  provinces  in  con- 
trast with  the  city  of  Rome)  which  exercises  the  full  power  of  the  Beast 
in  his  stead  and  compels  the  inhabitants  of  the  provinces  to  worship  the 
Beast'  {Anal.  2;3).  Quite  at  variance  with  this  primary  representation,  a 
redactor  read  into  the  alter  ego  the  idea  of  a  false  prophet  who  should  pre- 
cede Antichrist,  as  Elijah  precedes  the  true  Messiah,  w.  13,  14. 

It  must  suffice  here  to  present  certain  general  considerations  regarding 
these  and  kindred  hypotheses,  without  taking  up  details  in  argument. 
(1)  The  respective  excisions  and  reconstructions  which  are  a  sine-qua-non 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  hypotheses  are  not,  on  grounds  apart  from  the 
presuppositions  of  the  particular  theory  advocated,  established  with  such 
certainty  as  to  gain  the  general  assent  of  critical  opinion ;  they  are  fre- 
quently altogether  arbitrary,  and  disregard  both  the  natural  exegesis  of  the 
chapt.  and  the  author's  manner  of  composition.  For  the  correctness  of  this 
statement  reference  must  be  made  to  the  interpretation  presented  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  Com.  (2)  A  clear  recognition  of  the  author's  purpose  in 
the  chapt.  and  the  place  it  occupies  in  his  plan,  of  the  free  use  he  makes 
of  traditional  symbolism,  and  of  his  latitude  in  the  application  of  current 
beliefs,  leaves  the  passage  without  insuperable  difficulty  as  an  original  part 
of  a  Christian  apocalypse  written  near  the  end  of  the  century,  and  as  con- 
sonant with  other  parts  of  the  book.  (3)  The  excerpting,  the  unskillful 
combining  and  working  over  of  material,  the  failure  to  adjust  matter  to  a 
unified  scheme,  which  are  required  in  these  hypotheses,  presuppose  a 
method  of  composition  so  artificial  that  it  becomes  probable  only  when 
supported  by  incontestible  evidence,  or  when  no  other  theory  reasonably 
accounts  for  the  phenomena. 


XIV.  1-5.  The  redeemed  with  the  Lamb  on  mount  Zion.  See 
p.  279. 

The  IJflffiOO.,  and  mmmt  Zion.  The  vision  of  the  Messiah 
with  a  great  company  of  the  redeemed  on  mount  Zion  is  sug- 
gested by  prophecies  of  the  hist  days  familiar  from  the  writings 
of  the  prophets  and  apocalyptists  ;  e.g.  Joel  2^2,  '  Whosoever 
shall  call  on  the  name  of  the  Lord  shall  be  delivered  ;  for  in 
mount  Zion  and  in  Jerusalem  there  shall  be  those  that  escape ' ; 
2  Es.  2*^  ^-^  '  I  saw  upon  the  mount  Zion  a  great  multitude 
whom  1  could  not  number,  .  .  .  and  in  the  midst  of  them  there 


XIV.  1-5]  COMMENTARY  647 

was  a  young  man  of  a  high  stature,  taller  than  all  the  rest,  and 
upon  every  one  of  their  heads  he  set  crowns'  ;  idem  l:]'*'^'^.  Is. 
24'^^,  Mic.  4',  Jub.  l'-^*^.  (1)  Mount  Zion^  synonymous  witli 
Jerusalem,  is  one  of  the  standing  terms  to  designate  the  central 
seat  of  the  eschatological  kingdom  ;  and  like  Jerusalem,  it 
sometimes  has  an  ideal,  though  earthl}',  significance  not  identi- 
cal with  the  local  Zion  of  history  ;  it  belongs  to  the  renewed 
earth  as  the  holy  place  in  the  new  kingdom  ;  but  its  location 
is  thought  of  vaguely,  cf.  2  Es.  10^^ ';  IS^e,  En.  9029.  (On  the 
distinction  of  the  eschatological  from  the  familiar  geographical 
Zion,  see  Volz  372  f.)  Much  as  Christian  thought,  especially 
Christian  hymnology,  has  identified  new  Jerusalem  and  mount 
Zion  with  heaven  itself,  these  terms  are  not  used  in  the  Scrip- 
tures and  apocalyptic  writers  to  denote  the  celestial  abode  of 
God.  The  '  mount  Zion,  the  city  of  the  living  God,  the  heav- 
enly Jerusalem '  in  Heb.  12^2,  the  '  Jerusalem  that  is  above '  in 
Gal.  4^'',  denote  the  perfect  archetype  or  pattern  of  the  earthly, 
which  in  Heb.  thought  now  exists  in  heaven,  and  in  the  end  is 
to  descend  in  full  realization ;  they  are  not  designations  of 
heaven  the  place  of  God  and  his  hosts.  In  our  book  the  new 
Jerusalem  is  distinctly  located  on  the  renewed  earth  (chapts. 
21-22),  and  the  '  beloved  city '  of  the  millennial  period  is  also 
upon  earth  (209).  '\^\iQ  vision  of  these  verses,  1-5,  has  not  to 
do  with  any  experience  of  the  144,000  leading  up  to  the  end. 
It  pictures  them  in  a  triumph  that  is  final  ;  their  trial  is  past, 
they  have  been  redeemed,  they  bear  the  names  that  mark  them 
as  final  victors  ;  cf.  3^^.  It  is  certain  then  that  the  author  in 
this  passage  uses  the  term  mount  Zion  in  the  sense  found 
everywhere  in  apocalyptic  writings,  denoting,  not  heaven  (so, 
many  com.),  but  the  seat  of  the  messianic  kingdom.  The 
opinion  that  the  place  of  the  faithful  seen  here  is  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  Jerusalem  of  the  renewed  earth  (so,  Bouss., 
Blj.,  «?.)  rests  upon  the  supposition,  (a)  that  the  new  earth  and 
the  new  Jerusalem  do  not  appear  till  a  later  place  in  the  drama 
of  the  book  (21^ «'  ^o),  and  (6)  that  the  144,000  are  a  special 
class  of  the  saints,  who  receive  a  reward  before  the  general  res- 
urrection, and  the  beatification  of  all,  as  do  the  martyrs  in 
the  millennium.  But  (a)  the  vision  is  wholly  anticipatory, 
like    that   of    7^*'^-,    and    does    not    intimate    any    order  in  the 


648  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF   JOHN  [XIV.  1-5 

sequence  of  events  ;  it  is  simply  a  vision  of  the  End.  (See 
p.  24G.)  {b)  It  will  be  seen  below  that  the  144,000  are  to  be 
taken  as  identical  with  the  body  of  the  redeemed  as  a  whole  ; 
they  do  not  form  a  select  part.  There  is  in  this  case  no  men- 
tion of  a  distinction  between  a  first  and  a  general  resurrection ; 
contrast  20^.) 

(2)  Tlie  144,000.  These  are  in  v.  3  identified  with  the 
redeemed  ;  the  words  there  added  are  not  ot  ijyopdad'qcrav,  who 
were  redeemed,  but  the  appositional  phrase  01  TjyopaafjLevoL,  the 
redeemed,  as  if  the  whole  body  of  tlie  redeemed,  and  not 
a  particular  class  among  them,  were  meant.  On  the  other 
hand  in  vv.  4-5  they  are  described  in  language  which  is  inter- 
preted by  a  large  number  of  scholars  as  limiting  them  to  a 
select  class  (so,  Diist.,  Holtzm.,  Blj.,  and  many  others).  The 
argument  is  as  follows:  (a)  The  word  uTrap'^r),  first-fruits, 
likens  them  to  the  first  fruits  of  the  ground  which  are  offered 
to  God  (Dt.  261-11,  Lv,  23io-i4),  and  which  are  only  the 
beginning  of  the  ingathering  that  is  to  follow.  This  use 
of  the  word  to  designate  the  first  in  the  order  of  time  occurs 
in  a  figurative  sense  in  Ro.  16i^  1  Co.  IkP-^,  al.  {b)  The  moral 
qualities  attributed  to  the  144,000  mark  them  as  distinguished 
for  their  holiness,  especially  their  asceticism  ;  they  are  celibates 
(irapOevoL,  v.  4).  Asceticism,  it  is  argued,  is  encouraged  in 
early  Christian  teaching  (Mt.  I912,  1  Cb.  7^5-40^^  .^^(^i  ^y  this 
time  had  become  widespread ;  a  higher  degree  of  sanctity  is 
attributed  to  the  unmarried  (cf.  Ign.  Pol.  5).  (a)  This  evi- 
dence of  a  chosen  company  among  the  saints  is  confirmed  by 
the  absence  of  the  article  in  the  first  mention  of  the  144,000  ; 
if  those  spoken  of  before  in  71-^,  whether  as  the  chosen  of 
Israel  or  the  whole  body  of  Christians,  were  meant  in  this 
place,  the  art.  must  have  been  used.  The  conclusion  then  is 
that  the  144,000  are  a  select  class  of  the  saints  who  by  the 
practice  of  Christian  virtues,  especially  asceticism,  have  won 
for  themselves  a  preeminent  place,  and  like  the  martyrs  will 
receive  a  particular  reward  before  the  final  judgment.  Com- 
parison of  the  144,000  with  the  sharers  in  the  millennium  does 
not  suggest  identity  ;  the  characteristics  are  altogether  differ- 
ent, cf.  vv.  4-5  with  20*.  They  are  here  seen  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  special  reward  in  the  presence  of  the  Messiah  on 


XIV.  1-5]  COMMENTARY  649 

mount  Zion,  an  eschatologictil  but  earthly  center  in  the  messi- 
anic kingdom. 

liut  the  grounds  urged  in  support  of  the  above  inter})retation 
are  far  from  convincing,  {a)  The  first-fruits,  airap^^^i],  bear  a 
twofokl  rekition ;  viewed  with  reference  to  the  husbandman's 
ingathering  they  are  the  first,  others  come  after ;  but  viewed 
as  an  offering  to  God  they  stand  alone ;  they  are  the  part 
chosen  out  as  a  holy  thing,  consecrated  and  belonging  to  (Jcxl, 
and  are  not  in  this  relation  followed  by  others ;  they  constitute 
tlie  whole.  Jeremiah  (2^)  using  the  term  figuratively  calls 
Israel  '  holiness  unto  Jehovah,  the  first-fruits ' ;  it  is  chosen 
out  of  the  tribes  of  men  as  the  part  holy  unto  (iod  and  belongs 
wholly  to  him.  The  prophet  has  here  no  thought  of  other 
nations  Avho  may  later  be  joined  with  God's  people.  Cf.  Ezk. 
48^'^"'-",  where  the  area  wholly  consecrated  to  God  is  called 
airapxv  I  there  is  no  thought  here  of  a  later  addition  to  be 
made  to  that  part.  In  the  same  way  James  (1^*^)  describes  the 
whole  body  of  Christians  as  'a  kind  of  first-fruits.'  That  the 
author  of  our  passage  has  in  mind  this  relation  of  the  first- 
fruits  he  shows  by  adding  the  words  '  unto  God  and  the  Lamb ' ; 
he  is  speaking  of  that  which  forms  the  hallowed  offering  be- 
longing wholly  to  God.  If  he  had  in  mind  the  other  relation, 
that  of  priority  in  time,  meaning  that  the  1-14,000  are  the  first 
in  a  continuing  series,  we  should  expect  '  the  first-fruits  of  the 
saints,'  as  in  1  Co.  15^0,  '  the  first-fruits  of  them  that  sleej) ' ; 
cf.  1  Co.  16^^  Ro.  16^.  (by  The  meaning  of  irapOevoi,  virgins, 
must  be  determined  by  the  words  with  which  it  is  directly 
connected,  ixeTa  yvvaiKMV  ovk  efioXvpOrjcrav,  were  not  defiled  with 
women  —  words  which  cannot  refer  to  conjugal  intercourse,  for 
fioXvvo),  defile,  when  used  figuratively,  always  contains  the  idea 
of  sin,  and  nowhere  in  the  Scriptures  is  there  trace  of  such  a 
thought  regarding  marriage.  Ceremonial  uncleanness  might 
be  thought  to  follow  coition  (Lv.  15^^),  but  the  word  charac- 
terizing it,  ctKcidapTOf;,  does  not  necessarily  imply  sin.  These 
words  of  V.  4  can  therefore  only  refer  to  adultery  or  fornica- 
tion. The  following  words,  irapOevoi  yap  elaiv,  for  they  are 
virgins,  like  aficofioi  elaiv,  v.  5,  express  the  permaneiit  character 
of  the  144,000  (the  change  to  the  present  tense  should  be 
noticed)   and   explain  how   they   escaped   pollution  ;    it  is  not 


650  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIV.  1-5 

because  they  were  celibates,  but  because  they  are  chaste  in  fixed 
j^rinciple  of  character  (see  further  on  v.  4).  That  the  word 
irapdevo^^  virgin^  in  this  figurative  sense  might  be  applied  even 
to  the  married  seems  to  be  attested  by  Ign.  Smyr.  13,  ra?  irap- 
Oevovi  ra<i  Xeyofxeva'i  'x^ijpa';,  which  Lightfoot  interprets,  '  the 
widows  whom  I  call  virgins  because  of  their  purity  and  devo- 
tion.' (e)  The  absence  of  the  art.  in  the  first  mention  of  the 
144,000  shows  only  that  the  writer  does  not  here  specifically 
point  out  the  identity  of  these  with  those  before  mentioned 
(7^"^),  though  he  may  have  the  same  persons  in  mind.  The 
indefiniteness  is  characteristic  of  visions;  e.g.  in  17^  'a  woman' 
is  the  one  before  mentioned  in  v.  1;  in  15^  'a  sea  of  glass'  is 
that  mentioned  in  4^;  in  ll^^  the  'one  like  unto  a  son  of  man' 
is  the  one  mentioned  in  l^^.  Further  objection  to  finding  in 
the  144,000  a  select  class  of  the  saints  arises  in  the  departure 
from  the  author's  usage  which  would  thus  be  presented.  These 
anticipatory  passages,  whether  visions  or  songs  of  praise,  always 
relate  to  the  people  of  God  as  a  whole ;  and  since  this  vision 
of  triumph  (vv.  1-5)  stands  over  against  the  great  war  of  Satan 
upon  the  whole  C'hurch,  it  would  fail  of  the  usual  purpose  of 
such  passages,  if  its  promise  were  limited  to  the  small  portion 
contained  in  the  ascetics  and  unmarried. 

It  appears  therefore  clearly  preferable  to  identify  the  144,000 
with  the  whole  body  of  the  sealed  and  redeemed  (chapt.  7)  and 
to  see  in  the  vision  a  revelation  of  their  final  triumph  shown  to 
them  in  anticipation  to  encourage  them  in  face  of  the  conflict 
with  Satan  and  his  agents  just  described  (see  pp.  244  if.).  For 
the  number  144,000  as  symbolical  of  the  whole  people  of  God 
see  pp.  535,  254.  The  words,  '  the  redeemed,'  define  the  state 
of  these ;  then  with  an  admonitory  purpose  the  Apocalyptist 
in  vv.  4-5  describes,  in  terms  of  the  cardinal  Christian  virtues, 
the  character  they  had  maintained  in  life ;  they  were  wholly 
consecrated  to  God,  they  everywhere  followed  Christ  as  their 
leader,  they  were  chaste,  and  no  untruth  was  found  in  them ; 
they  are  spotless.  Two  virtues,  purity  and  truth,  are  singled 
out  for  mention,  probably  because  of  the  prevalence  of  impurity 
and  untruth  in  surrounding  heathen  society.  Similarly  St.  Paul, 
1  Thess.  4^^-,  in  exhorting  to  complete  sanctification,  warns 
specifically   against    the    two    heathen    vices   of    impurity   and 


XIV.  3]  COMMENTARY  651 

avarice.  .  The  opposites  of  the  two  virtues  named  in  our  pas- 
sage, chastity  and  truth,  appear  in  21^  in  tlie  list  of  attributes 
which  exclude  from  inheritance  of  the  kingdom  ;  cf.  also  2127. 
It  is  evident  that  in  none  of  these  passages  is  the  order  of 
attributes  meant  to  indicate  relative  importance. 

XIV.  1.  On  mount  Zion  and  the  144,000  see  above.  — 
t6  dpviov,  the  Lamb:  for  the  use  of  the  title  the  Lamh^  see  pp. 
314  ff.  —  'iyovdai  to  6vo|JLa  /ctX.,  having  the  name^  etc.  :  the 
name  set  on  the  forehead  is  not  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
seal  of  7^ ;  the  seal  is  thought  of  as  consisting  of  the  name,  as 
the  mark  of  the  Beast  consists  of  his  name,  or  its  equivalent, 
131'^.  P'or  the  significance  of  the  mark  see  on  131^.  The  words 
set  the  redeemed  in  contrast  with  the  worshipers  of  the  Beast, 
who  bear  his  name  ;  at  the  same  time  there  is  here  a  reminis- 
cence of  3^2 ;  the  bearing  of  the  name  is  a  token  of  victory ; 
cf.  22*.  —  TO  ovo|JLa  avTov,  his  name :  the  name  of  the  Lamb  is 
here  placed  before  that  of  God  because  of  the  prominence  of 
the  Lamb  in  the  sentence. 

2-3.  The  prophet  from  his  position  on  the  earth  hears  the 
song  sung  in  the  court  of  heaven.  The  representation  given  in 
chapts.  4-5  of  the  great  throne-room  in  heaven  reappears  in- 
cidentally in  different  places  throughout  the  book ;  cf .  7^^' ", 
ll^**,  19\  21^' '^  Who  the  singers  are  is  left  indefinite,  as  in 
11^^  12^",  lO^**.  They  are  not  the  Living  Creatures  and  the 
Elders  as  in  5^*^-,  for  they  are  distinguished  from  these  in  v.  3. 
Apparently  they  are  the  innumerable  hosts  of  angels  as  in  5^\ 
7^^ ;  the  similes  of  the  many  waters  and  the  thunder  refer  to 
the  loudness  of  a  song  sung  by  great  multitudes,  cf.  19*^.  In 
7"%  15"  ^'  the  saints  themselves  sing  the  hymn  of  praise,  but 
here  they  must  first  learn  the  song  from  others  (v.  3 J.  That 
they  are  not  the  singers  (though  some  com.  interpret  so)  is 
clear  from  the  fact  that  they  are  on  mount  Zion,  but  the  hymn 
is  sung  in  heaven.  That  the  redeemed  should  sing  the  praise 
of  their  redemption  is  implied  in  their  learning  the  song,  but 
that  is  not  mentioned.  What  is  meant  here  is  the  joy  in 
heaven  over  the  salvation  of  the  saints ;  cf.  7^^  Lk.  15^^.  —  coSt]v 
Katviiv,  a  new  song :  see  on  5^.  That  the  theme  of  the  song  is 
the  now  accomplished  salvation  of  the  saints  is  evident  from 


652  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIV.  3 

the  meaning  of  the  vision.  —  ovSels  ibvvaro  [xaGciv  /crX.,  no 
mmi  could  learn  the  song^  etc. :  none  but  those  who  themselves 
experienced  the  blessedness  of  the  salvation  attained  could 
learn  to  sing  its  praise  duly. 

4_5.  Over  against  the  promise  contained  in  vv.  1-3  the 
Apocalyptist  in  these  verses  sets  as  an  admonition  to  his 
readers  the  character  of  those  who  attain  the  promise.  —  oi 
.  .  .  €(io\vv6Tio'av,  who  were  not  defiled^  etc. :  many  take  the 
words  to  be  wholly  metaphorical,  some  understanding  spiritual 
purity  in  general,  freedom  from  all  contamination  from  sin  (cf . 
2  Co.  11^),  others,  avoidance  of  idolatry,  which  is  frequently 
spoken  of  as  adultery  toward  God.  But  the  addition  of  the 
specific  words  ^era  yuvaiKwv^  with  women,  excludes  such  figura- 
tive interpretation ;  the  sentence  must  be  taken  literally,  as 
most  recent  interpreters  agree.  See  further  p.  649.  — The  past 
tense  in  the  vbs.  of  these  verses  refers  to  the  time  })rior  to  the 
gathering  of  the  saints  on  mount  Zion,  i.e.  the  time  of  their 
earthly  life ;  the  presents  etcrtV,  to  their  fixed,  essential  charac- 
ter.—  irapGevoL  "ydp  elaiv,  for  they  are  virc/ins:  the  words 
account  for  {'ydp.,  for)  the  avoidance  of  pollution;  the  saints 
had  been  kept  from  it  in  their  earthly  life,  because  the  prin- 
ciple of  chastity  is  an -essential  trait  of  their  character,  they 
are  pure  in  heart.  F'or  the  application  of  7rap6evo<;,  virgin,  to 
men,  see  L  and  S,,  Thayer,  s.v. 

ol  dKo\o\)6ovvT€S,  the  followers :  the  partic.  with  the  art.  is 
equivalent  to  a  noun,  and  the  time  of  its  action  is  determined 
by  the  context;  cf.  Burton  §  123,  H.A.  §  966.  The  vb.,  of 
which  this  phrase  is  the  pred.  and  ovtol  the  subj.,  is  omitted; 
it  is  probably  ^crav  rather  than  elcriv,  since  the  two  other  ovtol 
clauses  with  which  this  is  parallel  have  the  principal  vbs.  in 
the  past  tense ;  the  three  clauses  refer  to  the  past  of  the  saints, 
which  led  to  their  present  glorified  state ;  these  were  followers 
of  the  Lamb  in  all  his  wags.  The  vb.  changes  to  the  pres.  in 
the  dependent  clause,  whithersoever  he  goeth,  because  the  paths 
of  Christ's  leading  are  thought  of  as  absolute,  without  refer- 
ence to  time.  For  the  presents  elcriv  see  above.  The  language 
here  does  not  refer  specifically  to  the  martyr's  death  (so,  some 
com.),  but  to  perfect  discipleship ;  it  echoes  words  frequent  in 
the  Lord's  utterances,  e.g.  Mt.  192i,  Mk.  m,  Lk.  527,  Juo.  12^6. 


CRITICISM   OF  XIV.  1-5  653 

—  oirou  dv  kt\.:  if  vTrdyei  is  read  here,  tlie  indii;.  is  wliolly 
irregular  ;  see  Blass  §  G5,  7. —  fi-Yopdo-STio-av  /ctX..,  were  redeemed, 
etc. :  this  is  not  a  mere  repetition  of  ol  j^yopaa-fievoi  in  v,  3 
(see  below)  ;  the  paramount  thought  here  is  in  the  predicate 
airapxth  first-fruits ;  they  were  redeemed  from  among  men  to 
be  like  the  first-fruits  wlioUy  consecrated  to  God.  As  in  the 
connected  clauses  it  is  their  character  that  is  spoken  of.  For 
airapxv^  first -fruits,  see  pp.  648  f.  —  ovy^  tvpeSri  x|/€v5os  ktX.,  no 
lie  tvas  found,  etc. :  cf.  21'^'',  22^^.  For  the  emphasis  laid  on 
truth  cf.  Jno.  8^4,  1  Pet.  2^2,  Ps.  322,  ^^eph.  3i3,  Mai.  2«.  —  aHLO)- 
(Jioi  €Lcriv,  they  are  faultless:  this  epithet  sums  up  in  one  word 
the  description  of  the  perfect  character  of  those  who  are  seen 
with  the  Lamb  on  mount  Zion ;  cf.  Eph.  1"*,  C-ol.  I22, 

Textual  notes,  \\^~^^.  1.  P  some  inin  R  omit  to  before  apvtov.  —  R  with 
P  one  mill  omits  avTov  kul  to  ovofua.  —  2.  Instead  of  -q  (fxDvrj  rjv  rjKovaa,  P 
a  few  min  R  read  KJxovrjv  rjKovaa  ;  R  then  with  a  few  min  omits  ws  before 
KLOapwS(Dv.  —  3.  ws,  before  oiS-qv  Kaivrjv,  AC  many  min  R  RV  many  edd ; 
wanting  in  NPQ  many  min  Ti  AVs  Blj ;  Sod  brackets.  —  4.  Before  ol  aKoXov- 
^ouvres,  Q  most  min  some  vers  R  insert  eiaiv ;  wanting  in  i<ACP  some  min 
edd.  —  virayq  t<PQ  most  min  R  most  edd;  virayu  AC  some  min  Lch  WH 
al.  —  5.  R  with  a  few  min  reads  SoAos  instead  of  i/^evSos.  —  After  afiw/xoi, 
yap  is  added  in  >5Q  most  min  and  vers  R  Ti  Blj ;  wanting  in  ACP  some 
nun  and  vers  most  edd.  —  R  with  some  Mss.  of  the  vlg  adds  evwTrtov  tov 
dpovov  TOV  6eov  after  eiaiv. 

Criticism  of  IJ/^^^.  This  passage  is  pronounced  by  some  critics  one  of  the 
most  enigmatical  in  the  book.  The  chief  objections  urged  are  the  follow- 
ing, (rt)  Want  of  connection  with  the  context.  The  gathering  of  the 
144,000  with  the  Lamb  on  mount  Zion  stands  in  no  sequence  with  the 
activities  of  the  Beast  in  the  preceding  chapt.,  or  with  the  coming  judg- 
ment announced  in  w.  6-20 ;  so,  e.g.  Vischer  54.  {h)  Irreconcilability 
with  7^~^.  There  the  144,000  are  the  servants  of  God  universally  (7^), 
here  they  are  those  only  who  are  especially  distinguished  by  their  holi- 
ness, in  particular  their  chastity ;  there  they  bear  the  seal  or  name  of  God ; 
here  they  bear  the  name  of  the  Lamb  also ;  so,  e.g.  Volter,  Problem,  231. 
(r)  Inconsistencies  within  the  passage  itself.  In  v.  1  the  scene  is  on  mount 
Zion,  in  v.  3  in  heaven ;  the  song  of  praise  should  be  sung,  not  by  unnamed 
angels,  but  by  the  redeemed  themselves,  as  in  IS^*- ;  the  144,000  are  defined 
several  times,  partly  in  identical  terms  repeated  (01  rfyopaap-evoL  and  ot  ■^yo- 
pacr^rjo-av),  partly  in  divergent  terms  —  all  irregularities,  which  show  the 
presence  of  several  hands ;  so,  Wellhausen  A  nal.  2.3. 

The  pi'incipal  theories  offered  regarding  the  origin  of  the  passage  may 
be  summarized  briefly.  (1)  The  passage  is  the  work  of  a  Christian  redac- 
tor who  added  it  to  give  a  wider  interpretation  of  7^"^ ;  there  the  delivered 


654  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  \XTV.Q 

are  144,000  chosen  out  of  Israel,  but  a  Christian  could  not  see  in  that  the 
whole  number  of  the  redeemed,  and  he  here  seeks  to  show  that  the  144,000 
there  spoken  of  are  only  a  selection  out  of  the  host  of  believers ;  so,  e.g. 
Vischer  52.  (2)  A  redactor  has  worked  over  the  primitive  Christian  pas- 
sage which  he  found  here.  It  was  he  that  added  T^'i'^  to  show  that  the 
144,000,  the  chosen  of  Israel,  spoken  of  in  7i-«  as  the  whole  of  the  elect, 
were  only  a  part ;  in  the  same  way  here  he  seeks  to  give  a  broader  scope  to 
the  original  of  this  passage  which  in  v.  1  spoke  of  the  redeemed  as  144,000 ; 
he  adds  vv.  4-5  and  represents  that  144,000  as  only  a  part,  the  61ite,  chosen 
because  of  their  asceticism  and  peculiar  obedience ;  so  Vdlter,  Problem,  231  f, 
J.  Weiss  (94  f.,  65  f.)  finds  here  a  working  over  of  a  passage  contained  in 
the  original  Johannine  Apocalypse  in  which  the  144,000,  Jewish  Chris- 
tians, the  sealed  of  Israel  (7'-^),  were  represented  as  standing  loyal  to  the 
Lamb,  the  true  Messiah,  in  the  last  days  when  the  false  prophet,  or  the 
false  Messiah,  appears  in  Israel  (chapt.  13)  ;  but  the  redactor  to  whom 
the  present  form  is  due  transformed  the  144,000,  identifying  them  with  a 
small  part  of  the  Church,  those  who  in  the  last  days,  when  most  of  the 
Christians  fall  in  martyrdom,  are  led  by  the  Lamb  to  mount  Zion  and  there 
preserved  from  the  final  calamities.  (3)  One  or  two  Jewish  documents 
have  been  worked  over  here  by  a  Christian  redactor.  Spitta  (142  ff.)  refers 
the  original  to  his  Jewish  document  J^.  To  recover  the  original  oracle  he 
substitutes  in  v.  1  deov  ^wvros  for  avrov  kol  .  .  .  vrarpos,  and  interprets 
dpvLov  (omitting  the  art.)  of  a  Jewish  leader,  perhaps  Gamaliel;  he  omits 
YY.  2-3,  KOL  TO)  apviio  after  tw  6e<2  v.  4,  and  brackets  oi  dKoXov6ovvTe<i  .  .  . 
virdyr]  v.  4.  Weyland  (160  ff.)  refers  vv.  2-3  to  his  Jewish  source  Ahjih, 
the  rest  of  the  passage  to  a  redactor. 

The  difficulties  raised  in  the  above  criticism  and  made  the  ground  of 
these  different  hypotheses  have,  it  is  believed,  been  sufficiently  met  in  the 
Com.,  pp.  646  ff.,  and  in  the  Summary  (Introd.  p.  279).  They  arise  from 
a  disregard  of  the  Apocalyptist's  habit  of  inserting  anticipatory  passages, 
and  from  the  misinterpretation  of  the  144,000  as  a  select  part  of  the  saints 
in  contrast  with  the  whole  -Church.  Bouss.  (382  f.)  has  pointed  out  traces 
of  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  as  a  whole  which  are  found  in  nearly  every 
verse  of  our  passage.  The  following  parallelisms  may  be  noted :  v.  2  and 
ll^  19«:  v.  3  a  and  5%  chapt.  4;  v.  3  b  and  19i'2;  v.  4  b  and  1^'' \  v.  4  c 
and  5''f-. 


XIV.  G-20.  Announcement  of  the  last  judgment.,  warning.,  and 
promise.     See  pp.  280  f. 

6-7.  In  these  verses  the  first  of  a  series  of  angels  introduced 
in  the  visions  of  this  chapt.  announces  the  glad  tidings  that 
God's  eternal  purpose  is  about  to  be  fulfilled,  the  judgment  is 
at  hand ;  and  all  the  world  is  summoned  to  repent  and  worship 
God. — dXXov  o.'Y'YcXov,  another  angel:    the    contrast  in  dWov, 


XIV.  7]  COMMENTARY  655 

another^  is  not  clear.  I-*erha,ps  the  ungel  siiigers  in  vv.  2-8  are 
tlioug-lit  of,  or  perhaps  a  contrast  is  intended  with  tlie  angels 
in  general  who  have  hitherto  appeared ;  see  on  10\  where  a 
similar  ambiguity  occurs.  The  specification  of  a  different  angel 
is  attributable  to  the  author's  fondness  for  variety  in  the  per- 
sons introduced ;  see  on  5'^.  Neither  of  the  explanations  sug- 
gested offers  serious  difficulty ;  and  the  word  cannot  be  taken 
to  furnish  ground  for  violent  critical  procedure  (see  p.  ij^'o). 
It  is  grammatically  possible  to  take  dXXov,  another,  as  a  pro- 
noun in  contrast  with  the  Lamb;  I' saw  another,  viz.:  an  am/el 
flying,  etc.  (Volter);  but  in  that  sense  the  word  'another'  is 
more  than  superfluous.  The  supposition  that  the  Lamb  in 
vv.  1-5  is  thought  of  as  an  archangel  with  whom  this  angel 
is  contrasted  is  at  variance  with  the  author's  christology.  The 
omission  of  aWov  after  some  Mss.  raises  the  greater  difficulty 
of  accounting  for  its  insertion  in  this  connection.  —  kv  [ttaov- 
pavqiJLaTi,  in  mid-heaven:  in  the  sight  and  hearing  of  all,  as  the 
call  is  addressed  to  all ;  cf .  8^^. 

€'Oa'Y"Y€\iov,  glad  tidings:  the  article  is  not  prefixed,  and  the 
reference  is  not  to  the  gospel.  What  the  tidings  are  is  shown 
by  \€<ycov  ktX.,  saying,  etc.,  i.e.  the  announcement  that  God's 
eternal  purpose  regarding  his  people  is  about  to  be  accom- 
plished, the  judgment  is  near;  cf.  evrj'yyeXiaev,  W.  A  com- 
parison of  V.  7  with  10^  shows  that  the  glad  message  here 
spoken  of  is  not  the  offer  of  grace  implied  in  the  call  to  repen- 
tance (so,  some  comm.). — •  aiwvtov,  ete^-nal:  existing  from 
eternity.  The  epithet  belongs  to  the  divine  purpose  rather 
than  to  the  tidings ;  it  is  transferred  to  the  latter ;  these  are 
called  eternal  because  their  subject  is  such.  —  cva-Y-yeXiorai :  for 
the  infin.  with  exeiv  cf .  Jno.  IB^^,  Lk.  7*°.  —  €m :  not  found 
elsewhere  with  evayyeXi^ecv ;  perhaps  the  angel's  call  is  thought 
of  as  sent  forth  over  the  dwellers  on  the  earth.  —  tovs  KaBtyxc- 
vovs  €m  TTJs  yy\S-  not  different  from  tov?  KaroiKovvrai;  kt\., 
which  is  found  elsewhere.  See  on  8^*^.  —  Kai  ervi  irav  €0vos 
kt\.,  even  unto  every  nation,  etc.  •  the  words  repeat  with  em- 
phatic comprehensiveness  '  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth ' ; 
hence  Kai  should  be  translated  even. — 56t€  avTco  86|av,  give 
him  glory:  for  this  expression  meaning  repent  see  on  ll^'^.  — 
^XOcv  Tj  «pa,  the  hour  has  come:  i.e.  is  close  at  hand.      While 


G56  THE  APOCALYPSE    OF  JOHN  [XIV.  7 

the  announcement  of  the  judgment  brings  good  tidings  to  the 
saints,  it  is  a  call  to  the  world  to  fear  (rod  and  repent.  —  tw 
TTOLTiaavTi  Tov  ovpavov  /ctX.,  Myn  who  made  the  heaven^  etc.:  the 
ground  for  worshiping  God  is  here  found  in  his  character  as 
creator  of  all,  as  in  4^^,  Ac.  4^^^,  14^^ ;  see  on  4^^.  The  language 
of  natural  theology  is  appropriate  in  an  aj)peal  to  all  the  world, 
including  the  heathen. — TrTi'yds  vSdTwv,  springs  of  waters:  for 
this  addition  to  the  comprehensive  formula,  '  the  heavens  and 
the  earth  and  the  sea,'  cf.  8^0,  16^^. 

8.  The  second  angel  proclaims  the  judgment  upon  Rome. 
Special  mention  of  Rome's  fall  is  demanded  l)ecause  of  its 
prominence  among  eschatological  events  and  among  the  pre- 
dictions of  the  book,  chapts.  17-19^.  See  p.  158.  BaVjylon 
formed  the  ancient  parallel  of  Rome ;  it  Avas  the  capital  of  a 
world-empire,  it  was  famous  for  its  luxury  and  moral  corrup- 
tion, above  all  it  was  the  powerful  foe  of  God's  people.  And 
as  Edom  became  a  name  for  the  Roman  empire  (see  Weber, 
System^  348  ff.),  so  Babylon  became  the  mystic  name  for  the 
city  of  Rome ;  e.g.  Sib.  Or.  V.  143,  159,  Ap.  Bar.  lli,  67^ 
Rev.  14»,  16l^  175,' 182' 10, 21^  probably  1  Pet.  5i3.  That  Rome 
is  meant  in  the  passages  in  Rev.  is  made  clear  by  chapts.  17- 
18  ;  see  p.  690.  Babylon  is  always  called  great  in  Rev. ;  cf . 
also  Dan.  4^°^ — cirecrcv,  has  fallen:  cf.  18^.  The  language  is 
taken  directly  from  Is.  21^;  cf.  Jer.  50^,  51®.  Here,  as  in  the 
O.  T.  passages,  the  past  tense  is  prophetic. — i^  ck  to{)  ol'vou 
/ctX.,  that  hath  made  all  natio7is  to  drink  of  the  wine.,  etc.:  the 
cause  of  Rome's  punishment  which  is  mentioned  here  is  as  in 
17^'  ^  her  corru^jtion  of  the  nations  of  the  world ;  but  see  on 
17^. — TOV  OLVOu  .  .  .  TTopviias,  the  wine  of  the  wrath  of  her  for- 
nication: cf.  18'\  The  expression  blends  two  distinct  ideas: 
(1)  the  wine  which  the  courtesan  Rome  gives  to  intoxicate 
and  seduce  to  fornication,  cf.  17^' 4,  Jer.  51'^  —  reference  is 
made  to  Rome's  enticement  of  the  nations  to  idolatr}^  and 
all  manner  of  corruption  ;  (2)  the  cup  of  God's  wrath,  which 
he  gives  those  to  drink  whom  he  will  terribly  punish,  cf.  v.  10, 
16^^;  this  figure  is  common  in  the  O.T.,e.g.  Jer.  25^^  'take 
this  cup  of  the  wine  of  wrath  at  my  hand  and  cause  all  the 
nations  to  whom  I  send  thee  to  drink  it,'  cf.  Job  21^^^  pg.  758^ 
Is.  51^'^,  Jer.  49^2;   primarily  the  figure  does  not  refer  to  dis- 


XIV.  10]  COMMENTARY  657 

agreeableness  of  taste,  but  to  the  maddening  effects  —  these 
God  uses  as  his  punishment.  In  our  passage  the  cup  is 
described  fully  as  both  that  which  Rome  uses  to  entice,  and 
the  cup  of  God's  wrath. 

9.  In  view  of  the  coming  judgment  and  the  call  of  the  world 
to  worship  God  (vv.  6-7),  a  third  angel  utters  warning  of  the 
terrible  punishment  that  must  fall  on  those  that  worship  the 
Beast,  vv.  9-11.  Thus  the  Apocidyptist  touches  directly  one 
of  the  perils  prominent  in  the  historic  background  of  his  book, 
the  worship  of  the  emperors.  Upon  the  worship  of  the  Beast, 
his  mark,  etc.,  see  13^"!'''. —  kivl  tov  |X€Tcl>irov,  tt;v  x^^pa:  the 
change  of  case  after  eVt  is  striking,  but  not  significant ;  fieTcoirov 
stands  in  the  gen.  (pi.)  in  7^,  9*,  14^,  22*;  in  the  ace.  (sing.) 
in  13^*^,  17^,  20*;  x^^P  stands  in  the  gen.  in  18^^,  in  the  ace.  in 
201'  4, 

10.  Kai,  before  auT6<;  :  best  taken  as  introducing  the  apodo- 
sis  ;  cf.  Kiilin.  II.  §  524,  1.  A.  2,  Blass  §  77,  6  ;  it  emphasizes 
the  correspondence  of  the  prot.  and  the  apod.,  if  he  worship,  he 
shall  also  suffer  punishment.  Against  connection  with  the 
pron.,  he  also  (RV)  is  the  fact  that  there  is  nothing  with 
which  the  pron.  is  properly  contrasted.  For  auro?  as  emphatic 
Ae,  see  Blass  §  48,1.  — olvou  tov  Guixo-O  «tX.,  wine  of  the  wrath  of 
Grod:  see  on  v.  8. — K€K€paa|JL€Vou  dKpdTou,  poured  out  (lit. 
mixed)  unmixed :  the  full  strength  of  the  wine  is  emphasized. 
The  contradiction  in  the  literal  meaning  of  the  words  is 
relieved  by  the  fact  that  /cepavvv/jLc  came  to  be  used  in  the 
sense  oi  pour  out,  i.e.  into  the  cups  ;  in  common  practice  water 
was  always  mixed  with  the  wine,  and  in  the  ordinary  use  of 
the  word  to  denote  the  filling  of  the  cups  for  drinking  the 
preliminary  process  of  mixing  was  easily  forgotten.  The  same 
oxymoron  occurs  in  Aristoph.  ^ccl.  1123,  Kepaaov  uKparov,  — 
6u|iov,  op-yi^s,  wrath,  anger:  the  former  refers  more  to  vehement, 
furious  activity  ;  the  latter  to  the  cause,  the  settled  feeling  of 
righteous  indignation.  See  Trench  Si/n.  130  ff.  —  €V  irupl  Kal 
GcLco,  with  fire  and  brimstone:  cf.  19^^,  20^^  21^.  Unending  tor- 
ture in  fire  is  the  punishment  everywhere  in  apocalyptic  litera- 
ture assigned  to  Satan  and  his  followers ;  see  p.  68.  On  the 
picture  of  vv.  10-11,  cf.  Is.  34^"!*^.  —  Ivcouiov  twv  dY^tXcDV 
kt\.,  in  the  presetice  of  the  angels,  etc.:   the  idea  is  common  in 

2u 


658  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIV.  10 

apocalyptic  literature  that  the  punishment  of  the  wicked  is 
made  more  grievous  because  they  can  behold  the  bliss  of  the 
righteous  and  the  heavenly  beings;  cf.  En.  27^,  'In  the  last 
days  there  shall  be  upon  them  the  spectacle  of  righteous  judg- 
ment in  the  presence  of  the  righteous  for  ever';  cf.  En.  108^^, 
2  Es.  T^t^'  83-s7^  Ap.  Bar.  30*,  SP  ^^  Lk.  IG^^.  —  ayi(ov,  holy:  for 
the  word  applied  to  angels  as  an  epithet  of  dignity,  cf.  Mk.  8^^, 
Lk.  926,  Ac.  1022;  frequent  in  En.  e.g.  201-8,  21^' 9.  —  cvwttiov 
Toii  dpviou,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lamb  :  the  place  of  the  Lamb 
after  the  angels  has  led  some  critics  to  reject  this  phrase  ;  see 
p.  606.  ])Ut  in  2  Es.  T^^-^S  where  as  here  the  torment  of  the 
wicked  in  the  sight  of  the  blessed  is  described,  '  the  glory  of 
the  Most  High '  is  placed  after  all  the  rest  as  the  most  grievous 
of  the  sights.  So  here  special  emphasis  falls  upon  the  mention 
of  the  Lamb  at  the  end  of  the  sentence,  as  if  the  most  poignant 
factor  in  the  pain  of  the  wicked  would  be  the  sight  of  the 
triumph  of  the  Lamb,  against  whom  as  worshipers  of  the  Beast 
they  had  made  war.  The  supposition  that  the  phrase  '  in  the 
presence  of  the  angels '  may  be  a  late  Jewish  paraphrase  for  '  in 
the  presence  of  God  '  (cf.  Bouss.  in  loc.')  is  not  su^^ported  in  cases 
where  reference  is  made  to  God  as  distinct  from  other  heavenly 
beings  ;  i.e.  there  is  not  authority  for  taking  this  clause  to  be 
equivalent  to  'in  the  presence  of  God  and  the  Lamb.' 

11.  6  Kairvos  kt\.,  the  smoke  of  their  torment,  etc.;  cf.  19^.  — 
ovK  €)(OD(riv  .  .  .  vuKTos,  thei/  have  no  rest  day  and  night:  cf. 
4^.  —  ol  irpocKuvovvTes  /ctX.,  those  that  worship  the  Beast.,  etc.: 
the  three  clauses  of  the  opening  sentence  of  the  message  (v. 9) 
are  repeated  at  the  end  to  enforce  upon  the  readers  the  warn- 
ing against  the  sin  whose  punishment  has  just  been  described. 

12-13.  The  warning  addressed  to  all  the  world  against  the 
worship  of  the  Beast  is  followed  in  these  verses  by  special 
admonition  and  encouragement  to  the  saints.  In  the  supreme 
peril  of  the  short  period  intervening  before  the  judgment  they 
are  called  to  steadfastness  ;  at  the  same  time  they  are  assured 
of  blessedness  in  the  event  of  a  martyr's  death.  The  call  to 
steadfastness,  as  in  IS^-i^^  comes  from  the  Prophet  himself  ;  the 
promise  of  blessedness  comes  with  all  the  solemn  warranty  of  a 
voice  from  heaven.  —  coSe  y\  -utrop-ovTi  /ctX.,  here  is  the  steadfast- 
ness of  the  saints:  see  on  IS^'K     oiSe,  here,  refers  to  the  trials 


XIV.  13]  COMMENTARY  659 

laid  upon  the  saints  in  the  enforcement  of  the  worship  of  the 
Beast. — ol  Tiipovvres  :  for  the  irregiihir  nom.  in  the  appos., 
see  p.  224. — Tt|v  mcmv  '  It](tov,  fdifh  in  Jesus:  the  gen.  is  obj. 
The  words  make  more  specific  the  preceding  ;  the  commands  of 
God  are  summed  up  in  a  living  faith  in  Jesus  ;  cf.  Jno.  6^9. 
The  added  word  T77croi)  shows  that  Triara  here  is  faith,  as  in  2^% 
and  not  fidelity,  as  in  V?)^^.  —  For  rypeiv  iriarLv,  cf.  2  Tim.  4'^. 
The  steadfastness  to  which  the  faithful  are  called  must  in  the 
Beast's  sway  bring  many  to  the  martyr's  death  ;  the  Prophet's 
vision  therefore  passes  immediately  (v.  13)  to  the  certain 
blessedness  of  those  who  shall  suffer  thus.  He  hears  a  voice 
from  heaven  proclaiming  it,  and  bidding  him  to  write  the 
assurance  as  a  part  of  the  message  of  his  book.  The  language 
here  is  general,  blessednesss  is  promised  to  all  who  die  in  the 
Lord  ;  but  it  is  thus  that  assurance  is  given  to  the  martyrs,  to 
whom,  as  the  connection  shows,  the  promise  is  applied.  In 
fact,  most  of  those  dying  in  the  reign  of  the  Beast  would  fall 
as  martyrs.  This  interpretation  which  takes  the  message  of 
v.  13  to  be  addressed  to  the  Church  with  special  reference  to 
the  great  conflict  threatening  it  at  the  time,  and  here  in  the 
context  made  the  occasion  of  the  angel's  Avarning  and  the 
Prophet's  exhortation,  seems  certainly  correct.  The  word 
cnrdpTL,  from  henceforth,  is  then  joined  directly  with  ol  airoOvrj- 
aKovre^,  those  who  die  ;  position  also  favors  this  connection  ;  so, 
many  com.,  e.g.  Hofmann,  Bouss. ,  Blj.,  Holtzm.-Bau.,  Swete. 
For  a  different  interpretation,  see  p.  661.  The  message  de- 
clares also  wherein  those  shall  be  blessed  who  shall  fall  in  the 
great  crisis  intervening  before  the  judgment  ;  they  will  rest 
from  their  troubles,  the  troubles  suffered  through  steadfastness 
in  the  trial,  and  their  works,  i.e.  tlieir  firm  fidelity  to  the 
commandments  of  God  and  a  living  faith  in  Jesus,  will  as  it 
were  accompany  them  to  appear  in  their  behalf  at  the  bar  of 
judgment. — This  limited  application  which  the  Apocalyptist 
makes  of  the  words  uttered  from  heaven  cannot  however  ob- 
scure the  universal  truth  contained  in  them.  To  the  world  of 
all  time  comes  the  divine  assurance.  Blessed  are  all  those  who 
shall  die  in  the  Lord  from  henceforth  through  the  ages  till  the 
Great  Day,  in  that  they  shall  rest  from  their  trials  in  the 
certain  confidence  that  their  obedience  and  faith  will  be  remem- 


660  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIV.  13 

bered  in  the  last  assize.  For  the  repetition  of  the  command, 
'  Write,'  to  emphasize  the  message,  cf.  19^  21 5.  For  the  beati- 
tudes of  the  book,  see  on  l-^.  —  Iv  Kupico,  in  the  Lord:  i.e.  in 
spiritual  union  with  Christ  ;  a  Pauline  phrase,  cf.  1  Co.  IS^*^, 
1  Thess.  416. 

vai,  Xt-yei  to  irvev|xa,  yea.,  saitJi  the  Spirit:  confirming  and 
explaining  the  preceding  utterance.  Here,  as  in  the  seven 
epistles,  the  Spirit  and  the  speaker  of  the  preceding  words,  God 
or  Christ,  seem  to  be  identified.  What  to  the  Apocalyptist  is 
an  audible  voice,  to  the  Prophet  is  the  Spirit  speaking  within. 
See  on  2'^.  —  iva  dva'TraT|0'OVTai,  in  that  they  shall  rest:  the 
phrase,  as  shown  by  the  parallel  in  22^'*,  is  best  connected  as 
epexegetical  with  fiuKcipioL  repeated  in  thought  from  the  pre- 
ceding clause  :  yea.,  blessed  in  that  they  shall  rest.  An  epexe- 
getical clause  with  im,  instead  of  an  infin.  or  otl  clause,  is 
common  in  the  N.  T.,  especially  in  Jno.,  after  a  demonstrat.  or 
noun  ;  it  occurs  also  in  other  relations,  as  in  Jno.  8^*^.  See 
Blass  §  69,  6,  Burton  §§  215-217.  The  rest  of  the  saints  is 
their  respite  from  trouble,  and  their  state  is  contrasted  with 
that  of  the  wicked  described  in  vv.  9-11.  Nothing  is  implied 
regarding  their  place  ;  but  cf.  6^~^^.  — twv  Koirtov,  their  labors: 
the  word  /co'tto?  implies  painfulness,  and  is  used  here  with  ref- 
erence to  the  sufferings  and  persecutions  of  the  saints.  —  xd 
ep-ya,  their  works :  not  mere  deeds  are  meant,  but  also  spiritual 
attitude  ;  the  steadfastness  and  faith  of  v.  9  are  included  ;  see 
on  2^.  —  dKoXouGci  [ler  avTwv,  follow  with  them  :  for  fjierd  after 
cLKokovdeiv  instead  of  the  usual  construction,  the  dat.  without 
preposition,  cf.  6^.  Their  works,  in  the  sense  defined  above, 
accompany  the  saints  to  the  judgment  and  win  for  them  their 
award  of  approval  ;  cf .  2  Es.  7^^,  '  The  work  shall  follow  and 
the  reward  shall  be  showed,  and  good  deeds  shall  awake,'  — 
said  of  the  judgment  scene  ;  ep.  of  Barn.  4^^^  t  jf  ^e  be  good, 
his  righteousness  shall  lead  the  way  before  him,'  cf.  also 
1  Tim.  5^^.  Another  form  of  the  same  idea  is  the  treasure  of 
good  works  stored  up  for  the  judgment  ;  cf.  2  Es.  7",  Mt.  Q^^. 
— -ydp, /or;  the  clause  gives  the  assurance  of  the  preceding 
utterance.  If  the  fruits  of  their  good  works  were  lost  to  the 
saints  in  death,  the  mere  release  from  trouble  could  not  be  pro- 
nounced blessed  ;  the  departed  saints  will  be  blessed  because 


XIV.  14]  COMMENTARY  661 

their   '  works '   will  win   for  them  approval  at  the  judgment- 
bar. 

An  interpretation  of  v.  13  different  from  that  given  above  is  adopted  by 
a  large  number  of  com.,  e.;/.  I)e  Wette,  Diist.,  lioltzm.,  Moff.  They  join 
dndpTi,  from  henceforth,  with  fjuxKapioi,  blessed,  and  interpret,  blessed  from  now 
on,  because  the  judgment  and  the  beatification  of  the  saints  are  immediately 
at  hand,  and  may  be  spoken  of  as  if  already  come ;  cf .  dirdpTi  in  Mt.  26®*. 
Reference  is  then  understood  to  be  made  to  the  dead  in  general,  both  those 
already  dead  and  those  who  shall  die  in  the  short  interval  before  the  judg- 
ment ;  the  verse  has  no  special  relation  to  the  distresses  alluded  to  in  the 
context,  nor  to  the  martyrs.  But  the  position  of  aTrdpTi.  is  strongly  against 
that  connection  ;  and  the  blessedness  is  here  in  the  context  referred,  not  to 
the  nearness  of  the  Advent,  biit  to  rest  from  suffering  and  sure  confidence  re- 
garding the  judgment.  Further,  there  is  no  reason  why  in  anticipation  of 
the  blessedness  of  the  kingdom  as  near  special  mention  should  be  made  of 
the  dead  in  distinction  from  the  living,  for  there  is  nowhere  in  the  book 
trace  of  a  difficulty  such  as  arose  among  the  Thessalonians,  the  fear  that 
the  dead  might  at  the  parousia  fail  of  a  full  share  in  the  new  kingdom, 
1  Thess.  4^^^^ ;  and  if  that  difficulty  were  thought  of,  we  should  expect  it 
to  be  met  here,  as  there,  by  assurance  of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead.  — 
Some  join  dirdpTi  with  the  following  sentence ;  from  henceforth  .  .  .  they 
shall  rest  J  cf.  RVmrg.  But  in  that  case  it  would  be  placed  after  vat,  which 
stands  at  the  beginning  of  its  clause.  Most  among  modern  interpreters 
reject  that  punctuation. 

14.  The  announcement  of  the  coming  end  now  closes  with 
two  simple  visions  which  picture  the  judgment  under  symbols 
frequently  used  with  this  significance  in  eschatological  prophecy, 
the  harvest  and  the  vintage,  vv.  14-20.  The  visions  put  in 
vivid  dramatic  form  these  familiar  similes,  and  are  not  meant 
to  predict  events  which  are  to  take  place  at  this  point  in  the 
order  of  the  last  things,  for  much  must  yet  intervene  before 
the  end  ;  they  form  rather  the  culminating  part  of  this  para- 
graph (vv.  6-20),  which  after  the  episodes  of  chapts.  12-14^ 
announces  in  anticipation  the  coming  of  the  great  catastrophe. 
Such  an  announcement  stands  appropriately  here  before  the 
movements  which  are  now  to  precede  more  immediately  the 
last  issues  (see  p.  280)  ;  it  is  altogether  anticipatory,  and  as 
such  furnishes  no  difficulty  by  its  presence  at  this  point  in  the 
book  (see  pp.  667  f.).  What  is  here  proclaimed  is  fully  re- 
vealed later  in  its  proper  chronological  place,  chapts.  19-20. 
In  bringing  together  the  figures  of  the  harvest  and  the  vintage, 


662  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIV.  14 

and  in  the  language,  the  Apocalyptist  follows  closely  Joel  3^^, 
'  Put  ye  in  the  sickle,  for  the  harvest  is  ripe ;  come  tread  ye, 
for  the  winepress  is  full,  the  vats  overflow ;  for  their  wicked- 
ness is  great.'  For  the  harvest  as  an  eschatological  figure  cf. 
Mt.  1339,  .  xhe  harvest  is  the  end  of  the  world,'  Mk.  429,  jg^.^  5133^ 
Hos.  6^^,  2  Es.  4'^^,  Ap.  Bar.  70^.  The  figure  is  comprehensive, 
including  in  a  word  the  whole  process  of  the  winding  up  of  the 
ages,  and  the  recompense  of  both  the  good  and  the  bad.  It  is 
contrary  to  the  use  of  the  figure  elsewhere  and  without  justifi- 
cation in  the  present  context  to  take  the  grain  harvest  of  these 
verses  to  refer  to  the  righteous  only  in  contrast  with  the  wicked, 
the  subjects  of  the  following  verses,  17-20  (so,  some  com.). 
Both  the  tares  and  the  wheat  aTe  present  at  the  harvest  time, 
Mt.  13^°.  The  relation  between  these  two  visions  is  a  different 
one,  as  will  be  seen  below  (on  v.  17).  The  description  of  the 
harvester  shows  him  unquestionably  to  be  the  Messiah.  The 
representation  of  one  like  a  son  of  man  appearing  on  a  cloud  is 
taken  directly  from  the  familiar  figure  of  the  Messiah  derived 
from  Dan.  7^^  and  could  apply  to  no  other;  cf.  1'^'^%  Mt.  24^", 
26^  par.  The  crown  also  marks  the  messianic  King  (cf .  19^-) ; 
it  might  be  taken  (so,  some  com.)  as  the  victor's  crown ;  but 
the  scene  here  is  one  of  judgment,  and  the  harvester  is  the  royal 
judge,  not  a  warrior.  The  language  of  v.  15,  ^  another  angel,' 
and  the  fact  that  the  harvester  acts  at  the  command  of  an  angel 
are  thought  by  some  interpreters  (^e.g.  Bleek,  De  Wette,  Ewald) 
to  forbid  a  reference  to  the  Messiah ;  the  harvester  is  then 
understood  to  be  an  archangel,  or  an  angel  acting  as  the  Mes- 
siah's representative.  But  these  objections  do  not,  as  will  be 
seen  (on  v.  15),  possess  sufficient  force  to  warrant  setting  aside 
the  messianic  interpretation.  —  o|xoiov  vldv:  for  the  irregular 
construct,  see  on  l^^^  —  'iyjav :  for  the  nom.  see  p.  224. 

15.  dWos  d'Y'YeXos,  another  angel:  the  angel  of  this  verse  is 
easily  understood  to  be  contrasted,  not  with  the  person  of  the 
preceding  verse,  the  Messiah,  but  with  the  first  three  angels, 
vv.  6-9.  As  those  proclaim  the  coming  of  the  judgment,  this 
one  brings  the  command  of  God  for  its  execution  (B.  Weiss). 
The  Apocalyptist  introduces  a  large  number  of  dramatis  per- 
sonae  ;  '  another  angel,'  '  a  second  angel,'  or  similar  expression, 
occurs  more  than  twenty  times  in  the  book ;  and  sometimes  the 


XIV.  17]  COMMENTARY  663 

contrast  is  not  with  one  mentioned  in  the  immediate  context, 
e.g.  V.  6,  10^  —  €K  tov  volov,  from  the  teni2)le:  here  again  heaven 
is  conceived  as  a  temple ;  see  on  6^.  The  words  are  specially 
significant  here.  The  temple  is  the  dwelling-place  of  God,  and 
the  angel  is  thus  distinctly  represented  as  (Jod's  messenger; 
the  command  given  to  the  Messiah  is  not  the  angel's,  but  God's ; 
the  Christ  acts  at  God's  bidding ;  '  The  Son  can  do  nothing  of 
himself,"  Jno.  5^^ ;  the  time  for  the  entrance  of  the  judgment 
the  Father  has  set  in  his  own  power,  Ac.  1'^,  cf.  Mt.  24^^.  Thus 
the  difficulty  spoken  of  above  (on  v.  14)  is  removed.  —  Tre/xyjrov, 
send:  with  this  use  of  irefxireiv  cf.  airocneWetv  Mk.  4^^,  e^airo- 
(TTeXXeiv  Joel  3^^.  —  £|T|pdvGTi,  has  become  dried  up:  i.e.  is  fully 
ripe  ;  it  is  high  time  to  reap.     The  aor.  is  inceptive. 

17.  In  the  vision  of  the  vintage  which  now  follows,  vv.  17-20, 
the  principal  feature,  as  in  its  original,  Joel  3^^,  is  contained, 
not  in  the  ingathering  of  the  grapes,  but  in  the  treading  of  the 
winepress.  The  crushing  of  the  grapes  in  the  press,  and  es- 
pecially the  staining  of  the  feet  and  garments  of  the  treaders 
with  the  red  juices,  the  'blood  of  the  grapes'  (Gen.  49^^),  be- 
came a  familiar  figure  for  the  utter  trampling  down  of  enemies 
and  furious  vengeance.  Hence  this  symbol  of  God's  wrath 
visited  upon  the  wicked  ;  cf .  Is.  63'^~*,  '  Wherefore  art  thou  red 
in  thine  apparel,  and  thy  garments  like  him  that  treadeth  in 
the  winevat?  ...  I  trod  them  in  mine  anger,  and  trampled 
them  in  my  wrath ;  and  their  lifeblood  is  sprinkled  upon  my 
garments,  and  I  have  stained  all  my  raiment.  For  the  day  of 
vengeance  was  in  my  heart ' ;  cf .  Joel  3^^,  Lam.  1^^,  Rev.  19^^. 
The  meaning  of  the  second  vision  is  clear ;  it  pictures,  not  the 
judgment  as  a  whole,  but  God's  vengeance  visited  upon  the 
wicked.  It  is  then  not  parallel  with  the  first,  which,  as  seen 
above,  figures  the  whole  judgment,  as  it  aifects  the  righteous 
and  the  wicked  alike.  We  have  in  the  two  visions,  as  often 
with  the  author,  first  a  general  fact  or  statement,  then  a  detail 
or  part  (see  p.  242).  Similarly  at  the  opening  of  the  paragraph 
we  have  the  announcement  of  the  judgment  as  a  whole,  vv.  6-7; 
then  the  judgment  upon  Rome  and  the  worshipers  of  the 
Beast,  vv.  8-11.  If  this  relation  of  the  two  visions  to  each 
other  is  observed,  the  difficulty  of  a  supposed  cotirdination  of 
an   angel  with   Christ   in    the    harvesting  (see  pp.  667  ff.)  is 


664  THE   APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIV.  17 

removed.  The  Christ  is  the  judge  whose  function  extends  to 
the  whole  judgment ;  an  angel  is  made  the  agent  of  the  execu- 
tion of  God's  wrath  on  the  wicked.  So  in  the  picture  of  the 
general  judgment  of  the  good  and  bad  alike  given  in  Mt.  13, 
it  is  the  angels  that  are  sent  to  punish  the  wicked,  vv.  41  f., 
49  f .  The  function  of  the  '  angels  of  punishment '  is  mentioned 
frequently  in  En.,  e.g.  53^,  56^  —  £K  tov  vaoi),  from  the  temple: 
the  angel  of  the  vintage  also  comes  from  the  dwelling-place  of 
God,  showing  that  he  is  God's  agent ;  see  on  v.  15.  —  Kal 
avTos,  he  also:  like  the  Messiah,  v.  14.  —  Spciravov,  a  sickle:  the 
hpeiravov  was  a  reaping-hook.,  used  alike  for  reaping,  and  for 
pruning  the  vine  and  cutting  off  the  clusters  at  the  vintage. 

18-19.  In  the  introduction  of  still  another  angel  to  give  the 
word  for  action  this  vision  is  in  conformity  with  the  first 
(v.  15),  but  there  is  here  an  added  detail ;  he  comes  from  the 
altar,  upon  which  was  offered  the  incense  accompanying  the 
prayers  of  the  saints  for  judgment.  Thus  it  is  shown  that 
the  prayers  are  about  to  be  answered ;  see  on  8'\  —  6  'iyjav 
c|oi)(riav  kt\.  ,  he  that  hath  potver  over  fire :  for  the  angels  of  the 
different  elements  see  p.  445.  Why  this  particular  angel 
should  be  deputed  as  the  messenger  is  not  certain ;  pre- 
sumably it  is  because  he  is  identified,  or  at  least  associated, 
with  the  fire  of  the  incense  burnt  in  behalf  of  the  prayers  of 
the  saints.  Cf.  8^*^-,  9^-^,  16'^. — Trc|j,\};ov:  see  on  v.  15. — xi^v 
X-qvov  .  .  .  Geov,  the  winepress  of  the  wrath  of  Grod:  see  on  v.  17. 
—  TOV  [JLc-yav :  the  change  of  gender  is  peculiar.  While  Xt/w? 
is  sometimes  masc,  it  is  likely  that  the  author  changes  to  that 
use  here,  because  he  has  in  mind  what  is  here  symbolized  by 
the  press  and  is  expressed  in  the  intervening  words,  tov  dv^iov 
TOV  deov. 

20.  €|b)6€V  TT]S  TToXeto?,  without  the  city:  the  great  slaughter 
of  God's  enemies  in  the  last  day  is  placed  by  Joel  (3^^)  in  the 
valley  of  Jehoshaphat,  whose  location,  however,  cannot  be 
identified ;  but  the  prophet  appears  to  have  in  mind  through- 
out that  chapt.  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem.  In  Zee.  14*  Jeho- 
vah appears  against  his  enemies  on  the  mount  of  Olives.  Cf . 
also  Dan.  ll^s,  2  Es.  13^*  S  Ap.  Bar.  40^,  Sib.  Or.  III.  667  f.. 
Rev.  20^.  A  final  assault  upon  God's  people  by  the  assembled 
forces  of  their  enemies,  and'  the  overthrow  of  these,  are  the 


XIV.  20]  COMMENTARY  665 

common  predictions  of  the  upocalyptic  writings  (see  pp.  35  ff.), 
and  this  event  is  thought  of  as  taking  phice  near  Jerusalem. 
The  Apocalyptist  appears  to  have  this  tradition  in  mind  in  the 
use  of  the  words  'without  the  city.'  The  words,  unless  they 
are  merely  a  traditional  apocalyptic  phrase  retained  without 
precise  thought  of  locality,  refer  to  the  Jerusalem  of  20^,  not 
the  new  Jerusalem  ;  see  pp.  646  ff.  It  is  not  necessary  to  sup- 
pose some  document  containing  the  phrase  to  be  used  here  ; 
see  pp.  667  f .  —  o-x.pi  •  •  •  tcov  iinroDV,  unto  the  bridles  of  the 
horses:  the  awfulness  of  the  slaughter  is  expressed  by  a  hyper- 
bole, which  occurs  elsewhere;  cf.  En,  100'%  'From  dawn  till 
sunset  they  shall  slay  one  another  ;  and  the  horse  shall  walk 
up  to  the  breast  in  the  blood  of  sinners,  and  the  chariot  shall 
be  submerged  to  its  height.'  A  similar  passage  is  cited  from 
Mandsean  eschatology :  '  The  horse  of  the  king  of  heaven 
wades  in  blood  up  to  the  saddle,  and  the  blood  reaches  to  his 
nostrils'  (cf.  Wellhausen,  Anal.  24),  The  hyperbole  is  also 
found  in  rabbinical  writings;  see  Schiirer  I.  695. — diro  ara- 
8ici)V  )(i\ia>v  €|aKoo-ia)V,  for  a  distance  of  a  thousand  and  six  hun- 
dred furhmys:  the  measure  is  without  doubt  syml)olical ;  as  the 
measure  of  a  field  deeply  covered  with  the  blood  of  the  slain  it 
is  inconceivably  vast.  That  significance  is  clear  and  is  proba- 
bly all  that  is  meant.  It  is  not  possible  to  say  why  the  number 
1600  is  chosen  ;  presumably  the  Apocalyptist  has  in  mind  a 
large  multiple  of  four  (400  x  4)  as  a  symbol  of  fullness ;  see 
p.  252.  Such  conjectures  as  that  the  length  of  Palestine  (a  not 
very  close  approximation),  or  the  familiar  expression  '  from 
Dan  to  Beersheba,'  suggests  it,  or  the  length  of  the  Red  Sea  — 
these  and  similar  guesses  are  altogether  fanciful.  For  othef 
conjectures  equally  far-fetched  see  De  Wette,  the  Speaker's 
Com.,  al.  in  loc.  —  For  the  use  of  airo  with  measures  of  distance 
cf.  Jno.  11^'^,  21'^;  see  Thayer  s.v.  I.  4,  a. 

Textual  notes,  li'^-i^.  6.  aWov  i^'^ACP  some  nun  most  vers  edd ;  want- 
ing in  K*Q  most  min.  —  8.  R  with  one  min  some  vers  omits  Seurepos-  — 
ayyeAos  wanting  in  K*  one  min ;  WH  bracket.  —  9.  R  with  vlg  and  some 
other  vers  omits  aAAos.  — 10.  twv,  with  ayiwv  ayyeXoJV,  AQ  most  min  R  AVs 
(^1/j.  127)  Alf  Blj  Bouss  WHmrg;  wanting  in  xCP  some  min  Lch  Ti  WH 
Sod  al. —  12.  R  with  some  min  inserts  w8e  before  ol  rr^/oowres. — 13.  ava- 
7rar](TovTaL  KAC  edd ;  avairavaovrai  Q  many  min ;  avairavaoiVTai.  P  many  min 
R  Sod.  —  yap  KACP  some  min  and  vers  edd;  8e  most  min  and  vers  R. — 


666  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

14.  vLOv  KAQ  many  min  edd ;  mo)  C  many  min  R  Ws  (Ap.  136)  Alf.  — 
18.  o  before  cx^v,  AC  some  vers  Lch  Ws  (Ap.  106)  Alf  RV  al ;  bracketed 
by  Tr  WII  Bouss  al]  wanting  in  KPQ  min  R  Ti  Sod  al.  — 19.  tov  fxeyav 
ACPQ  many  min  most  edd ;  rrjv  ficyaXrjv  K  many  min  R  RV. 

Criticism  of  i^^'^".  (1)  Vv.  6-13.  Of  the  widely  varying  opinions  of 
critics  regarding  vv.  6-13,  the  following  are  representative.  Vcilter  (Pmb- 
lem  233  ft'.)  connects  vv.  6-7  directly  with  his  original  form  of  w.  1-3,  as 
a  part  of  the  primitive  Christian  apocalypse ;  both  passages  reveal  in  the 
face  of  coming  judgment  an  act  of  God's  grace ;  in  vv.  1-3  toward  the  chil- 
dren of  his  covenant,  in  vv.  6-7  toward  the  heathen,  who  may  repent  in  the 
coming  visitations.  Verse  8,  declaring  the  judgment  upon  Rome,  is  re- 
peated" in  the  full  picture  of  chapt.  18 ;  both  therefore  cannot  be  original 
and  preference  is  given  to  14*;  vv.  9-13  are  out  of  place  because  after  the 
judgment  of  Rome  has  already  begun  (w.  8, 14-20),  and  after  the  redeemed 
are  already  safe  in  mount  Zion  (w.  1-3),  warning  against  the  worship  of 
the  Beast  would  come  too  late ;  these  verses  are  probably  interpolated  by 
the  author  of  chapt.  18.  J.  Weiss  (9.5  f.)  assigns  w.  6-7  to  the  primitive 
Johannine  apocalypse,  but  refers  w.  8,  9-13  to  a  redactor.  In  v.  6  he 
changes  ayyeAov  to  aerov,  which  he  sets  in  contrast  with  the  eagle  of  13*, 
thus  explaining  aXAov;  see  Com.  Spitta  (148  ff.)  finds  here  a  much  revised 
fragment  from  his  Jewish  document  J',  and  connects  it  with  chapt.  13; 
V.  8  must  be  from  the  redactor,  because  such  an  announcement  of  the  fall 
of  Babylon  without  previous  allusion  or  intimation  of  the  meaning  is  out 
of  place  here ;  the  larger  part  of  vv.  10-11  nuist  be  omitted,  as  containing 
a  repetition  from  v.  9,  and  as  being  unintelligible  except  from  the  descrip- 
tion of  Babylon's  judgment  which  is  not  given  till  later,  chapts.  17-18; 
w.  12-13  must  be  rejected  because  such  words  of  comfort  to  Christians  do 
not  belong  between  the  warning  to  worshipers  of  the  Beast  (9-11)  and  the 
representation  of  the  judgment  (vv.  14-20).  By  these  omissions  all  Chris- 
tian touches  are  removed  from  the  passage.  T,he  diificulty  in  the  word 
'  other '  in  V.  6  Spitta  removes  as  follows :  the  angel  of  v.  6  is  contrasted 
with  an  angel  mentioned  in  the  original  form  of  w.  1-5 ;  the  redactor,  how- 
ever, in  revising  those  verses  omitted  the  reference  to  the  angel,  but  forgot 
to  revise  v.  6  to  make  it  conform.  Vischer  connects  the  passage  directly 
with  chapt.  13  as  a  part  of  his  Jewish  apocalyj^se.  He  omits  w.  12-13  as 
unsuited  to  the  context  (see  above  on  Spitta),  and  further  objects,  the 
phraseology  of  these  verses  is  a  repetition  of  the  Christian  passage  13^-1°, 
such  words  as  ttio-tis  and  vTrofJiovrj  being  found  only  in  the  Christian  addi- 
tions to  the  book ;  in  v.  10  koL  ivwmov  tov  apviov  is  to  be  rejected  as  only 
a  cumbersome  appendage  to  the  sentence.  The  Christian  features  being 
thus  removed,  the  rest  of  the  paragraph  is  Jewish.  If  it  had  been  Chris- 
tian, the  command  in  v.  7,  '  Fear  God,'  etc.,  would  have  enjoined  also  a 
recognition  of  Jesus  as  the  Messiah.  Pfleiderer  agrees  with  Vischer  in 
most  respects,  but  connects  these  vv.  directly  with  lO^"''.  Sabatier  also 
thinks  that  a  Jewish  oracle  is  incorporated  here.  Weyland,  omitting  vv.  8, 
12-13,  assigns  the  passage  to  his  Jewish  document  Beth. 


CRITICISM   OF  XIV.  6-20  667 

This  survey  of  leading  critical  opinions  with  their  wide  range  of  diver- 
gences and  contradictions  makes  clear  the  difficulty  of  establishing  any 
theory  of  composition  of  such  a  kind  and  on  such  grounds  as  here  urged. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  theory  of  a  substantial  unity  of  the  passage  and  its 
appropriateness  here  is  supported  by  a  legitimate  exegesis  and  a  due  regard 
to  the  author's  manner ;  see  Summary,  pp.  280  f .,  and  Com.  Its  oneness  of 
authorship  with  the  book  as  a  whole  is  confirmed,  as  in  case  of  w.  1-5,  by 
the  frequent  traces  of  the  hand  that  appears  elsewhere ;  compare  v.  6  with 
59,  79,  813,  iQT  (ewyye'Aiov,  evrfyyeXidev,  see  Com.),  10",  ll^,  13^ ;  v.  7  with 
52,  10« ;  V.  8  with  16i9,  17^,  183 .  y,  9  ^jth  13  passim,  16^,  19^°,  20^ ;  v.  10 
with  1619,  183,  6^  1915, 20^  2010,  218;  v.  11  with  4^,  19^;  v.  12  with  12i',  I310; 
V.  13  with  2'',  221'',  ^nd  the  close  of  the  seven  epistles. 

(2)  w.  14-20.  These  verses  are  taken  by  many  critics  to  announce  the 
judgment  as  introduced  at  this  point  in  the  order  of  events  in  the  book. 
After  this  then  there  would  seem  to  be  no  place  for  a  continuation  of  the 
pre-messiauic  plagues  (chapt.  16),  the  destruction  of  Rome  (chapts.  17-19), 
and  the  last  conflict  (I911-21).  The  solution  of  the  difficulty  thus  raised  is 
sought  by  most  critics  in  the  supposition  that  the  passage  stood  originally 
at  the  end  of  another  apocalypse,  or  of  an  earlier  form  of  our  Apocalypse. 
Some  indications  of  a  different  connection  are  thought  to  be  found ;  e.g. 
the  obscure  words  '  without  the  city,'  v.  20 ;  the  appearance  of  '  another 
angel,'  v.  15,  in  contrast  with  the  Messiah  of  v.  14  ;  '  another  angel '  in  w. 
17  f.  as  a  harvester  coordinate  with  the  Messiah,  as  it  were  a  second  judge 
of  the  eai-th  (see  Com.  in  loc).  The  passage  then,  it  is  supposed,  (a)  may 
have  been  taken  up  here  by  our  Apocalyptist,  without  observance  of  his 
orderly  plan,  as  one  among  isolated  oracles  incorporated ;  (h)  or  it  may 
have  stood  as  the  close  of  an  earlier  form  of  our  Apocalypse,  the  later 
inconsistent  chapts.  of  the  book  being  additions  by  another  hand  ;  (c)  or  it 
may  be  used  by  our  author  as  referring  to  only  a  part  of  the  judgment,  or 
a  preliminary  judgment.  Some  follow  Vischer  in  assigning  the  passage  to 
a  Jewish  document,  e.f/.  Pfleiderer,  Sabatier,  Spitta,  Weyland  ;  others  make 
the  original  to  have  been  Christian,  e.g.  Volter,  Erbes,  J.  Weiss.  Boiisset 
supposes  that  the  author  has  here  used  an  apocalyptic  fragment,  and  has 
worked  it  over  from  a  representation  of  the  final  judgment  into  that  of  a 
preliminary  judgment;  and  in  transforming  the  world-judgment  into  a 
subordinate  one  he  has  transformed  the  world-judge,  the  Messiah,  into  an 
angel ;  i.e.  the  person  of  v.  14  is  with  him  an  angel,  hence  '  another  angel ' 
in  w.  15,  17.  The  fragment  perhaps  followed  that  used  in  lli~i^,  which 
ended  with  the  punishment  of  Jerusalem;  a  judgment  of  those  'without 
the  city'  might  then  have  followed  naturally  in  the  fragment,  and  the 
Apocalyptist  has  retained  that  expression  unchanged  in  v.  20. 

But  the  vision  certainly  cannot  be  understood  to  describe  a  preliminary 
judgment,  which  is  to  take  place  before  the  final  doom.  The  universal  use 
of  the  figures  employed  here  shows  that  the  judgment  here  symbolized  is 
the  great  judgment  of  the  last  day.  See  pp.  661  f.  On  the  other  hand 
all  interpretations  of  the  passage  which  rest  upon  theories  of  Jewish 
apocalypses  as  the  basis  of  the  book,  or  of  extensive  redactions  of  a  primi- 


668  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XV.-XVI. 

tive  Christian  apocalypse,  only  increase  the  supposed  difficulties.  The 
Apocalyptist  who  gave  us  the  present  form  of  the  book  could  not  have  seen 
in  these  two  visions  a  full  revelation  of  the  last  days ;  those  days  included 
in  his  expectation  many  events  not  mentioned  here,  e.fj.  the  reward  of  the 
righteous,  the  resurrection,  and  the  final  glory.  To  suppose  that  the 
author  should  take  over,  as  an  isolated  fragment,  the  close  of  some  apoca- 
lypse, and  then  continue  in  his  book  with  a  series  of  events  which  must 
precede  the  End  chronologically,  or  to  suppose  that  a  redactor,  while  leaving 
unrevised  a  vision  of  the  End  here,  should  add  a  new  story  of  the  End  as 
yet  to  come  are  suppositions  which  imply  in  our  book  a  purely  mechanical 
method  of  composition  at  variance  with  the  fact  everywhere  apparent.  It 
must  be  that  the  visions  are  not  meant  to  represent  the  End  as  entering 
here.  For  the  significance  of  the  passage  in  this  connection,  and  for  the 
phrases  to  which  objection  is  raised,  see  Summary,  pp.  280  f .,  and  the  Com. 
in  loc.  As  regards  the  form  of  the  visions  and  some  of  the  details  it  is 
plain  that  traditional  representations  are  followed  (see  Com.)  Whether  a 
familiar  apocalyptic  fragment  may  in  the  use  of  any  phrase  have  been 
before  the  author's  mind  is  a  question  whose  importance  may  easily  be 
exaggerated. 


XV. -XVI.  —  TJie  seven  last  plagues,  the  plagues  of  the  bowls 
—  the  third  -woe.     See  pp.  281  ff. 

The  last  plagues.  As  in  all  such  prophecies,  these  plagues 
are  sent  as  punishments  ;  the  bowls  are  bowls  of  God's  wrath 
(15^,  16^),  poured  out  on  those  who  bear  the  mark  of  the  Beast 
or  are  otherwise  characterized  as  the  enemies  of  God,  e.g. 
16^'  ^'  ^  At  the  same  time  there  is  not  wanting  here  the  thought 
that  the  plagues  have  a  relation  to  the  call  to  repentance  (14^), 
and  that  the  possibility  of  their  enforcing  this  call  forms  also  a 
part  of  the  divine  motive  in  the  visitation ;  this  is  implied  in 
the  Apocalyptist's  express  mention  of  the  failure  to  repent  on 
the  part  of  those  who  are  thus  visited,  16^'";  see  on  9"",  The 
righteous  and  the  wicked  alike  might  seem  exposed  to  the  hor- 
rors of  some  of  the  plagues,  e.g.  the  third  and  the  fourth,  but 
the  Apocalyptist  is  here  wholly  concerned  with  the  punishment 
of  the  wicked,  and  the  righteous  are  left  out  of  sight.  The 
disregard  of  logical  necessity  is  not  surprising  in  visions. 
The  context  makes  clear  that  only  the  wicked  are  thought  of. 
The  plagues  follow  one  another  in  close  succession ;  the  world 
is  now  moving  quickly  toward  the  judgment.  It  is  doubtful 
whether   the   Apocalyptist   means    to   emphasize    especially   a. 


XV.-XVI.]  COMMENTARY  669 

difference  in  severity  between  this  series  of  visitations  and 
those  of  the  seal  and  trumpet  series,  though  these  are  of 
wider  extent  in  their  effects.  The  fifth  and  sixtli  pLagues  of 
the  trumpet-series  (chapt.  9)  would  be  thought  as  agonizing 
as  any  in  this  series.  The  culminating  effect  of  this  series 
added  to  the  others,  as  well  as  of  the  advancing  steps  within 
the  series  itself,  is  found  in  the  overwhelming  force  of  ac- 
cumulated woe,  as  blow  follows  blow  ;  see  p.  555.  The  signifi- 
cance of  the  plagues  as  a  manifestation  of  God's  wrath  is  more 
distinctly  expressed  in  this  series  than  in  either  of  the  other 
two. 

TJie  seven  hoivl-plagues  as  the  tJm'd  woe.  The  absence  of  a 
distinct  designation  of  the  third  woe  in  the  seventh  trumpet- 
series  gives  perplexity  to  the  casual  reader  of  the  Revelation, 
as  well  as  to  the  critic.  In  S^^,  in  the  midst  of  the  trumpet- 
visions,  an  angel  proclaims  to  all  the  world  that  three  '  woes ' 
for  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth  shall  follow,  each  in  turn,  the 
sounding  of  the  last  three  trumpets.  The  first  two  of  these 
follow  at  once  (chapt.  9)  upon  the  sounding  of  the  two  succeed- 
ing trumpets  (the  fifth  and  sixth  in  the  order  of  the  trumpet- 
series  from  the  beginning),  and  the  certain  coming  of  the  third 
is  again  announced  twice,  9^2,  Hi*.  The  important  place  which 
the  three  woes  occupy  in  the  author's  plan  is  evident ;  they  are 
the  last  three  great  calamities  in  the  course  of  the  '  tribulations' 
sent  upon  the  world  before  the  final  issue.  As  the  seventh 
trumpet  is  the  last  and  ushers  in  the  movements  which  are  to 
follow  to  the  end  (10'),  so  its  'woe,'  the  third,  is  to  form  the 
closing  scene  in  the  pre-messianic  visitations.  It  is  inconceiv- 
able then  that  the  third  woe  should  (as  some  suppose)  be  want- 
ing in  the  Apocalyptist's  portrayal  of  the  events  following  the 
sounding  of  the  seventh  trumpet,  though  no  particular  visita- 
tion is,  as  in  the  case  of  the  first  two,  expressly  designated  by 
this  term.  But  its  general  character  and  the  place  to  be  given 
to  it  are  indicated  by  the  announcements  of  it  and  by  the 
account  of  the  two  other  woes.  Like  the  first  and  second  woes,, 
it  would  be  a  terrible  supernatural  agency  working  in  the 
visible  world  and  inflicting  agony  and  horror  on  the  enemies  of 
God ;  and  it  would  stand  as  the  last  of  such  agencies  before  the 
parousia.     Like  the  others,  it  would  be  primarily  punitive  in 


670  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XV.-XVI. 

its  purpose,  but  at  the  same  time  there  would  be  present  a 
divine  motive  to  lead  to  repentance  —  a  motive  however  not 
realized;  see  pp.  554,  668.  These  conditions  are  fulfilled 
completely  in  the  bowl-plagues,  but  in  no  other  event  of  the 
seventh  trumpet-period.  The  occurrences  mentioned  in  ll^^, 
or  1212,  taken  by  some  interpreters  as  forming  the  third  woe, 
do  not  possess  the  character  nor  hold  the  place  required.  See, 
further,  on  12^^  and  p.  672. 

While  the  first  and  second  woes  consist  each  of  a  single  plague, 
this  third,  as  the  last,  the  one  in  which  the  wrath  of  God  is 
finished  (15^)  is  sevenfold;  it  is  thus  symbolized  as  complete. 
It  takes  its  place  as  the  seventh  in  the  full  list  of  seven  trumpet 
plagues.  The  difficulty  in  the  remoteness  of  the  bowl-visions 
from  the  announcement,  '  Behold  the  third  woe  cometh  quickly,' 
11^^,  has  been  spoken  of  in  part  above,  pp.  607  f.  In  fact  it 
is  apparent  rather  than  real;  for  all  that  intervenes  between 
that  announcement  and  the  introduction  of  this  paragraph  is 
in  reality  preparatory  to  the  events  now  to  come  in  the  seventh 
trumpet-period.  Chapts.  12-13  are  episodic  (see  pp.  275  f.) ; 
-j^ji5b-i9  ,^j-^(j  J41-5  ^j.g  anticipative  hymns;  14^-^"  is  a  prefatory 
announcement  of  the  future  judgment  (see  notes  in  loc.}.  After 
the  announcement  of  11^*,  the  first  actual  movement  which 
takes  place  in  the  earth  and  directly  touches  those  for  whom 
the  three  woes  are  proclaimed  (8^^)  is  this  very  outburst  of  the 
bowl -plagues.  For  the  use  of  the  word  raxv,  qvicMy^  in  11^* 
see  p.  608.  It  is  not  difficult  to  see  why  the  close  of  the 
bowl-series  is  not  followed,  as  in  the  case  of  the  first  and  second 
woes  (9^2,  11^^),  by  the  announcement,  '•The  third  woe  is  past,' 
for  what  follows  here  immediately,  chapts.  17-19^,  is  only  a 
fuller  expansion  of  a  part  of  the  bowl-series,  i.e.  of  16^^;  the 
new  paragraph  is  really  a  part  of  the  third  woe,  and  continues 
with  the  activities  of  the  angels  of  the  bowl -series ;  see  on  16^'^, 
17^  In  the  first  woe  the  Apocalyptist  added  in  9''"ii  a  fuller 
description  of  what  was  given  in  the  earlier  part  (see  notes  in 
loc.)  ;  so  here  the  destruction  of  Rome  announced  in  16^^  is, 
because  of  its  importance  in  the  author's  eschatology,  expanded 
fully  in  the  following  chapts.  Similarly  what  is  seen  in  the 
sixth  plague,  16^^~^^,  is  the  preparation  for  the  great  conflict 
described  in  19'^"^^  ;  the  latter  is  the  completion  of  the  plague 


XV.-XVL]  COMMENTARY  671 

here  announced;  see  pp.  281,284  —  it  is  a  part  of  the  third 
woe.  And  here  too  an  angel  of  tlie  bowl-series  is  the  inter- 
mediary, 19^~^^. 

The  recognition  of  the  bowl-plagnes  as  the  third  woe  has 
important  bearing  on  the  question  of  the  composition  of  the 
Apocalypse.  According  to  this  interpretation  the  program 
of  the  three  woes,  interwoven  with  the  trumpet-series  which 
was  introduced  in  chapt.  8,  is  completed  in  a  manner  which 
accords  with  the  first  two  woes  in  nature  and  purpose,  and 
which  gives  to  the  series  the  climax  anticipated  in  the  outset. 
Thus  the  bowl-series  not  only  looks  back  to  the  members  with 
which  it  is  organically  connected  ;  it  also  looks  forward  to  tw© 
crowning  events  now  to  follow,  the  destruction  of  Rome  and 
the  battle  of  the  Great  Day.  The  whole  portion  of  the  book 
which  is  thus,  in  its  outline  at  least,  brought  into  one  scheme, 
chapts.  8-19,  can  be  reasonably  regarded  in  its  present  form  as 
the  work  of  only  one  hand. 

The  relation  of  the  howl-plar/ues  to  the  E[/i/ptian  plagues  and  to  those  of  the 
trumpet-series.  Each  one  of  the  bowl-plagues  may  be  seen  to  contain  some 
reminiscence  of  the  Egyptian  plagues,  yet  only  in  the  first  and  third,  the 
noisome  sore  and  the  changing  of  the  drinking  water  into  blood,  is  there 
close  imitation  (cf.  Ex.  9i°,  7^*-).  For  the  most  part  the  suggestions  evi- 
dently derived  from  the  Mosaic  miracles  are  taken  up  and  used  with  free 
modification.  The  Egyptian  plague  of  blood  (Ex.  7^°)  furnishes  the  start- 
ing-point of  both  the  second  and  the  third  bowl-plagues ;  but  in  the  latter 
series  a  plague  of  the  sea  is  introduced,  as  in  8*,  in  distinction  from  the 
rivers  and  fountains ;  and  the  blood  of  the  sea  is  here  coagulated  and  decay- 
ing. The  fifth  bowl-plague  is  sviggested  in  part  by  the  Egyptian  plagnie  of 
darkness  (Ex.  10^2),  but  here  the  principal  effect  is  not  alone  the  horror 
of  the  darkness,  but  the  accompanying  physical  tortures.  Possibly  the 
Egyptian  plague  of  darkness,  interpreted  as  due  to  a  smiting  of  the  sun, 
as  in  812,  j^^^y  have  suggested  also  the  fourth  bowl-plagiie,  though  the  effect 
here  is  entu-ely  different.  In  the  sixth  plague  the  single  feature  of  the 
drying  up  of  the  waters  to  afford  a  passage  goes  back  ultimately  to  Ex.  14^1 ; 
the  essential  part  of  the  plague  is  entirely  dissimilar.  The  thunder,  light- 
ning, and  hail  in  the  seventh  plague  are  perhaps  suggested  by  Ex.  9^^~^^, 
but  in  the  bowl-plague  these  are  altogether  subordinate  to  the  other  effects. 
Such  a  comparison  with  the  Egyptian  plagues  is  of  value  as  showing  the 
probable  sources  of  various  factors  in  the  bowl-plagues,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  great  freedom  of  the  author  in  using  suggestions. 

A  comparison  of  the  bowl-series  with  that  of  the  trumpets  (chapts.  8-9) 
is  made  clear  by  a  tabular  conspectus. 


672 


THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN 


[XV.-XVI. 


The  Tkumpet-Series 

1.  Hail,  fire,  and  blood  ;  a  third  jnirt 

of  the  trees  are  destroyed. 

2.  A  thii-d  part  of  the  sea  becomes 

blood. 

3.  A  third  part  of  the  drinking  water 

becomes  wormwood. 

4.  A  third  part  of   the    sun,  moon, 

and  stars  darkened. 

5.  Hellish  locusts. 

6.  Myriads  of  hellish  horse  from  the 

Euphrates. 


7. 


The  Bowl-Sekies 

The  bowl  poured  upon  the  earth ; 
the  noisome  soi-e. 

The  whole  sea  becomes  blood,  coagu- 
lated and  decaying. 

The  drinking  water  becomes  blood. 

The  sun  smites  with  fire. 

Darkness  with  tortures. 

The  Euphrates  dried  up  for  passage 
of  kings  from  the  east;  demons 
gather  the  kings  of  the  earth  for 
battle. 

Great  convulsions  in  nature ;  Baby- 
lon and  the  other  cities  of  the 
nations  destroyed. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  table  that  there  are  close  resemblances  between 
the  two  schemes.  In  the  first  four  members  in  each  series,  the  plague  touches 
directly  the  earth,  the  sea,  the  drinking  waters,  and  the  sun  respectively,  and 
in  the  same  order.  There  is  in  both  series  the  same  departure  from  the 
Egyptian  plagaies  in  the  insertion  of  a  plague  of  the  sea,  and  this  stands 
second  in  each  series  and  before  the  plague  of  the  rivers  and  fountains.  In 
the  sixth  member  in  each  a  plague  comes  from  the  Euphrates.  There  can 
be  no  question,  then,  that  the  bowl-series  is  influenced  by  the  trumpet- 
series.  But  there  are  striking  differences  between  the  two.  In  the  trumpet- 
series  the  seventh  member  is  wanting.  Some  would  put  here  the  lightnings, 
etc.,  of  ll^^,  counting  these  the  seventh  plague,  because  the  seventh  trumpet 
has  sounded  just  before,  11^.  But  these  commotions  announced  in  IV^  are 
the  conventional  symbols  of  God's  wrath,  which  in  this  connection  is  about 
to  be  visited  on  the  wicked  in  fulfilment  of  his  covenant,  see  notes  in  lor.  As 
a  plague  in  the  trunipet-series  they  would  not  form  visitations  parallel  with 
the  terrible  tortures  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  plagues  in  that  series ;  they  could 
not  form  the  third  woe  ;  see  p.  669.  Furthermore  it  is  clear  from  the  table 
that  no  one  of  the  bowl-series  is  an  exact  duplicate  of  any  member  of  the 
trumpet-series.  In  the  sixth  the  scourge  of  the  Parthian  hordes  (see  on  Q^"*) 
shows  its  influence  in  both  series,  but  in  the  trvimpet  member  the  relation 
of  these  to  the  war  on  the  Beast  is  wanting,  as  is  also  the  important  factor 
of  the  demons  sent  forth  to  gather  the  kings  to  battle.  Of  the  bowl-series 
the  first  (the  noisome  sore),  the  fourth,  a  part  of  the  sixth,  and  the  impor- 
tant part  of  the  seventh  (the  fall  of  Rome),  have  no  parallels  in  the  trum- 
pet-series. The  fifth  member  of  the  trumpet-series  has  nothing  akin  to  it 
in  the  other  series. 

Taking  into  account  now  the  data  furnished  in  these  comparisons  we 
reach  the  pretty  certain  conclusion  that  as  regards  the  essential  nature  of 
the  plagues  the  bowl-series  cannot  be  said  to  have  derived  anything  from. 


XV.  1]  COMMENTARY  673 

the  trumpet-series,  as  independent  of  the  Egyptian ;  the  striking  resem- 
blance in  form  and  order  pointed  out  above  does  not  relate  to  significant 
features.  Therefore  the  view  of  many  critics  that  the  bowl-series  is  an 
imitation  of  the  trumpet-series  added  by  a  later  hand  (see  pp.  (i89  f.)  is 
improbable.  The  divergence  of  the  bowl-series  from  that  of  the  trumpets 
in  the  introduction  of  dissimilar  matter,  and  in  the  omission  of  matter  con- 
tained in  the  earlier  series,  is  too  great  to  warrant  a  hypothesis  of  imitation. 
The  resemblances  which  appear  in  the  comparison  are  accounted  for  more 
certainly  by  the  supposition  that  the  author  of  both  series  is  the  same  per- 
son, who  starts  from  the  familiar  Egyptian  plagues,  modifying  his  material 
freely,  and  following  in  the  second  series  to  some  extent  the  form  and  out- 
line which  he  had  already  adopted  in  the  first.     See  p.  690. 


XV.  1.  See  p.  282.  This  verse  announces  in  a  summary 
way  the  subject  whicli,  beginning  in  v.  5,  is  carried  out  in  full 
to  the  end  of  the  paragraph  (16^^).  It  forms  a  descriptive 
title  of  the  entire  section,  as  17^''  announces  the  topic  of 
chapts.  17-19*^.  Verses  5-6  in  which  the  angels  are  first  seen 
coming  from  the  ojjened  tabernacle  do  not  form  a  repetition 
of  this  verse,  which  is  not  meant  to  announce  the  actual 
entrance  of  the  angels  at  this  point.  The  office  of  v.  1  as  a 
kind  of  title-leaf  of  the  vision  might  doubtless  have  been  made 
clearer,  but  this  lack  cannot,  in  view  of  our  Apocalyptist's 
manner,  warrant  a  theory  of  different  documents  combined 
here  by  a  redactor  (see  p.  688).  The  method  of  structure 
does  not  differ  essentially  from  the  writer's  habit  of  introduc- 
ing a  general  or  comprehensive  statement  of  what  is  afterward 
taken  up  in  fuller  detail  ;  cf .  82,  126,  212,  see  p.  242.  —  dXXo 
cn]|X€tov,  \i^ya,  ktX.,  another  wonder^  great  and  marvelous:  a 
contrast  with  chapt.  14  may  be  intended,  but  better  with  the 
ar^ixdov  fxeya  of  121.  ggg  note  there  for  the  meaning  of  (njfielov. 
—  fjic-ya  Kal  BaDfJLacrTov,  great  and  marvelous:  not  merely  the 
appearance  of  the  angels  is  meant,  but  all  that  follows  to 
the  end  of  the  vision,  16^1.  —  €)(0VTas  TrXTi-yds,  having  plagues : 
i.e.  having  the  duty  of  inflicting  the  plagues  ;  for  €x<»  in  this 
relation,  see  Thayer  s.v.  I.  2,  k.  The  interpretation,  having 
the  bowls  which  contain  the  plagues,  is  not  sufficiently  compre- 
hensive. —  €TrTd,  seven :  the  complete  number,  see  p.  670. 
Cf .  Lv.  261'^'  21.  24,  28^  _  T-^j  €0-xdTas,  the  last  :  the  last  in  the 
series  of  plagues  sent  upon  the  world  before  the  End.  The 
2x 


674  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XV.  1 

words  are  appositional  and  emphatic  ;  the  following  words, 
'for  in  them  is  finished,'  etc.,  explain  why  these  are  the  last; 
in  them  the  wrath  of  God,  as  operative  in  the  pre-messianic 
punishments,  reaches  its  end,  the  world  remains  impenitent 
through  all,  and  with  the  close  of  these  is  ripe  for  judgment. 
It  is  not  meant  that  God's  wrath  against  his  enemies  will  no 
longer  exist ;  the  bowl-plagues  do  not  include  the  final  judg- 
ment.—  €T£X€(r6T|  :  prophetic  aorist. 

2-4.  See  p.  282.  These  verses  contain  one  of  the  author's 
anticipatory  hymns  sung  as  it  were  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
end  of  a  great  movement  which  is  about  to  begin  ;  see  pp. 
244  ff.  The  saints  are  foreseen  standing  in  the  throne-room  of 
heaven  after  all  is  past,  and  praising  God  for  his  judgments. 
While  the  language  is  general  and  includes  all  God's  judg- 
ments on  the  wicked,  there  is  special  reference  to  the  bowl- 
plagues  in  which  such  judgments  are  finished.  As  an  antici- 
patory hymn  the  passage  can  cause  no  difficulty  on  the  ground 
of  disturbing  the  connection  ;  see  p.  688  f .  —  cbs  6d\a(r<7av 
•iiaXiVTiv,  as  it  were  a  sea  of  glass:  i.e.  what  appeared  like  a 
glassy  sea.  For  the  meaning,  see  on  4^.  —  |jL€|xi'Y|i€VT|v  irupi, 
'mhifiled  until  fire :  perhaps  the  flashing  light  reflected  from  the 
glass-like  pavement  of  the  throne-room  is  meant.  As  the 
representation  of  a  sea  in  the  heavens,  common  in  apocalyptic 
imagery,  is  traceable  to  the  appearance  of  the  sky  and  the 
clouds,  the  figure  of  the  fire  may  perhaps  go  back  ultimately 
to  the  lightnings  (liouss.)  ;  at  all  events  it  is  here  merely  a 
factor  in  the  splendor  of  the  scene  ;  no  symbolical  meaning, 
such  as  the  presence  of  God's  anger  (so,  many  com.)  is  proba- 
ble. A  reference  to  the  Red  Sea  (so,  some)  is  purely  fanciful ; 
see  below  on  Tlie  Song  of  3Ioses,  p.  676  ff. — tovs  viKwvras : 
the  timeless  present,  the  victors  ;  see  on  14'^.  —  Kat  €K  ttjs  clkovos 
ktX.,  that  ^s,  over  his  image,  etc.  :  the  words  make  more  specific 
the  general  expression  ck  tov  O'qpiov.,  over  the  Beast.  The  prep, 
e/c,  from.,  is  used  with  reference  to  the  idea  of  corning  off  victo- 
rious from.  The  meaning  of  the  words  is  that  these  had  not 
worshiped  the  image  of  the  Beast  nor  received  as  a  mark  the 
number  of  his  name  ;  cf.  IS^'^-iT.  —  co-xwras  tirl  tt|v  9dXao-(rav, 
standing  upon  the  sea  :  not  6«/,  for  the  pavement  before  the 
throne  is  referred  to  ;  see  on  v.  2.  —  Ki6dpas  tov  Seo-O,  harps  of 


XV.  2-4]  COMMENTARY  675 

Q-od :  such  as  belong-  to  the  heavenly  worship;  of.  -S*',  14^, 
1  Chron.  16*^,  opjava  tmv  mSmv  tov  deov.  —  Tr\v  (abr\v  Mojuaecos 
/ct\.,  the  song  of  Moses  and  the  Lamb:  see  pp.  282,  676  ft". — 
Toii  So-OXoi)  TOV  0€ov,  the  servarit  of  Q-od :  a  common  epithet  of 
Moses  ;  cf.  Ex.  143i,  Jos.  14^,  1  Chron.  6^9,  Dan.  9".  See  on 
1^.  —  (xcydXa  ...  to,  cp-ya  aou,  great  and  marvelovs  are  thy 
works  ;  cf.  Ps.  lll^,  139^1  The  hymn  is  made  up  of  utterances 
from  the  O.  T.  —  Kvpie  .  .  .  iravTOKpoLToip,  0  Lord  Cfod,  the 
Almighty :  cf.  Am.  4i3  LXX,  Rev.  4^  ll^^  16^  al.  The  epithet 
is  especially  appropriate  here,  where  God's  great  works  of 
judgment  are  spoken  of. — 5iKaiai  .  .  .  al  68oi  aou,  righteous 
and  true  are  thy  ways;  cf .  Dt.  32^'  *i,  Ps.  145^'^.  —  6  paaiXcvs 
T(ov  cGvcov,  thou  king  of  the  nations:  cf.  Jer.  10''^.  The  reading 
0  yS.  roiv  altovcov^  king  of  the  ages,  RV,  means  the  ruler  of  the 
world  periods  and  all  that  belongs  to  them,  whether  the  pres- 
ent, or  the  coming  eternal  seon  which  follows  the  parousia.  — 
Tis  ov  p.T|  (j)opT|0TJ,  who  shall  not  fear?  Jer.  10'^.  For  ov  jxri  with 
aor.  subjv.  equivalent  to  emphatic  fut,,  see  Blass  §  64,  5,  Burton 
§  172. — 5o|do-eL  to  6vo|xd  aou,  glorify  thy  name:  cf.  Ps.  86^. 
- —  oaios,  holy  ;  cf .  I)t.  32'^  LXX.  God's  holiness  is  given  as  a 
reason  (oxL^foi-')  for  fearing  and  glorifying  his  name  ;  but  the 
holiness  here  meant  is  not  God's  sinlessness,  a  thought  foreign 
to  this  connection  ;  it  is  his  unapproachable  majesty  and 
power  ;  cf.  16^.  These  are  the  only  places  in  the  N.  T.  where 
the  word  is  applied  to  God.  For  this  meaning  of  holiness,  cf. 
Ps.  99^,  lll^;  see  Skinner  in  Hast.  II.  397. — TrdvTa  Td  €0vt| 
.  .  .  Ivwirtov  aoi),  all  7iations  shall  come  and  worship  before  thee  : 
cf.  Ps.  86^.  The  prediction  that  the  nations  shall  come  and 
worship  before  God,  uttered  here  by  the  saints  after  the  judg- 
ment, is  of  the  same  character  as  those  of  20^  and  22^  (said  of 
the  nations  though  they  had  already  been  declared  to  be 
destroyed,  19^1).  Such  prophecies  are  taken  over  verbally 
from  the  current  Jewish  expectations  regarding  the  attitude  of 
the  nations  toward  Jehovah  and  his  people  in  the  messianic 
age  ;  cf.  Is.  22"*,  Q&^^  ;  see  pp.  52,  54.  Without  strict  con- 
sistency the  Apocalyptist  uses  these  familiar  prophecies  to 
declare  the  absolutely  universal  recognition  of  God  in  the 
End  ;  see  p.  161.  The  second  on  (^for^  clause  establishes  the 
negative   implied  in  the  question  by  asserting  the   opposite  ; 


676  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XV.  2^ 

notie  shall  fail  to  fear  and  glorify  thy  name^  for  all  shall  come, 
etc.  The  third  on  {for}  clause  gives  the  reason  why  all  shall 
come  and  worship,  i.e.  because  of  the  manifestation  of  God's 
righteous  acts  of  judgment. 

The  sonfi  of  Moses  and  the  Lamh.  The  difficult  question  of  the  meaning 
of  this  title  given  to  the  hymn  of  the  victorious  saints  must  be  approached 
through  the  interpretation  of  the  hymn  itself  (vv.  3-4).  The  subject  of 
praise  as  given  in  the  first  words  is  God's  wondrous  works ;  but  this  general 
term  is  made  definite  in  the  words  immediately  following.  God's  wondrous 
works  as  seen  in  his  righteous  and  true  ways  are  meant,  and  still  more 
specifically  at  the  end  of  the  song,  those  righteous  acts  of  judgment  mani- 
fested in  the  sight  of  all.  The  word  dXr^^tvos,  true,  means  here,  as  in  gen- 
eral, true  to  the  ideal  character  (see  on  8"),  and  the  two  words,  '  righteous ' 
and  '  true,'  are  closely  connected  ;  God  is  true  to  his  character  as  a  righteous 
judge.  Now,  that  the  righteous  judgment  meant  here  is  the  punishment  of 
God's  enemies  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  is  these  plagues  sent  upon  the 
wicked  which  call  forth  the  hymn  in  this  place.  And  the  ascriptions  to  the 
rigldeuus  and  true  God,  repeating  the  language  of  the  hymn  and  inserted  in 
the  following  vision  of  the  plagues,  IS'^'^,  put  this  meaning  beyond  question. 
Compare  also  19-'  'i,  where  true  and  righteous  judgments  are  spoken  of  with 
similar  reference.  There  is  nowhere  in  these  two  chapts.  (15-16)  allusion 
to  a  judgment  awarding  blessedness  to  the  saints.  The  hymn  then,  like 
16^^,  19^,  is  a  song  of  praise  for  the  just  judgments  visited  upon  the  enemies 
of  God's  people.  It  corresponds  with  the  prayers  of  the  saints  in  6^°,  8^-^. 
See  on  6^". 

The  common  interpretation  of  the  hymn,  which  makes  it  a  song  of  praise 
for  deliverance  on  the  part  of  the  saints,  is  entirely  without  support  in  the 
hymn  itself  ;  the  saints  say  nothing  of  themselves  or  their  victory,  the 
whole  is  concerned  with  the  acts  of  God  with  reference  to  the  wicked. 
Very  different  are  the  songs  celebrating  the  deliverance  of  the  saints ;  cf . 
79 ff.^  ll^"*-,  V2^^^-,  142 f-.  This  song  might  have  been  put  into  the  mouth  of 
the  angels,  as  in  19^-'' ;  instead  it  is  assigned  to  the  victorious  saints ;  these 
form  a  fitting  choir  to  sing  of  (iod's  judgments  upon  their  persecutors.  They 
might  have  added  words  of  exultation  over  their  own  victory,  but  of  that 
there  is  nothing  in  the  hymn. 

The  interpretation  of  the  passage  as  a  song  of  rejoicing  over  deliverance 
is  based  on  the  meaning  wrongly  given  to  its  designation  as  the  song  of 
Moses  and  the  song  of  the  Lamb,  and  on  the  meaning  also  wrongly  given 
to  the  representation  of  the  singers  as  standing  on  (the  shore  of)  a  glassy 
sea.  As  Moses  and  Israel  sang  their  song  of  deliverance  by  the  Red  Sea 
(Ex.  15),  so  the  saints  are  thought  to  stand  by  the  crystal  sea  in  heaven 
victorious  over  the  Beast,  and  led  or  taught  by  the  Lamb  sing  their  song 
of  salvation.  Or,  as  some  take  it,  they  sing  the  song  whose  subject  is  Moses 
and  the  Lamb,  i.e.  the  deeds  wrought  by  God  through  these.  Of  this,  how- 
ever, there  is  nothing  in  the  contents  of  the  hymn.    The  sea  of  glass  in  v.  2 


XV.  2~i]  COMMENTARY  677 

is  certainly  the  same  as  in  4",  the  dazzling  pavement  of  tin;  court  of  heaven, 
a  part  of  the  splendor  of  the  scene ;  there  is  no  possible  comparison  with 
the  Red  Sea  (on  the  words  'mingled  with  fire'  see  p.  674).  The  title 
'  The  song  of  Moses,'  etc.,  does  not  explain  the  hymn ;  the  meaning  of  the 
title  is  rather  to  be  sought  throvigh  that  of  the  hymn,  which  is  clear. 

The  song  of  Moses  is  generally  understood  to  allude  to  that  of  Ex.  15. 
There  is,  to  be  sure,  a  certain  parallelism  in  the  circumstances ;  vengeance 
is  taken  and  God's  people  are  delivered,  and  in  each  case  the  righteousness 
of  (irod  can  be  seen.  Something  of  the  same  parallelism  might,  however,  be 
found  in  the  song  of  Deborah,  Jg.  5,  or  in  that  of  David,  2  S.  22.  If  the 
hymn  of  our  passage  be  conipared  with  that  of  f]x.  15,  an  essential  differ- 
ence appears.  Here  the  wonders  of  God  are  viewed  as  exhibiting  his  truth 
to  his  righteous  character,  and  as  thus  leading  all  nations  to  worship  him. 
But  in  the  song  of  the  Israelites  there  is  not  a  word  of  his  truth  and  right- 
eousness in  the  punishment  inflicted  ;  the  keynote  of  that  song  is  '  Jehovah 
is  a  man  of  war'  (v.  3),  with  swift  power  he  dashes  in  pieces  his  enemies, 
and  the  nations  are  struck  with  terror  and  trembling  before  him.  More- 
over in  the  hymn  of  the  saints  there  is  no  certain  verbal  reminiscence  of  the 
passage  in  Exodus.  It  seems  improbable  then  that  this  hymn  contains  any 
allusion  to  the  song  of  deliverance  at  the  Red  Sea.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
parallelism  with  the  song  of  Moses  in  Dt.  32  is  striking.  After  the  exor- 
dium of  that  poem,  verse  4  lays  down  the  thesis  upon  which  all  the  follow- 
ing words  are  based  (cf.  Driver  ICC.  m  loc.)  :  'All  his  ways  are  justice: 
a  (iod  of  faithfulness  and  without  iniquity,  just  and  right  is  he.'  This 
parallelism  is  striking  in  the  LXX  :  dAT^^tva  to.  «pya  avrov,  koI  Tracrat  at  68oi 
avTov  Kpi(T€i<i  •  Oe.o'i  ttkttos,  koI  ovk  luTLV  dSiKt'a  •  St'/catos  Kol  o(no<;  Kvptos. 
And  again  in  the  conclusion,  v.  43,  an  effect  is  declared  to  be  wrought  upon 
the  nations  by  God's  acts  of  judgment  similar  to  that  spoken  of  in  the 
hymn  of  the  saints :  '  Praise  his  people,  ye  nations,'  RVmrg ;  see  Driver 
in  loc.  It  is  true  that  miich  of  the  phraseology  of  the  Apocalyptist's  hymn 
is  also  found  scattered  through  other  parts  of  the  O.  T.,  but  the  title.  Song 
of  Moses,  points  to  none  of  these,  and  none  of  them  combines  so  many 
expressions  of  which  we  have  reminiscences  here.  It  is  moreover  to  be 
noticed  that,  while  Ex.  15  is  the  song  of  Israel  as  well  as  the  song  of  Moses, 
the  Deuteronomic  song  is  expressly  described  as  the  soncj  of  Moses,  as  one 
which  he  wrote  and  spoke  and  taught  to  the  people,  Dt.  31i».  22, 30^  ^2^*.  It 
seems  reasonably  clear  therefore  that  the  Apocalyptist  had  the  Deutero- 
nomic song  in  mind,  and  that  as  he  followed  that  poem  in  thought  and 
phraseology  in  framing  the  song  of  the  saints,  he  meant  also  to  give  to  the 
latter  this  familiar  title,  which  should  call  attention  to  the  identity  of  theme 
in  the  two  songs. 

As  a  further  designation  of  the  Apocalyptist's  hymn,  '  The  Song  of  the 
Lamb  '  is  added.  The  position  of  Aeyoi/res,  saying,  after  both  designations 
and  introducing  the  words  of  the  hymn,  shows  that  the  writer  had  not 
in  mind  two  separate  hymns,  of  which  the  second,  that  of  the  Lamb, 
has  been  omitted  (so,  some ;  cf.  p.  689),  but  that  the  words  given  form 
the  song  of  the  Lamb  as  well  as  that  of  Moses.     In  seeking  the  sense  in 


678  THE  APOCALPYSE   OF  JOHN  [XV.  5 

which  the  hymn  can  be  called  thns,  we  must,  as  before,  stai-t  from  the  hymn 
itself.  The  meaning  then  seems  to  be  clearly  this  :  as  the  hymn  declaring 
the  righteousness  of  God  shown  in  punishment  is  called  the  song  of  Moses 
because  its  thought  and  language  are  uttered  by  Moses  in  his  well-known 
song,  so  it  it  called  the  song  of  the  Lamb,  because  it  is  also,  as  it  were, 
uttered  by  the  Lamb,  not  in  words  but  in  the  acts  that  form  an  essential 
part  of  this  whole  revelation  of  the  last  things.  The  Revelation  is  a  book 
of  God's  righteous  judgment  upon  the  powers  of  evil,  and  the  Lamb  is  the 
foremost  agent  in  the  revelation  and  execution  of  this  judgment ;  he  breaks 
the  seals  of  the  roll  telling  of  the  righteous  acts  of  God  through  the  whole 
period  of  the  last  times  till  the  end  ;  he,  called  Faithful  and  True,  judging 
and  warring  in  righteousness  (19^^),  leads  the  armies  of  heaven  in  the  great 
conflict  with  the  Beast  and  his  hosts  ;  he  is  the  harvester  at  the  end  of  the 
world  (li^*^-).  The  connection  denoted  by  km,  and,  between  the  two 

titles  of  the  song  would  be  clearer  in  our  idiom  if  we  translated,  tchich  is 
also  the  song  of  the  Lamb  (cf.  Ac.  13^),  The  thought  of  the  Apocalyptist  in 
this  twofold  descriptive  title  is  evident :  the  righteous  acts  of  God's  judg- 
ment hymned  by  the  saints  in  his  presence  after  all  is  finished  are  but  the 
consummation  of  what  Moses  and  the  Lamb,  the  old  and  the  new  dispensa- 
tions, had  declared.  The  hymn  is  certainly  conceived  to  be  sung  after  all 
is  consummated,  for  the  saints  are  not  represented  in  the  book  as  admitted 
to  the  court  of  God's  presence  in  heaven  before  the  end.  Aloreover,  the 
singers  are  the  victors,  all  those  who  come  off  victorious  over  the  Beast,  an 
issue  not  decided  till  the  Beast  is  overthrown.  The  apparent  future  events 
of  V.  4  are  not  against  this ;  see  note  there.  While  the  bowl-plagues  pre- 
ceding the  end  are  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  introduction  of  the  antic- 
ipatory hymn,  this  contemplates  also  the  final  sequel  of  what  is  thus 
begun. 


XV.  5.  The  plagues  announced  in  v.  1  are  about  to  begin. 
The  immediate  preparation  is  described  in  I-S^-IG^.  See  p.  282. 
Cf.  the  preparation  for  the  trumpet-plagues,  8^"^. — fivoi-Yil  6 
vads,  the  smictuary  was  opened :  once  before,  the  opening  of  the 
sanctuary  has  been  made  a  detail  in  the  scene  ;  in  11^^  it  wjis 
to  reveal  the  ark  of  God's  covenant;  here  it  is  for  the  exit 
of  the  seven  angels,  as  coming  from  the  immediate  presence  of 
God.  The  sanctuary  meant  here  is  defined  by  the  following 
appositional  gen.  The  tabernacle  of  the  wilderness  was  called 
the  'tabernacle  of  the  testimony'  (e.//.  Ex.  38^1,  Num.  lO^i, 
Ac.  7*^),  because  it  contained  the  ark,  or  the  tables,  of  the 
testimony,  the  ten  commandments,  which  declared  the  nature 
and  will  of  God.  See  Hast.  IV.  725,  Westcott  Heh.  285.  P'or 
the    critical   difficulty   raised   by   the  first    appearance    of    the 


XVI.  1]  COMMENTARY  679 

angels  here,  thoug-ht  to  l)e  at  variiuioe  with  tlie  announcement 
of  V.  1,  see  note  there. 

6-8.  ol  CTTTcl  d'Y'YeXoi,  the  seven  an'/ela :  the  art.  probably 
designates  them  as  those  mentioned  in  v.  1,  though  possibly 
the  seven  presence-angels  are  meant  as  in  8"^. —  €\ovt€S  .  .  . 
irXiTYoiS,  having  the  seven  jjlai/ues  :  not  the  bowls  containing  the 
plagues,  for  these  are  given  to  them  afterwards,  v.  7.  For  the 
meaning,  see  on  v.  1.  —  Xivov,  linen:  the  word  commonly  means 
Jlax,  but  sometimes  as  here  linen  clothes,  for  which  l3vacnvo<i  is 
used  elsewhere  in  Rev.  If  the  reading  XiOov  be  adopted,  it 
would  refer  to  precious  stones  worn  as  ornament  ;  cf.  17^,  18^*^, 
Ezk.  28^^.  The  white,  glistening  raiment  does  not  mark  the 
angels  as  priests  (so,  some  com.),  but  as  celestial  beings  ;  see 
on  3'^.  Their  service  is  not  priestly. — €V  .  .  .  I^oxov,  one  of 
the  four  Living  Creatures :  for  the  assignment  of  the  service  to 
one  of  these,  see  p.  282.  —  (|)Ld\as,  bowls:  the  (^LoKr)  was  a 
shallow  bowl-shaped  vessel  used  especially  for  drinking  and 
libations.  —  The  cloud  or  smoke  is  a  familiar  symbol  of  the 
presence  of  (rod  in  glory  and  power  ;  cf.  Ex.  19^^,  Is.  Q\  Ezk. 
10^.  — ovSels  tSvvaTO  clo-eXGcXv  KrX.^no  one  was  able  to  enter  into 
the  sanctuary,  etc. :  there  does  not  appear  any  certain  intima- 
tion that  the  unapproachableness  of  God  here  emphasized  is 
associated  with  his  wrath,  as  many  com.  take  it  ;  it  is  rather 
due  to  the  awfulness  of  his  manifested  presence,  as  in  Ex.  24^^, 
4034-38^  1  K.  81"  \  2  Chron.  5^=*  *-,  V'-  In  these  O.  T.  passages 
reference  is  made  to  this  special  manifestation  for  a  limited 
time.  So  here  God's  presence  in  the  tabernacle  in  the  cloud 
of  his  glory  is  coexistent  with  the  course  of  the  plagues  ;  these 
proceed  from,  and  are  wrought  by,  his  power,  specifically  men- 
tioned here ;  he  is  present  in  his  sanctuary  in  operation  till  his 
purpose  of  judgment  is  accomplished.  The  sanctuary  becomes 
filled  (^iyeiMiadr)  incept,  aor.)  with  the  cloud  of  his  glory  at  the 
beginning  and  continues  thus  till  the  plagues  are  finished  ;  cf . 
16^^  'a  loud  voice  from  the  sanctuary  saying.  It  is  done.' 

XVI.  1.  (jLC-YdXiis  <j>a)VTis,  a  great  voice:  that  of  God,  as 
shown  by  15^.  The  angels  have  received  the  bowls  but  await 
the  command  of  God  to  begin  their  service,  as  do  the  harvester 
and  the   vintager  in   14^'*"'^*^.     Thus   all   is  linked   directly  to 


680  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XVI.  1 

God. —  €LS  TT]v  "YTlv,  into  the  earth:  tlie  departure  from  the 
coniinand  in  the  case  of  the  fourth  and  seventh  angels,  who 
pour  their  bowls  upon  the  sun  and  the  air,  vv.  8,  17,  is  only- 
apparent  ;  the  bowls  are  poured  upon  that  from  which  plagues 
come  upon  the  dwellers  on  the  earth. 

2-3.  The  bowls  are  now  poured  out  one  after  another  and 
their  plagues  fall  upon  the  worshipers  of  the  lieast,  vv.  2-21. 
See  pp.  283  f.,  668  ff.  —  The  first  plague  is  like  the  Egyptian 
plague  of  boils  ;  Ex.  9^^.  The  victims  of  the  scourge  are 
declared  to  be  the  worshipers  of  the  Beast  ;  that  this  is  true 
of  the  other  plagues  is  clear,  though  not  expressly  stated.  — 
With  the  second  plague  which  turns  the  sea  into  blood,  cf. 
Ex.  7'"  '•,  and  the  second  trumpet-plague,  8^  ^-  Here  the  whole 
sea  is  changed  to  the  coagulated  and  decaying  blood  of  the 
dead,  and  all  marine  life  perishes  ;  but  the  corresponding 
trumpet-plague  affects  only  a  third  part  of  the  sea  and  its  life. 
—  l^wf^s  :   gen.  of  quality. 

4-7.  The  third  plague  turns  the  drinking  water  into  blood ; 
cf.  Ex.  7^*^.  The  corresponding  trumpet-plague  turns  it  into 
wormwood  (8^^).  There  is  here  a  certain  retribution  in  kind, 
which  evokes  praise  from  the  angel  wlio  presides  over  the 
waters  (see  p.  445).  The  words  celebrating  the  justice  and 
holiness  of  God  in  this  judgment  are  an  echo  of  1.5''  ^\  and  have 
the  same  meaning  (see  note  there).  The  same  is  also  true  of 
the  words  of  the  personified  altar,  v.  7. — For  the  parenthesis, 
vv.  5-7,  see  p.  283.  —  c-ycvcTO,  v.  4:  the  subj.  is  ra  vSara. — 
6  o)V  Kal  6  "^v,  tvho  art  and  tvho  wast :  see  on  1^.  The  addition 
0  ipxofJ-evo'i^  who  art  to  come,  found  in  1"*'  ^,  4*^,  is  omitted  here, 
because  the  End  is  now  anticipated  as  so  near  that  God  can  be 
thought  of  as  already  come  ;  see  on  11^'^.  — 6  oo-ios,  thou  Holy 
One:  a  voc.  For  the  meaning,  see  on  15"*. — 6.y}<iiV  Kal  irpo- 
(jj-qTwv,  saints  and  prophets  :  cf.  11^^,  18^4  ;  the  former  refers  to 
Christians  in  general,  the  latter  j)articularizes  a  class  among 
these.  For  the  use  of  /cat',  and,  in  such  a  connection,  cf.  Mk. 
16^,  Ac.  1^^. — T]Koi)(ra  toO  GucriaaTTipiou  ktK.,  I  heard  the  altar 
saying,  etc.:  the  altar  is  personified.  Reference  may  be  made 
here  to  the  martyrs,  whose  souls  are  beneath  the  altar  (6^),  or 
to  the  saints  whose  prayers  for  judgment  are  accompanied  by 
the  incense  offered  on  the  altar  8^~^.      In  either  case  the  mean- 


XVI.  11]  COMMENTARY  681 

ing  is  that  (rod  is  praised,  because  the  prayer  of  the  saints  for 
judgment  is  answered  in  this  phigue,  —  d\T|9tval  Kal  SiKaiai 
/ctX,.,  true  and  ric/hteous,  etc.  :  echoing  15'^  —  Verses  5-0  are 
suggested  naturally  by  the  character  of  the  retribution  in  this 
plague  ;  and  that  ascription  in  praise  of  (lod's  just  judgment 
leads  to  this  response  of  the  personihed  altar  in  a  similar  tone 
(v.  7).  As  regards  formal  structure  the  passage  divides  the 
seven  plagues  into  two  groups  of  three  and  four  —  one  of  tlie 
Apocalyptist's  characteristics  ;  see  p.  253.  It  is  noticeable 
that  in  the  first  three  the  prep(jsition  after  e'^e^eet-,  poured  out, 
is  ei?,  into  ;  in  the  last  four  eVt',  upon. 

8-9.  In  the  fourth  plague  power  is  given  to  the  sun  to  scorch 
men  with  great  heat.  They  see  the  hand  of  God  in  this  and 
the  other  plagues,  and  so  far  from  repenting  are  hardened  to 
blasphemy ;  see  p.  668.  With  this  result  of  the  plague  con- 
trast that  of  the  visitations  recorded  in  11^^.  —  avTW,  it:  the 
sun,  not  the  angel,  as  shown  by  the  analogy  of  the  other 
plagues.  —  Kavp-a  ^.e^a :  ace.  of  kindred  meaning ;  see  Blass 
§  34,  3,  Win.  §  32,  2.  Sovvai :  infin.  of  result ;  see  Blass 
§  69,  3 ;  Burton  §  371.  On  this  phrase,  '  give  God  glory,'  see 
on  1113. 

10-11.  The  fifth  bowl  is  poured  out  on  the  seat  of  the  Beast's 
power  and  a  plague  of  supernatural  darkness  (cf.  Ex.  10^^) 
spreads  over  the  whole  Roman  empire.  Men  gnaw  their  tongues 
in  their  distress. — tov  ttovou,  ^Ztt?  distress:  the  use  of  the  art. 
and  the  sing,  as  distinguished  from  the  pi.  in  the  next  clause 
(roiy  TTovcov)  indicate  that  the  particular  distress  caused  by  the 
darkness  is  meant.  But  darkness  alone  does  not  cause  physical 
pain,  such  as  is  here  described.  The  meaning  apparently  is 
that  the  preternatural  darkness  causing  distress  and  terror  in- 
tensifies the  pain  suffered  from  the  other  plagues ;  these  are 
conceived  to  continue  present  in  the  later  visitations,  as  is  seen 
from  the  pi.  '  these  plagues,'  v.  9,  and  the  words  '  their  pains 
and  sores,'  v.  11,  where  eX/ccoy,  sores,  refers  to  the  first  plague, 
V.  2.  For  a  vivid  picture  of  the  torment  caused  by  the  Egyp- 
tian darkness  see  Wis.  chapt.  17.  Spitta  (170  f.)  exaggerating 
the  difficulty  in  attributing  pain  to  the  darkness  supposes  this 
plague  to  be  an  awkward  imitation  of  9^-11 ;  the  pain,  he  thinks, 
is  that  inflictiMJ  l)y  the  sting  of  the  locusts,  and  the  darkness 


682  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  nXVI.  11 

that  caused  by  the  vast  swarms  of  the  locusts,  likened  to  smoke 
and  darkening  the  sun.  —  t<ov  ttovcdv,  Kal  twv  €\k(ov,  their  pains^ 
mid  their  sores :  the  use  of  /cai',  and,  addiiig  a  clause  which  par- 
ticularizes a  part  {rcov  ekKOiv)  of  the  whole  (joiv  irovoov)  is  the 
same  as  in  the  words,  '  the  saints  and  the  prophets,'  v.  6.  — 
The  impenitence  and  blasphemy  which  persisted  through  four 
visitations  (v.  9)  are  here  noted  as  persisting  still  through 
five  (v.  11). 

12.  The  sixth  bowl  is  poured  out  on  the  Euphrates  and  this 
is  dried  up,  that  a  passage  may  be  prepared  for  the  kings  from 
the  East.  Three  demons  in  the  form  of  frogs  come  forth  from 
the  mouth  of  the  dragon,  the  Beast,  and  the  false  prophet,  to 
gather  together  the  kings  of  the  whole  earth  for  the  battle  of 
the  great  day  of  God ;  these  are  gathered  together  into  the 
place  called  Harmagedon,  vv.  12-16.  That  this  plague  differs 
from  the  others  is  apparent.  The  others  visit  upon  men  the 
pain  and  torture  of  marvelous  operations  and  convulsions  in 
nature ;  but  in  the  sixth  there  is  no  such  effect.  In  this  re- 
spect this  plague  bears  a  relation  to  the  others  similar  to  that 
of  the  fifth  seal  (6^  ^•)  to  the  other  members  of  its  series ;  it 
looks  forward,  and  contributes  to  a  coming  result.  The  imme- 
diate effects  of  the  outpouring  of  the  sixth  bowl  help  to  bring 
in  calamities  which  are  to  fall  on  Rome  and  the  whole  world. 

The  drying  up  of  the  Euphrates,  that  a  way  might  be  opened" 
for  the  scattered  Israelites  to  return  from  the  East,  is  prophe- 
sied in  Is.  11^'^  ^\  2  Es.  13*" ;  the  Jordan  became  dry  before  the 
Israelites  entering  Canaan,  Jos.  3^^"^'.  The  ultimate  origin  of 
these  miracles  of  history  and  prophecy  is  the  miracle  at  the  Red 
Sea  (Ex.  14'^^  ^•),  as  is  seen  from  Is.  ll^*^.  So  the  Apocalyptist 
here  sees  the  great  barrier  that  held  back  the  hordes  of  the 
East  removed  by  the  drying  up  of  the  Euphrates.  Unquestion- 
ably he  has  in  view  here,  as  in  the  sixth  trumpet-vision  (9^^*), 
to  which  the  sixth  bowl-vision  is  in  part  parallel,  the  coming 
of  the  Parthian  hosts  widely  dreaded  in  the  Roman  world,  and 
now  forming  one  of  the  eschatological  events  connected  with 
the  expected  return  of  Nero ;  see  on  91*  and  pp.  400  ff. 

13-14.  In  the  second  part  of  the  sixth  bowl-vision  the 
dragon  and  his  two  subalterns,  as  seen  in  chapts.  12-13,  are 
introduced.     Nothing  is  said  of  their  entrance,  or  of  the  place 


XVI.  14]  COMMENTARY  683 

where  they  are  seen  ;  the  only  important  fact  is  that  from  them 
proceed  the  demons  who  are  to  work  the  marvel  of  causing  the 
kings  of  the  whole  world  to  unite  in  the  service  of  the  Beast 
and  to  come  together  into  one  place  in  readiness  for  the  battle 
of  the  great  day.  The  kings  of  this  passage  are  distinguished 
from  those  of  v.  12 ;  those  of  v.  12  are  the  kings  of  the  East, 
those  of  this  passage  are  the  kings  of  the  whole  world,  who 
will  be  allied  with  the  Beast  in  a  future  event  lying  beyond 
the  events  of  this  bowl-plague.  What  is  here  described  is  only 
the  preparation  for  the  great  battle  (19"  ^•).  These  kings  of 
the  whole  world  are  identical  with  those  spoken  of  in  17^^"^*, 
where  the  symbolical  number  ten  is  given  to  them  (see  p.  669), 
and  where  their  function  in  the  war  with  the  Lamb  is  the  same 
as  that  described  here.  Their  united  gift  of  their  service  to 
the  Beast  is  here  attributed  to  the  influence  of  the  three 
demons ;  in  17^''  it  is  said  to  be  wrought  by  God.  But  there 
is  no  necessary  disagreement ;  the  vision  of  the  lying  spirit 
sent  by  Jehovah  to  entice  Ahab  to  battle,  1  K.  22}^~'^'^^  fur- 
nishes a  precise  parallel.  This  vision  of  the  sixth  bowl  com- 
bines two  distinct  traditions,  that  of  a  Parthian  host  coming 
with  the  returning  Nero  to  conquer  the  Roman  world  (v.  12), 
and  that  of  the  great  assault  of  the  united  kings  of  the  earth 
upon  God's  people  in  the  last  days  (vv.  13-14 ;  see  on  ll^o  and 
p.  36).  It  might  be  supposed  that  the  Apocalyptist  in  the  first 
part  (v.  12)  has  in  mind  solely  the  destruction  of  Rome  by  the 
Neronic  Antichrist  and  his  Parthian  allies,  an  event  falling 
within  the  period  of  the  bowl-plagues ;  while  in  the  second 
part  (vv.  13-14)  he  is  looking  forward  to  the  later  event,  the 
final  battle  with  the  Messiah  described  in  19"  '^■.  But  it  is 
doubtful  whether  he  here  conceives  a  historic  program  for 
the  future  so  distinctly  articulated ;  certainly  in  17^^-17  ^  dis- 
tinction is  not  made  between  two  classes  of  the  Beast's  allies. 

irvc-ufJiaTaTpta  :  we  might  expect  a  pred.  partic.  eKTropevo/jieva; 
its  25la.ce  is  supplied  by  the  rel.  clause,  a  iKTropeverai.  —  ws  pd- 
Tpa)(OL,  like  frogs:  i.e.  in  form.  The  loathsome  appearance  of 
the  frog  makes  the  representation  appropriate  ;  possibly  it  is 
suggested  by  the  Egyptian  plague,  Ex.  8*^,  but  this  seems 
remote.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  idea  is  taken  from  some 
mythological  tradition.     The  frog  figures  in  Persian  mythology 


684  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XVI.  14 

(Volter  Offenh.  114).  A  certain  parallel  to  this  passage  is 
found  in  Hennas  Vis.  IV.  1,  6,  where  fiery  locusts  are  seen 
coming  out  of  the  mouth  of  a  fabulous  beast. — clo-lv  -ydp 
irvtvixaTa  kt\.,  for  there  exist  spirits  of  demons  which  work 
miracles^  or  for  they  are  spirits  of  demoyis  working  miracles  :  of 
the  two  constructions  possible  the  second  takes  the  words  as 
explaining  the  designation  '  unclean  spirits '  ;  they  are  so  called 
because  they  are  the  spirits  of  demons,  etc.  But  the  familiar 
term  does  not  need  explanation,  and  this  clause  can  hardly  be 
said  to  add  anything  not  contained  in  the  designation  itself. 
The  first  construction  takes  the  words  as  explaining  the  power 
of  the  spirits,  for  there  are  spirits  that  work  miracles.  This 
latter  is  perhaps  better  as  giving  due  significance  to  Troiovvra 
(Trjixela.  The  sentence  elalv  jap  .  .  .  crrjfiela  is  parenthetical. 
The  rel.  clause  a  eKTropeveTai  kt\.,  u'hich  go  forth.,  etc.,  should 
be  joined  directly  with  Trvevfiara  rpia.,  three  spirits,  since  some 
statement  of  the  purpose  of  the  appearance  of  these  is  needed, 
and  the  words  elhov  e/c  ktX.  need  completion.  —  These  spirits, 
like  the  second  beast  13^'^  *•,  work  miracles  to  deceive  ;  thus 
they  influence  the  kings  to  further  the  cause  of  the  Beast.  — 
TToXeixov  :  for  the  meaning,  battle,  cf.  9^.  ^Tfjs  f)|jL€pas  kt\.,  the 
great  day:  not  the  destruction  of  Rome,  but  the  later  event, 
the  day  of  the  Lord's  coming  to  the  battle  with  the  Beast. 

15.  The  gathering  of  all  the  forces  of  the  Beast  for  battle 
will  open  to  the  saints  the  supreme  crisis.  The  mention  of  it 
moves  the  Apocalyptist  to  interject,  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  a 
warning  that  the  day  will  come  suddenly,  when  not  looked  for, 
as  a  thief  in  the  night,  and  that  the  Christian  must  be  watch- 
ful and  ready.  Such  a  warning  in  the  midst  of  these  prophe- 
cies is  altogether  appropriate,  and  it  falls  in  with  the  writer's 
tendency  to  insert  ejaculatory  parentheses,  see  p.  244.  There 
is  then  no  ground  for  the  theory  of  an  interpolation  or  gloss ; 
so,  Spitta,  Volter,  al.  —  ep)(^0|JLai  cbs  KXeiTTTis,  /  come  as  a  thief: 
see  on  3^.  —  [xaKapios,  blessed  :  see  on  1'^  ■ —  tva  \i.t\  yv\ivbs  ktX., 
that  he  may  Hot  walk  naked,  etc.  :  the  C'hristian  will  remain 
steadfast  and  prepared,  as  one  who  watching  by  night  guards 
his  garments,  that  he  may  have  them  at  hand  for  need. 

16.  <n)vf|'Ya'Y€V  avTOvs,  they  gathered  them  together  :  the  subj. 
of  the  vb.  is  the  spirits  of  v.  13.     The  kings  of  the  earth  are 


XVI.  17]  COMMENTARY  685 

assembled  with  their  liosts  in  readiness  for  the  battle,  which 
is  to  take  place  later,  ]9^^*^- — '  Apixa^cSwy,  Harmagedon :  on 
the  form  of  the  word,  see  text,  notes.  The  name  here  given 
to  the  place  where  Satan's  hosts  are  gathered  and  where  doubt- 
less the  battle  of  19^^  ^-  is  conceived  to  occur  is  unquestionably 
purely  mystical,  whatever  its  origin.  It  is  unknown  to  Heb. 
literature,  and  it  would  be  contrary  to  the  Apocalyptist's  use 
of  proper  names  to  identify  it,  in  its  eschatological  application, 
with  any  place  so  called.  See  p.  250.  He  pronounces  the 
name  to  be  Hebrew,  but  does  not  as  in  the  case  of  Abaddon 
(9^1)  translate  it,  or  explain  it.  He  knows  that  most  of  his 
readers,  for  whom  a  Heb.  word  must  be  translated,  cannot 
connect  with  it  a  specific  meaning  as  regards  locality  or  ety- 
mological significance.  We  are  therefore  justified  in  inferring 
that  he  does  not  attach  importance  to  the  name  itself,  but  uses 
it,  whether  inventing  it  or  receiving  it  from  tradition,  merely 
to  give  a  certain  precision  to  his  picture.  It  is  then  an  imagi- 
nary name  for  designating  the  scene  of  the  great  battle 
between  Antichrist  and  the  Messiah. 

As  regards  the  origin  of  the  name,  the  solution  which  has  met  with  the 
widest  acceptance  with  scholars  makes  it  a  compound  of  "IH,  mountain,  and 
the  proper  name  JT^J.^,  Megiddo  (Greek  MayeSSwv,  or  MayeSwi/,  among  various 
forms)  the  stronghold  in  the  valley  of  Esdraelon  near  which,  '  by  the  waters 
of  Megiddo'  (Jg.  5i^),  Israel  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  the  kings  of 
Canaan  —  a  "victory  celebrated  forever  afterwards  in  the  song  of  Deborah, 
Jg.  chapt.  5.  The  designation  'Mount  Megiddo'  thus  derived  is  open  to 
the  objection  that  the  region  is  not  a  mountain,  but  a  vast  plain.  The 
Apocalyptist  may  however  have  started  from  the  eschatological  prophecy 
which  placed  the  slaughter  of  the  nations  in  their  last  assault  upon  God's 
people  on  '  the  mountains  of  Israel,'  Ezk.  SS^^i^  39^'  ■*>  ^".  It  is  noticeable 
that  in  his  prelude  to  the  great  battle  he  follows  this  very  part  of  Ezk. ; 
see  on  19^^  ^-  He  may  then  be  supposed  to  define  the  indefinite  term  '  the 
mountains  '  by  adding  the  name  Megiddo,  famed  in  Israel's  history  as  the 
place  where  Jehovah's  enemies  perished,  Jg.  5^^.  But  it  must  be  acknowl- 
edged that  this  explanation  is  not  free  from  artificiality.  There  is  plausi- 
bility in  the  view  (Gunkel  265  f.  al)  that  the  name  is  taken  from  some 
apocalyptic  myth  current  in  tradition.  For  other  explanations,  which 
have  however  not  met  with  much  favor,  see  En.  Bib,  I.  310 ;  Ilast.  II.  304. 

IT.  The  seventh  bowl  is  poured  upon  the  air,  and  vast  con- 
vulsions follow  in  the  lieavens  and  the  earth.  An  earthquake 
such    as  the  world  had  never  known  before  tears  Rome  into 


686  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  pOT:.  17 

three  parts  and  overthrows  the  other  cities  of  the  nations;  the 
cup  of  the  fierceness  of  God's  wrath  is  given  to  Rome,  she  is 
overwhelmed  in  a  ruin  only  implied  here,  but  announced  in  full 
in  the  next  paragraph  (17-195).  Hail  of  inconceivable  magni- 
tude falls  upon  men,  who  continue  still  impenitent,  and  blas- 
pheme God  because  of  the  severity  of  the  plague.  Both  in  the 
vastness  of  the  phenomena  and  in  the  fullness  of  style  the 
Apocalyptist  seeks  to  give  to  this  bowl-plague  a  character  con- 
formed to  its  place  as  the  last  in  the  last  series.  Seven  times 
he  introduces  the  word  /xe^a?,  great,  accumulation  and  repeti- 
tion mark  the  phraseology  (vv.  18,  19),  the  calamities  surpass 
all  that  is  known  in  the  experience  of  men  ;  see  p.  249.  The 
visitation  of  Babylon  (Rome)  occupies  a  central  place  in  the 
plague;  with  the  fall  of  the  capital  city  of  the  world-empire, 
the  present  order  will  be  closed  and  Antichrist  will  assume 
universal  sway.  The  significance  of  Rome's  destruction  (see 
p.  158)  leads  the  Apocalyptist  to  present  the  subject  in  the 
powerful  picture  that  follows  (chapts.  17-19^). 

<j)ci>VTi  ixe-ydXTi,  a  great  voice :  that  of  God,  as  shown  by  airo 
Tov  6p6vov,  from  the  throne.  It  was  God's  voice  that  in  the 
outset  sent  the  angels  forth  on  their  commission  (v.  1),  and 
now  when  the  last  bowl  has  been  poured  out,  his  voice  is  again 
heard  declaring  that  his  command  is  in  this  last  plague  accom- 
plished. The  word  yeyovev,  it  is  done  (cf.  21^,  Lk.  14^^)^  antici- 
pates the  outcome  of  the  plague  in  which  the  wrath  of  God  is 
finished  (see  on  IS^).  —  tov  vaov,  tov  6p6vov,  the  sanctuary^  the 
throne:  the  same  blending  of  the  heavenly  sanctuary  and 
Jehovah's  throne-room  appears  here  as  in  other  places  in  the 
book,  see  p.  524. 

18-19.  (|)wvai,  voices:  see  on  4^.  —  ovtco  jJic-yas,  so  mighty 
(RV):  a  repetition  of  rrjXLKouro^,  so  great,  for  empliasis;  see  on 
V.  17. — T]  TToXis  TJ  iit-ydX-q,  the  great  city:  cf.  17^^  chapt.  18 
passim.  The  context  shows  that  Babylon  (Rome)  is  meant; 
cf.  14^,  chapts.  17-18.  A  reference  to  Jerusalem,  as  some  take 
it,  is  altogether  foreign  to  the  bowl-plagues;  the  punishment 
of  Jerusalem  by  earthquake  and  the  repentance  of  its  people 
have  been  given  already  in  chapt.  11.  The  mention  of  '  the 
cities  of  the  nations '  and  of  Babylon  in  the  following  words 
does  not  imply  that  '  the  great  city '  is  distinguished  from  these 


XVI.  21]  COMMENTARY  687 

and  must  therefore  be  Jerusalem.  What  is  said  of  the  great 
city  and  the  cities  of  the  nations  in  v.  19  a  is  merely  a  part  of 
the  description  of  the  unprecedented  violence  of  the  earth- 
quake; the  effect  on  Rome,  the  foremost  city,  is  mentioned 
first,  and  then  the  cities  of  the  nations  in  general  are  spoken  of. 
The  former  is  not  wholly  destroyed,  but  rent  into  three  parts: 
the  latter  are  completely  overthrown.  This  use  of  a  simple 
connective,  and,  in  passing  from  a  particular  case  to  the  rest  of 
the  same  class,  where  the  relation  would  be  expressed  more 
exactly  by  the  Avords  '  and  the  others '  is  an  idiom  not  peculiar 
to  Greek;  for  its  use  in  the  N.  T.  cf.  Rev.  IS^^,  Ac.  S^Q, 
Gal.  6^6;  see  Blass  §  81,  1,  Win.  §  58,  7,  h,  note.  From 
speaking  of  the  great  earthquake,  in  which  Rome  apparently 
suffered  less  severely  than  tlie  other  cities,  the  Apocalyptist 
passes  in  v.  19  b  to  the  special  visitation  sent  upon  her  as  the 
supreme  object  of  vengeance  in  this  plague-series;  she  is 
remembered  before  God  and  the  cup  of  the  fierceness  of  his 
wrath  is  given  her  to  drink  —  language  evidently  referring  to 
something  beyond  the  effects  of  the  earthquake,  lighter  in  her 
case  than  in  the  others;  it  implies  the  extremity  of  punishment 
inflicted  upon  her,  cf.  18*^.  She  herself  is  made  to  drink  the 
cup  of  wrath,  which  she  has  given  to  men  and  thereby  according 
to  18-*-,  14**  wrought  her  own  utter  ruin.  This  special  punish- 
ment of  Rome  is  only  alluded  to  here  in  passing,  because  it  is 
made  the  theme  of  a  special  paragraph,  that  which  follows.  — ■ 
We  have  not  then  in  the  book  two  disagreeing  representations 
of  Rome's  destruction,  as  some  insist,  one  in  this  passage 
attributing  it  to  an  earthquake,  the  other,  in  17^^,  18^,  attribut- 
ing it  to  fire  and  other  plagues.  — Sovvai:  epexeget.  infin. ;  see 
Burton  §  375.  — tov  oivou  tov  6v|JLo{i  /crX.,  the  tvme  of  the  ivrath, 
etc. :  see  on  11^'  i°. 

20-21.  After  allusion  to  the  special  vengeance  on  Rome 
(v.  19  b),  the  Apocalyptist  returns  in  these  verses  to  the  con- 
vulsions in  nature.  For  the  separation  of  connected  thoughts, 
as  common  with  the  author,  see  p.  244.  —  Trdora  vfjcros  (i^vy^v 
/ctA..,  everi/  island  fled  away,  etc.:  the  language  alludes  to  the 
sinking  of  islands,  etc.,  in  violent  earthquakes,  not  to  the  final 
dissolution  of  the  world  expected  at  the  end;  the  reign  of  Anti- 
christ  has   yet   to   intervene.     See    on    6^*. —  ws   raXavTiaia, 


688  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XVI.  21 

about  the  iveight  of  a  talent:  the  talent  as  a  weight  varied 
greatly  among  different  peoples  and  at  different  times,  from 
near  sixty  to  more  than  double  that  number  of  pounds.  All 
that  is  intended  here  is  hailstones  of  inconceivable  hugeness. 

Textual  notes,  lb'^-\'o" .  IS^^-.  R  with  some  min  inserts  ck  tov  ;(apay|Ua- 
Tos  avTOv  before  £k  tot;  apiOfJiov.  —  o.  rcov  eOvoiv  K'^APQ  most  min  vers  edd  ; 
TO)v  aicovwv  ^*C  some  min  vers  AVH  RV  (probably  due  to  1  Tim.  1")  ;  R 
has  Twv  ayitDv  vv^ithout  Ms.  authority.  —  6.  oi  before  exovre^  AC  most  min 
RV  edd ;  wanting  in  KPQ  some  min  R ;  WH  bracket.  — Xivov  PQ  most  min 
and  vers  R  most  edd  ;  \i6ov  AC  some  min  vlg.  Lch  WH  RV  al. ;  KaOapov  is 
against  XiOov,  which  is  not  supported  by  Ezk.  281^  LXX,  nor  by  ;^pvcrioi/ 
KaOapov  211* ;  ^  ]jas  Xivov<;. 

16-  *'•.  R  with  some  min  reads  ctti  instead  of  eis  before  T-qv  yrjv.  —  3.  ^ojt/s 
AC  one  min  vers  edd  ;  ^wcra  nPQ  min  vers  R  Sod.  —  4.  For  eycvero,  A  a  few 
min  Prim  Lch  WHmrg  al  read  eyevovro.  —  6.  ineiv  XPQ  min  most  edd  ;  ttciv 
AC  Ws  Ti  WH  al,  a  contracted  form;  see  Bkiss  §  6,  5.  —  7.  Before  tov 
dv(na(TT7]pLov,  R  inserts  aAAou  ck,  simihirly  some  Mss.  of  vlg.  — 12.  avaroAr/s 
KCQ  most  min  edd;  avaroXwv  A  some  min  R  Ws  WHmrg  RV.  — 16.  'Ap- 
/LiayeScov  (Harmagedon).  The  aspirate,  not  determined  by  the  uncials, 
appears  in  many  min  some  vers  and  anc  com,  and  is  adopted  by  most  edd, 
the  first  syllable  being  identified  with  "in ;  cf .  AVH  Intrud.  313.  The  aspi- 
rate is  wanting  in  some  min  and  vers,  some  Mss.  of  vlg  R.  The  ending 
-eScuv,  with  single  8,  is  supported  by  nA  many  min  and  vers,  and  is  adopted 
by  nearly  all  edd ;  R  with  Q  some  min  and  vers  has  -eSSwj/.  WH  reads  '^A/o 
MayeSwv.  The  shorter  reading  MayeSwv,  without  the  prefix,  is  found  in  Q 
some  min  and  vers.  — 17.  R  with  some  min  has  eis  instead  of  ctti  before  tov 
aepa. 

Criticism  of  cJiapts.  15-16.  The  principal  objections  urged  in  criticism  of 
these  chapts.  are  the  following.  (1)  The  paragraph  as  a  whole  is  out  of 
place  here.  After  the  appearance  of  the  Son  of  man  and  the  judgments 
of  the  harvest  and  the  vintage,  i.e.  after  the  end  is  reached  (Id^^^o-)^  there 
is  no  room  for  the  seven  plagues  which  are  preliminary  to  the  end  ;  so, 
Erbes,  AVeyland,  Wellhausen,  J.  AVeiss,  al.  The  series  is  a  mere  parallel 
of  the  trumpet-plagues,  and  was  added  by  another  hand  in  imitation  of 
those.  —  But  the  announcement  of  the  judgment  in  chapt.  14  does  not  pro- 
claim it  as  entering  at  that  point ;  those  visions  are  anticipatory.  See 
pp.  280,  661.  As  regards  parallelism  with  the  trumpet-series  see  p.  690. 
(2)  Verse  15'  in  which  the  seven  angels  are  seen  in  heaven  having  the  seven 
plagues  is  at  variance  with  IS^f-,  which  represents  them  as  first  appearing 
later,  when  the  temple  opens  to  give  them  exit.  A  redactor  is  here  com- 
bining or  working  over  derived  material ;  so,  Weyland,  Erbes,  al.  But  the 
very  difficulty  of  the  verse  in  its  relation  to  1.5^  raises  doubt  as  to  its  inser- 
tion by  any  hand  other  than  that  of  the  author  of  the  paragi-aph  as  a  whole. 
See  further,  p.  673.  (3)  A  song  of  victory  praising  God  for  accomplished 
judgment  (152-*)  interrupts  the  connection  between  w.  1  and  5 ;    it  does 


CRITICISM   OF  XV-XVI  689 

not  belong  here  with  phigues,  but  after  a  scene  of  deliverance;  allusion  to 
victory  over  the  Beast  is  alien  to  the  context ;  the  words  '  the  song  of  the 
Lamb '  have  no  significance  here.  Spitta  (157  ff.)  expunging,  as  the  addi- 
tions of  a  redactor,  all  reference  to  the  Beast  and  the  Lamb  makes  the 
passage  (IS^-*)  a  part  of  his  Jewish  document  J"'^  and  an  immediate  con- 
tinuation of  14'°;  it  was  a  song  of  deliverance  at  the  Red  Sea,  but  the 
redactor  christianized  it  and  transferred  the  scene  to  heaven,  combining  the 
Red  Sea  with  the  crystal  sea  of  4" ;  the  victorious  Israelites,  with  the  Elders 
having  harps  in  5** ;  and  the  song  of  Moses,  with  the  song  of  the  Elders 
praising  the  Lamb  in  5^  Erbes  (94  f.,  101)  makes  the  hymn  a  part  of  his 
early  Christian  apocalypse.  A  separate  song  of  the  Lamb,  found  in  the 
original,  is  omitted  here  by  the  redactor,  because  it  seemed  to  him  out  of 
place  after  he  had  inserted  the  bowl-plagues;  he  transferred  it  in  part 
to  5"-!^.  Volter,  who  makes  chapts.  15-16  a  part  of  his  Cerinthian  addi- 
tion, takes  the  hymn,  interpreted  as  a  song  of  martyrs  in  heaven  who  have 
fallen  in  recent  persecutions,  to  be  introduced  here  as  a  sign  for  the  begin- 
ning of  the  last  plagues.  The  mention  of  the  song  of  the  Lamb  is  redac- 
tional,  since  the  Lamb  would  not  be  put  after  Moses,  and  since  no  song  of 
the  Lamb  follows  {Prohlein  225  ff.).  —  But  the  appropriateness  of  the  pas- 
sage in  this  place  as  one  of  the  author's  anticipatory  hymns  is  shown  above  ; 
see  notes  on  15'^,  also  pp.  282,  244  ff.  And  with  the  recognition  of  this 
relation  of  the  passage  to  the  writer's  habit,  the  principal  ground  for  the 
minor  points  in  this  criticism  disappears.  The  excisions,  rearrangements, 
and  interpretations  proposed,  in  order  to  fit  the  paragraph  into  another 
document  or  place,  are  too  arbitrary  to  have  furnished  any  widely  accepted 
theory  of  reconstruction.  The  objections  regarding  the  song  of  the  Lamb 
have  been  noticed  above,  pp.  677  f . 

The  reviser's  introduction  of  the  bowl-series  is  variously  explained  by 
critics.  According  to  Volter  {Problem  2.53  ff.)  the  bowl-plagues  are  a  part 
of  his  Cerinthian  addition  to  the  Apocalypse.  The  trumpet-plagues  were 
intended,  in  the  primitive  form  of  the  book,  as  the  forerunner  of  the  end, 
but  the  author  of  the  Cerinthian  insertion,  writing  in  the  reign  of  Domitian, 
had  interpolated  a  picture  of  his  own  times  (12i2-i7,  13)  ;  therefore  the  seven 
trumpet-plagues  represented  for  him  a  time  long  past  and  could  not  serve 
as  steps  leading  immediately  to  the  judgment ;  a  new  series  of  plagiies  must 
therefore  be  introduced  to  precede  the  end.  Hence  the  redactor  inserts 
here  this  imitation  of  the  trumpet-plagues.  Weyland  (164)  agrees  with 
Volter  as  regards  the  imitation  of  the  trumpet-plagues  and  the  reason  for 
the  insertion  of  a  new  series  here.  He  assigns  the  trumpet-plagues  to  his 
Jewish  source  Aleph,  and  makes  the  bowl-series  the  work  of  the  Christian 
redactor.  Erbes  (94  ff.)  takes  the  bowl-series  as  a  part  of  the  addition 
which  in  his  theory  was  made  to  the  Apocalypse  in  the  year  80 ;  it  is 
superfluous  after  the  trumpet-plagues  of  which  it  is  an  imitation ;  but  it 
was  added  for  the  purpose  of  filling  up  a  gap  in  the  manifestation  of  God's 
wrath,  now  that  the  parousia  was  still  delayed.  The  redactor  reveals  his 
want  of  skill ;  e.g.  in  16 ^^  in  jilacing  Satan  and  his  two  agents  on  equal 
footings  though  the  Beast  had  already  been  made  his  plenipotentiary  (13"^) , 
2y 


690  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN        [XVII-XIX.  5 

and  therefore  the  three  frogs  would  more  appropriately  come  only  from  his 
mouth.  J.  Weiss  (99)  denies  to  chapts.  15-16  a  place  in  the  original  Apoc- 
alypse, because  such  a  plague-series  after  H^*-'^*'  comes  too  late,  and  because 
the  frequent  allusion  to  the  Beast-vision  of  chapt.  13  shows  these  chapts. 
(15-16)  to  be  a  part  of  the  same  Jewish  document  Q.  The  subdued  pic- 
tures of  the  end  given  in  H^^-'^o  (jj(j  j^q^  satisfy  the  redactor's  hot  desire  for 
vengeance  and  judgment ;  he  therefore  makes  a  new  start  in  the  bowl- 
plagues  leading  up  to  a  representation  of  the  end  in  pictures  of  a  different 
style. 

The  views  given  above  represent  the  principal  types  of  criticism  con- 
cerned with  these  verses  (15^-16^^).  What  has  been  said  on  p.  689  in  answer 
to  the  criticism  there  spoken  of  is  in  part  applicable  here  also.  As  regards 
parallelism  between  the  two  series  of  the  trumpets  and  the  bowls,  the  fol- 
lowing observations  may  be  made.  (1)  The  parallelism  is  not  so  close  as 
is  sometimes  assumed ;  no  two  plague  scenes  in  the  two  series  are  precisely 
alike,  and  where  there  is  not  complete  dissimilarity  the  variation  is  never- 
theless material.  (2)  Both  series  are  for  the  larger  part  based  on  the 
Egyptian  plagues,  which  naturally  came  to  form  for  all  time  symbols  of 
visitations  of  God's  wrath  upon  his  enemies.  It  would  not  be  strange, 
then,  that  one  and  the  same  author  should  take  his  start  from  these  in 
introducing  into  his  book  two  different  series  of  plagues ;  nor  would  it  be 
strange  that  an  author  should  introduce  more  than  one  series  of  symbols 
to  express  the  same  thing,  as  e.g.  the  author  of  Dan.  symbolizes  the  empire 
under  the  two  sets  of  figures,  the  great  image  and  the  beasts  (chapts.  2 
and  7).  There  is  in  itself  no  reason  why  both  series  of  plagues  should  not 
be  attributed  to  one  author.  (3)  We  might  expect  a  third  series  of  plagues 
to  be  added,  because  of  the  importance  of  the  number  three  with  the  author, 
as  a  number  for  fullness  and  largeness ;  cf .  chapt.  8  pctfisim,  9^*,  12*,  14 ^~*, 
]^gi3-i9.  And  if  the  view  taken  in  the  Com.,  pp.  668  if.,  be  correct,  that  the 
bowl-plagues  form  the  '  third  woe,'  it  is  impossible  to  attribute  the  series  to 
another  author ;  see  p.  671.  See  further  on  the  parallelism  between  the 
two  series,  pp.  671  f£. 


XVII-XIX.  5.  The  destruction  of  Home  hy  Antichrist.  See 
pp.  284  ff.  (1)  Introductory  vision  ;  the  woman  seated  on  the 
scarlet-colored  beast,  17^"^. 

The  short  vision  introducing  the  prophecy  of  the  destruction 
of  Rome  represents  the  imperial  city  under  the  figure  of  a 
woinan  with  all  the  appurtenances  of  great  luxury  and  cor- 
ruption. That  Rome  is  meant  in  the  figure  is  made  clear  by 
the  definition  in  v.  18.  With  this  agree  the  woman's  name, 
Babylon,  worn  on  her  frontlet  (see  on  14^),  her  seat  upon  seven 
hills  (v.  9),  and  her  evident  identification  with  the  great  world- 
city  throughout  chapt.  18.     The  figurative  designation  harlot 


XVII.  1]  COMMENTARY  691 

is  frequently  applied  to  Jerusalem  and  Israel  to  denote  the 
falling  away  from  Jehovah  into  idolatry,  e.g.  Is.  1^^,  Ezk.  16^^, 
Hos.  2^.  Tyre  and  Nineveh,  Is.  28^^,  Nah.  3*,  receive  the  name, 
because  they  have  corrupted  the  kingdoms  of  the  world.  The 
description  in  v.  4  and  cliapt.  18  shows  that  the  figure  as  used 
here  includes  all  Rome's  wicked  luxury  and  her  allurement  to 
godlessness  and  immorality.  As  a  further  trait  in  the  picture 
of  the  woman's  guilt  it  is  added  (v.  6)  that  she  is  drunken 
with  the  blood  of  God's  servants.  This  last  is  the  most  sig- 
nificant feature  in  the  symbol,  as  explaining  the  ruin  about  to 
fall  on  the  great  city;  cf.  18**' ^''-'^^  19"'^.  The  purple  and  scarlet 
in  which  the  woman  is  clothed  do  not  symbolize  her  bloody 
character  (so,  many  com.)  ;  the  immediate  connection  with  the 
gold  and  jewels  in  the  description  of  her  adornment  shows  that 
the  luxury  of  her  attire  is  meant,  as  in  18^^.  The  representa- 
tion of  the  woman  as  sitting  on  the  beast  (the  imperial  power) 
is  intended  to  show  the  oneness  of  the  imperial  city  in  its  cor- 
ruption and  bloodguiltiness  with  the  imperial  j)ower  on  which 
it  rests.  All  its  character  is  only  an  expression  of  that  power, 
which  serves  as  Satan's  agent.  The  beast  of  this  scene  is  in 
the  mind  of  the  Apocalyptist  identified  with  the  one  represented 
in  chapt.  13  (see  p.  695),  even  if  it  had  primarily  a  different 
origin.  It  is  possible  that,  as  some  suppose  (cf.  Gunkel  365), 
the  author  may  have  derived  the  suggestion  of  the  figure  of  a 
woman  seated  on  a  beast  from  familiar  mythology  ;  the  repre- 
sentation of  a  divinity  borne  by  an  animal  was  common. 
However,  the  question  of  such  an  origin  is  unimportant  in  the 
interpretation,  since  the  Apocalyptist  makes  clear  the  meaning 
of  both  figures  and  the  relation  between  them. 

1-2.  €is  €K  Tcov  €17X0,  /ctX.,  One  of  the  seven  angeh  that  had  the 
seveii  howls :  since  the  vision  of  Rome's  destruction  is  an  ampli- 
fication of  what  is  announced  summarily  among  the  judgments 
of  the  seven  bowls  (16^^),  one  of  the  angels  of  those  judgments 
appears  here  appropriately  as  an  intermediary  in  showing  and 
explaining  the  vision.  Here  for  the  first  time  in  the  book 
appears  an  interpreting  angel.,  a  figure  common  in  apocalyptic 
(see  p.  170).  For  the  representation  of  Rome  as  a  harlot  see 
above.  —  tt^s  KaGtuxcviis  .  •  .  ttoWcov,  that  sitteth  on  many 
waters:  for  eTvC,  on,  meaning  on  the  shore  of,  cf.  Jno.  21\  2  K.  2^; 


692  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVH.  2 

cf.  the  French  sur  mer,  said  of  places  by  the  sea.  The  phrase 
here  is  taken  from  Jer.  5V^,  where  allusion  is  made  to  the 
numerous  canals  distributing  the  waters  of  the  Euphrates 
through  the  country  about  Babylon.  To  the  Apocalyptist 
Rome  is  Babylon  (see  on  14^),  and  he  applies  to  the  former 
words  of  the  prophets  uttered  regarding  the  latter.  This  epi- 
thet is  taken  over  and  applied  to  Rome,  not  because  it  has  any 
parallel  in  Rome's  location,  but  because  the  Apocalyptist  sees 
in  it  a  symbol  of  the  many  nations  which  form  the  foundation 
and  strength  of  Rome's  power  (v.  15),  as  the  waters  in  the 
plain  of  Babylon  form  the  very  condition  of  her  existence  ;  cf . 
Jer.  50'^^  ^■.  The  figure  does  not  refer  to  the  nations  rising  like 
the  waters  to  overwhelm  her,  as  in  Is.  8'  *•  (so,  many  com.),  for 
that  idea  does  not  appear  in  the  imagery  of  the  chapt.  The 
two  representations  of  the  woman  as  seated  by  the  waters  and 
upon  the  beast  are  not  at  variance  with  each  other ;  the  former 
is  a  geographical  figure  and  the  language  is  adapted  to  an 
actual  city  and  its  location,  the  latter  is  a  symbol  of  the  capital 
city  and  its  relation  to  the  imperial  power  on  which  it  rests. 
The  same  juxtaposition  of  a  geographical  and  a  political  idea 
appears  in  vv.  9  f.,  in  the  mountains  and  the  kings. — to-O  o'lvou 
TT^s  TTopvcias,  the  wine  of  her  fornication :  the  wine  which  she  uses 
as  a  means  of  seduction. 

3.  The  Prophet  is  caught  away  in  spirit,  as  in  l^*^,  4^,  21^°, 
and  in  this  instance  into  a  wilderness.  The  wilderness  is  taken 
by  many  com.  to  be  typical  of  the  utter  destruction  to  which 
Rome  is  to  be  reduced.  But  the  actual  destruction  of  Rome, 
or  the  desolation  following,  is  not  exhibited  in  this  vision ;  so 
far  as  Rome  is  here  shown  to  the  Seer,  she  appears  in  the  splen- 
dor of  her  power  and  luxury.  A  solitary  region  was  a  fitting 
place  for  visions ;  cf .  the  visions  of  Moses  Ex.  3^  ^\  of  Ezra 
2  Es.  9-'^«-,  of  Hermas  Vis.  I.  1,  3  ;  III.  1,3.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  anything  more  is  intended  than  the  variety  sought  by 
the  author;  see  5\  In  his  different  ecstacies  the  Seer  beholds 
himself  on  earth,  1^*^,  10**-;  in  heaven,  4^;  on  the  sea-shore,  12^^; 
on  a  mountain  top,  21^^;  and  here  in  the  wilderness.  Wilder- 
ness as  used  in  the  Scriptures  does  not  necessarily  denote  a  dry 
and  barren  place,  it  is  often  an  uncultivated  region  with  little 
or  no  settled  population  ;  so  that,  even  if  the  place  of  the  woman 


XVll.  6]  COMMENTARY  693 

were  meant,  there  would  be  no  difficulty  in  the  presence  of 
'  many  waters ' ;  cf.  '■  the  wilderness  of  the  sea,'  Is.  21^.  — 
KOKKLVOV,  scarlet  i-olored:  this  color,  similar  to  that  of  the  dragon 
(12-5),  is  not  elsewhere  attributed  to  the  Beast;  possibly  the 
color  of  the  trappings  is  meant  (l)e  Wette,  aZ),  but  there  is 
nothing  to  indicate  this  limitation.  Neither  is  there  anything 
to  point  to  it  as  symbolical  of  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  (Diist., 
aV).  Its  connection  in  the  same  sentence  with  the  names  of 
blasphemy  and  the  numerous  heads  and  horns  would  seem  to 
make  it  one  of  the  attributes  which  give  terribleness  to  the 
beast's  appearance.  —  "y^ixovTa  :  construct,  ad.  sens.  —  ovojiaxa  : 
the  ace.  after  yefieLV  is  irregular ;  cf .  ra  uKadapra,  v.  -i.  See 
Blass  §  36,  4  ;  Win.  §  30,  8,  b.  The  '  names  of  blasphemy ' 
refer  to  the  blasphemous  titles  assumed  by  the  emperors ;  see 
on  131.      If  e%a)i/  be  read  here,  see  p.  224  for  the  irregularity. 

4.  The  several  articles  of  the  woman's  adornment  are  not 
symbolical ;  they  picture  the  splendor  of  her  luxury.  —  iroTiipiov 
^puaoiiv  kt\.,  a  golden  cup,  etc.:  the  golden  cup,  beautiful  to 
look  upon,  and  supposedly  full  of  wine  which  the  woman  offers 
to  her  votaries,  is  in  reality  filled  with  abominations.  The 
words  figure  all  the  gross  corruption  of  the  world-city.  The 
imagery  is  in  part  suggested  by  Jer.  51'^.  —  to,  dKaSapra  :  for 
the  ace.  see  on  v.  3. 

5.  €TrL  TO  Y-iTaynov^  upon  her  forehead:  after  the  manner  of  the 
Roman  courtesans  (Seneca  Rhetor,  Qontrov.  I.  2 ;  Juvenal  VI. 
123),  the  woman  bore  on  her  head-band  her  name,  or  an  in- 
scription which  declared  her  personality  and  character ;  she  is 
Babylon  the  Great,  the  mother  of  harlots,  etc.  —  ixvar-qpiov, 
a  mystery :  something  which  contains  a  hidden  meaning.  The 
word  may  be  taken  as  part  of  the  inscription,  in  apposition  with 
the  words  following  (EV),  or  as  part  of  the  preceding  clause 
in  apposition  with  ovofxa.,  name ;  in  either  case  it  signifies  that 
the  name  is  to  be  understood  mystically,  not  literally ;  cf .  irvev- 
fiaTiK(o<;,  IP. — Tj  [iTiTi^p  /ctX.,  the  mother  of  harlots,  etc.:  Rome 
as  the  firjrpo'jroXL^,  the  metropolis,  the  mother-city,  oi  the  earth,  is 
viewed  as  the  source  and  furtherer  of  all  the  abominations  of 
the  earth. 

6.  Rome's  sin  reaches  its  culmination  in  the  martyrdom  of 
God's  people.     The  woman  is  drunken  with  the  blood  of  the 


694  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVH.  6 

saints.  This  is  the  chief  count  in  her  indictment,  calling  for 
the  judgment  of  destruction,  which  forms  the  subject  of  the 
paragraph.  There  are  two  charges  against  Rome,  the  martyr- 
dom of  the  saints,  and  her  corruption  and  corrupting  influence. 
For  the  language  of  the  second  charge  cf.  Nah.  S^~^;  for  the 
combination  of  the  two  charges  cf.  Sib.  Or.  V.  160-171.  It  is 
arbitrary  to  assign  the  two  charges  to  two  different  authors; 
so,  J.  Weiss  31.  —  [liQvovcrav  €K  tov  aijxaTos,  drunken  with  the 
blood:  for  the  expression  cf.  Is.  31 S  19^'%  En.  62^2^  ^Iso  Pliny 
H.  N.  XIV.  28,  cited  among  other  cases  by  Wetstein  in  loc. 
The  figure  includes  two  ideas,  vastness  of  slaughter,  and  the 
maddening  effect  of  the  same  upon  the  perpetrator.  —  Kal  €K 
.  .  .  '  I-qo-oi),  even  .  .  .  of  the  witnesses  of  Jesus :  after  his 
manner  (see  p.  242),  the  author  uses  first  the  quite  general 
designation  ayLoi,  saints,  applicable  to  the  people  of  the  old  and 
new  covenants  alike,  and  then  he  adds  the  specific  designation 
showing  that  Christians  are  meant.  Those  who  were  martyred 
at  Rome  by  Nero  are  probably  especially  in  mind,  cf.  16'\ 
Many  following  Vischer  attribute  this  second  clause  koI  .  .'  . 
'Irjaov  to  a  redactor,  on  the  ground  that  the  two  clauses  must 
refer  to  two  distinct  classes  of  persons,  as  shown  by  kul  and  ; 
with  a  Christian  writer,  ayioi.,  saints,  and  /xdpTvpe'i  'Irjcrov,  wit- 
nesses of  Jesus,  would  have  the  same  meaning;  therefore  the 
first  must  be  assigned  to  a  Jewish  document,  to  which  a 
redactor  has  given  a  Christian  coloring  by  adding  the  second 
clause.  But  this  theory  disregards  the  practice  of  the  writer 
referred  to  above.  Kai  here  is  even.  Cf.  the  juxtaposition  of 
a^LOL  and  ahek^oL  Col.  1^.  —  (JLaprvpajv,  witnesses:  for  the  use  of 
the  word  in  the  book  see  on  2^'^ 

(2)  The  angel's  interpretation  of  the  introductory  vision. 
177-18.     See  pp.  284  f.,  406  ff. 

The  '  angel-interpreter,'  whose  office  is  characteristic  of  apoc- 
alyptic literature  (see  on  v.  1),  now  explains  the  introductory 
vision,  both  in  its  present  significance  and  in  the  final  issues 
contained  in  it.  As  the  judgment  upon  the  woman  is  the 
subject  of  the  revelation  promised  in  the  outset,  v.  1,  and  as 
she  is  the  principal  figure  in  the  vision  (vv.  1-6),  we  might 
expect  her  to  occupy  the  first  and  chief  place  in  this  interpreta- 
tion.    On  the  contrary  the  angel  speaks  first  and  chiefly  of  the 


XVII.  7-18]  COMMENTARY  695 

beast  that  carries  her.  Hut  the  critical  objection  raised  on  this 
account  (see  p.  709)  is  not  justified,  for  in  point  of  fact  the 
judgment  of  the  woman,  i.e.  of  Rome,  does  occupy  the  larger 
part  of  the  paragraph  taken  as  a  whole  (IT^-IO*^).  Besides 
what  is  said  of  it  in  these  verses,  it  forms  the  subject  of 
18^-19^,  to  which  this  part  is  preparatory.  As  regards  the  sub- 
ordinate place  of  the  woman  in  these  interpretative  verses  (7-18), 
it  must  be  noted  that  the  being  and  destiny  of  the  woman  (the 
capital  city)  have  no  significance  apart  from  the  beast  (the 
imperial  power  impersonated  in  the  emperors);  and  the  judg- 
ment which  is  to  come  upon  her  can  be  shown  only  through  the 
explanation  of  the  beast,  who  in  his  final  manifestation  is  to  be 
the  agent  of  that  judgment.  A  single  sentence  and  a  few 
intimations  suffice  to  reveal  her  present  significance.  The  reve- 
lation of  her  future  destiny  is  joined  inseparably  with  the  revela- 
tion of  the  future  of  the  beast.  Moreover  the  beast  represents 
a  complex  agency  active  not  only  in  the  judgment  of  the 
woman,  but  in  the  events  that  follow  till  the  millennium. 
Necessarily  then  prominence  is  given  to  him  in  the  angel's 
interpretation.  The  woman  is  distinctly  explained  as  the  im- 
perial city,  V.  18;  see  also  p.  690.  The  beast  of  these  explana- 
tory verses  is  declared  (v.  7)  to  be  the  same  as  that  of  vv.  3-6; 
and  it  is  evident  that  the  writer  identifies  it  with  the  Beast  of 
chapt.  13,  whatever  differences  critics  may  find  among  the 
three  (see  pp.  709,  710).  This  identification  is  shown  by  the 
names  of  blasphemy,  the  seven  heads  and  ten  horns,  the  revivi- 
fication, in  which  the  two  agree,  and  by  the  language  describ- 
ing the  wonder  which  the  revivification  awakens  among  men 
(cf.  17^  with  13^'^).  These  verses  (7-18)  furnish  then  an 
explanation  of  what  is  said  of  the  Beast  in  chapt.  13,  and  the 
two  passages  mutually  throw  light  upon  each  other. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  explanation  of  the  Beast  is  in 
part  enigmatical;  in  symbolical  representation  the  symbol  and 
the  reality  are  in  the  nature  of  the  case  often  blended;  and 
when  the  thing  symbolized  comes  to  occupy  in  turn  different 
and  even  dissimilar  situations,  ambiguity  is  likely  to  occur. 
In  this  case  the  Beast  appears  at  one  time  to  represent  a  single 
person,  and  again  seven  (or  eight)  distinct  persons  in  succes- 
sion.    He  is  frequently  identified  with  the  head  wliich   at    a 


696  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XVII.  7-18 

particular  time  represents  hira;  see  pp.  40G  f.  But  he  is 
always  a  concrete  person,  not  a  figure  for  an  abstract  power,  as 
e.g.  the  force  of  evil.  While  in  the  explanation  given  in  these 
verses  the  heads  are  said,  to  represent  a  succession  of  kings 
arising  one  after  another  (IT^*^),  they  appear  in  the  vision  of 
chapt.  13  as  a  group  among  the  attributes  of  the  Beast,  as  if 
existing  simultaneously.  This,  however,  is  only  the  necessary 
consequence  of  picturing  a  whole  era  in  a  tableau,  as  it  were, 
as  is  common  in  visional  portrayals,  rather  than  in  narrative  or 
dramatic  form.  Thus  the  ten  horns  are  seen  grouped  with  the 
seven  heads,  but  they  symbolize  kings  who  belong  to  a  time 
subsequent  to  at  least  six  of  these  (17^^).  So  the  fourth  beast 
and  the  ten  horns  in  Daniel's  vision  (7^),  the  different  parts  of 
the  image  seen  by  Nebuchadnezzar  (2^^),  the  twelve  wings  of 
the  eagle  in  2  Es.  11'  ^^  furnish  groups  of  objects  appearing 
simultaneously,  though  symbolizing  things  which  are  successive 
in  time  (Dan.  V;  2'"«',  2  Es.  12i'i).  In  chapt.  13  Satan's 
agent  is  portrayed  without  reference  to  the  successive  phases 
of  his  manifestation  at  different  times  and  in  different  persons; 
while  here  in  chapt.  17,  in  the  interpretation  of  what  was  there 
seen,  the  historic  sequence  of  the  factors  of  the  vision  is  pointed 
out. 

It  seems  unquestionable  that  the  idea  expressed  in  the 
words  '  the  beast  was  and  is  not  and  shall  come,'  17*^,  is  the 
same  as  that  denoted  in  the  symbolical  vision  by  the  head 
smitten  unto  death  and  healed,  13^.  Tlie  language  is  similar, 
and  the  effect  of  the  restoration  in  each  case  is  described  in 
closely  parallel  terms  (see  above).  Moreover,  an  interpretation 
of  that  symbol  in  chapt.  13  is  to  be  expected  here  ;  for  the 
marvel  of  the  head  forms  one  of  the  most  significant  features  of 
that  vision,  it  is  mentioned  as  essential  three  times  (13^' '"'  '^), 
and  its  obscurity  is  not  relieved  by  any  parallel  in  apocalyptic 
tradition.  The  other  important  features,  the  heads  and  the 
horns,  are  here  interpreted  ;  an  interpretation  of  the  marvelous 
head  could  not  then  be  wanting.  Taking  then  the  two  pas- 
sages together  we  see  that  the  head  slain  and  revived  is  one  in 
the  line  of  kings  who  had  already  died,  and  that  its  restoration 
represents  a  kind  of  revivification  of  that  king,  as  one  in  whom 
the  Beast  will  appear  after  the  sixth  and  seventh  kings  have 


XVII.  7]  COMMENTARY  697 

ceased  to  exist,  17'"  ''•.  See  pp.  407  f.  But  tlie  Apocalyptist 
is  careful  to  add  words  which  are  fundamental  in  the  expres- 
sion of  his  thought  as  regards  this  revived  head ;  he  is  to 
'  come  up  out  of  the  abyss,'  language  which  interpreted  by  the 
author's  use  throughout  (9^'  -• '',  11''  20^'  ^)  means  that  he  will 
come  up  from  the  place  of  demons.  He  is  not  revived  in  the 
mere  human  nature  of  his  former  existence,  he  comes  in 
demonic  form  and  with  demonic  powers.  The  figure  which 
the  Apocalyptist  has  in  mind  here  becomes  clear  in  the  light 
of  the  common  Christian  view  of  Antichrist,  and  the  expecta- 
tion of  his  coming  ;  see  pp.  397  ff.  With  that  thought  before 
his  mind  the  author  introduces  a  significant  variation  in  inter- 
preting here  the  vision  of  chapt.  13.  There  the  Beast,  a  purely 
symbolical  figure,  is  said  to  come  up  out  of  the  sea,  as  do  the 
beasts  in  Daniel's  vision  (7^)  and  the  eagle  in  2  Es.  (11^),  a 
conception  probably  going  back  to  the  ultimate  origin  of  the 
beast  in  popular  mythology  as  a  monster  of  the  sea  ;  see  on 
12'5.  But  the  actual  person  symbolized  by  the  restored  head, 
the  demonic  king  reincarnate  in  Antichrist,  could  not  be 
represented  as  coming  out  of  the  sea  ;  he  comes  from  the  abode 
of  demons,  '  the  abyss.'  For  further  points  in  the  angel's 
interpretation,  see  pp.  698  ff. 

7.  For  general  notes  on  the  following  paragraph  (vv.  7-18), 
see  (2)  p.  694,  and  the  pp.  there  referred  to.  —  cpw  croL  to 
(jLuaTTipiov  /crX..,  I ivill  tell  thee  the  mystery,  etc.:  it  is  clear  from 
what  follows  that  the  mystery  which  the  angel  promises  to 
explain  includes  more  than  the  mere  symbolical  meaning  of  the 
woman  and  the  beast ;  it  includes  the  whole  subject  of  the 
paragraph  17^-19^,  i.e.  the  judgment  of  the  great  harlot.  From 
the  promise  in  v.  1  and  from  that  given  here,  what  is  expected 
and  what  really  follows  is  the  punishment  of  destruction,  which 
comes  upon  the  woman  for  the  crimes  exhibited  in  the  opening 
vv.,  1-6.  This  forms  the  theme  unfolded  variously  and  with 
great  force  to  the  end.  The  criticism  (see  p.  709)  that  the 
Apocalyptist  after  introducing  the  theme,  '  the  mystery  of  the 
woman,'  v.  7,  then  drops  it  and  returns  to  it  only  casually  in 
v.  16,  rests  upon  a  misconception  of  the  scope  of  the  paragraph 
as  a  whole.  The  Beast  is  introduced  as  an  essential  part  of  the 
explanation,  because  he  with  his  confederates  is  the  agent  by 


698  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVII.  7 

whom  the  punishment  of  the  woman  is  executed.  His  own 
end  is  only  briefly  alluded  to,  vv.  11,  14  ;  that  forms  the  sub- 
ject of  a  later  paragraph  {19^^"^^).  At  the  same  time,  so 
important  is  the  figure  of  the  Beast  in  the  oracles  of  the  book, 
that  the  author  brings  in  here,  as  it  were  incidentally,  the 
explanation  necessary  for  understanding  the  imagery  of  chapt. 
13.  That  there  should  be  amplification  beyond  what  belongs 
directly  to  the  main  subject  is  only  characteristic  of  a  mind 
moving  in  the  manner  of  a  Hebrew  prophet. 

8.  For  the  meaning  of  what  is  said  of  the  Beast,  see  pp. 
400  ff.,  406  ff.  —  TO  ovo|ia:  for  the  sing.,  see  on  11^.  —  dirb 
KarapoXTJs  Koajjiou,  from  the  foundation  of  the  world:  see  on  13*^. 
— •  p\€ir6vT(ov :  instead  of  ^Xeirovre'i  through  the  influence  of  wv. 
The  cause  of  the  wonder  which  shall  seize  all  is  the  return  of  the 
Beast,  and  all  that  is  implied  in  the  resuscitation  of  the  Nero 
who  once  was.  The  wonder  includes  homage  and  adherence, 
as  in  13»  ^• 

9.  coSe  .  .  .  croc|)iav,  here  is  the  mind  that  hath  ivisdom:  see 
on  13^^.  — eTTTcL  opT|,  seven  monntains  :  as  the  woman  symbolizes 
Rome,  the  seven  mountains  upon  which  she  sits  are  without 
doubt  Rome's  seven  hills,  which  form  one  of  the  most  familiar 
characterizations  of  the  imperial  city.  The  word  6po<i  does  not 
necessarily  denote  a  lofty  eminence  ;  cf.  Mt.  5\  15^'',  Jno.  6^^. 
The  Latin  uses  both  collis  and  mans  in  reference  to  the  seven 
hills.  A  symbolical  interpretation  of  mountain  as  a  seat  of 
power  (some  older  interpreters)  is  inapplicable  here  ;  there  are 
not  seven  seats  of  power.  The  local  allusion  is  too  plain  to  be 
doubted.  The  twofold  interpretation  of  the  heads,  as  moun- 
tains and  as  kings,  has  raised  unnecessary  difliculty  (see  p. 
710).  Rome,  the  capital  city,  and  the  emperors,  as  insepara- 
bly connected,  are  both  before  the  Apocalyptist's  mind,  and  it 
is  natural  that  he  should  see  in  so  conspicuous  a  feature  in  the 
imagery  as  the  seven  heads  a  reference  to  both.  The  number 
seven  coincides  with  the  familiar  epithet  of  Rome  as  seven- 
hilled,  and  readily  suggests  a  parallelism  between  the  heads 
and  the  local  city.  The  thought  is  expressed  parenthetically 
before  the  chief  significance  of  the  symbol,  the  seven  kings. 
Such  a  parenthesis  would  not  then  be  strange  even  if  it  served 
no   special  ])urpose  ;    but  in  fact  it  shows  who  the  kings  are 


XVII.  12]  COMMENTARY  699 

that  are  to  be  spoken  cl  —  they  are  tlie  kings  of  Rome  ( Volter 
Ojfenh.  ()()  f.).  For  the  combination  of  the  h)cal  and  political 
aspects  of  the  city,  see  on  v.  2.  —  ottou,  eir'  atiTwv  :  for  the 
pleonasm,  see  on  12*^. 

10-11.  For  the  seven  kings  and  the  short  time  of  the 
seventh,  see  pp.  704  ff.  For  the  lieast  that  was  and  is  not  is 
an  eighth  king,  see  pp.  406  f.,  708.  —  pacrtXcis  cTTTd  €iaiv, 
thei/  are  seven  kings:  the  seven  heads  symbolize  seven  kings, 
emperors  of  Rome. — tueo-av,  are  fallen:  this  word  is  not  in- 
appropriate to  the  death  of  the  five  emperors  (so,  Afford,  aV)  ; 
it  alludes  to  the  eminent  rank  of  those  whose  death  is  declared, 
cf.  2  S.  3^^,  'a  prince  and  a  great  man  is  fallen.'  —  Kal  atixos 
o-ySods  ccTTiv,  even  he  is  an  eighth  :  i.e.  an  eighth  king,  or  world- 
ruler,  not  an  eighth  head  (see  p.  708).  For  avTo^i  as  an 
emphatic  he.,  see  Blass  §  48,  1.  —  Kai,  even  :  the  position  forbids 
joining  with  oySoo'i.,  an  eighth  also,  as  well  as  one  of  an  earlier 
order.  —  Ik  twv  eTrxd,  of  the  seve7i ;  perhaps  equivalent  to  07ie. 
of  the  seven,  cf.  Ac.  21*^,  Mt.  26^^  ;  see  Thayer  etV^  V.  3,  a. 
But  elsewhere  the  author  uses  el?  e'/c  twv  ktX.,  e.g.  v.  1,  5^,  6^  ; 
he  may  have  thought  the  latter  implied  too  absolute  identity 
between  the  historic  Nero  and  the  Nero  incarnate  in  Anti- 
christ, and  therefore  chose  the  less  precise  expression. — els 
dTTcbXtiav  /ctX.,  he  goeth  to  perdition  :  Antichrist  will  be  de- 
stroyed by  the  Messiah,  lO^^^^^. 

12-13.  |xiav  aSpav,  07ie  hour:  a  short  time  is  meant.  The 
ten  kings  receive  their  authority  and  their  kingdoms  from 
God,  that  they  may  serve  as  the  helpers  of  Antichrist  in  the 
destruction  of  Rome,  vv.  16-17.  Their  power  is  coterminous 
with  that  of  Antichrist  (jieTo,  tov  drjpiov),  which  is  of  short 
duration  ;  they  perish  with  him,  19^-'~2i^  —  [jLiav  yv<ii\i.T\v  i^ov- 
(Tiv,  have  one  mind :  they  are  unanimous  in  giving  their  power 
to  the  Beast  and  in  assisting  him  in  his  war  against  the  Lamb 
and  in  the  destruction  of  Rome. 

TJie  ten  horns,  as  a  feature  of  the  Beast,  are  derived  directly 
from  Dan.  7^'  '"'*,  and  they  are  not  a  mere  detail  of  that  picture 
taken  over  as  a  whole  (so,  some  com.),  for  other  features  of  the 
description  given  there  are  not  retained.  These  have  special 
meaning  for  the  Apocalyptist's  idea.  But  the  figure  is  applied 
differently  here.     There  the  horns  represent  a  series  of  kings 


700  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVII.  13 

arising  one  after  another  in  the  hist  workl-empire  (the  Grseco- 
Syrian)  ;  tliat  series  is  represented  in  our  book  by  the  seven 
heads,  while  the  horns  symbolize,  not  Roman  rulers,  but  kings 
whose  dominions  are  to  be  given  them  in  the  last  days  simul- 
taneously with  one  another  and  with  Antichrist.  They  have 
not  yet  received  their  kingdoms  (v.  12).  The  difference  is 
characteristic  of  the  author's  independence  in  using  figures 
derived  from  other  sources. 

The  number  ten  is  of  course  symbolical,  signifying  complete- 
ness (see  pp.  250  f.,  254),  and  the  author's  purpose  is  to  show 
how  Antichrist  when  he  comes  will  obtain  power  over  all 
nations  and  peoples  (13'') ;  all  kings,  those  of  kingdoms  large 
or  small,  near  or  remote,  will  yield  their  power  with  one 
consent  to  him  as  their  supreme  lord,  for  God  will  put  it  into 
their  hearts  to  do  so,  vv.  13,  17.  Rigorous  literalism  might 
raise  difficulty  here  as  regards  the  number.  Ten  is  meant  to 
symbolize  all,  yet  Rome,  if  we  follow  chronological  order,  is 
not  included  —  it  is  first  overthrown  by  Antichrist  and  his 
allies  before  his  rule  is  all-complete.  But  evidently  the  Apoc- 
alyptist  means  to  express  here  merely  the  fullness  of  Anti- 
christ's power,  and  his  destruction  of  the  present  world-order  ; 
chronological  detail  is  not  thought  of.  In  the  identification 
of  the  ten  kings  there  is  no  ground  for  making  a  distinc- 
tion between  the  horns  of  13^  and  those  of  17^^,  and  refer- 
ring the  former  to  Roman  emperors  (so,  Diist.  ai)  ;  neither 
emperors  nor  Roman  provincial  governors  (so,  many)  can  be 
meant ;  such  a  reference  is  too  narrow,  the  number  is  all-com- 
prehensive. For  the  same  reason  an  identification  with  satraps 
of  Parthian  provinces,  who  should  come  as  confederates  with 
Nero  (so,  DeWet.  Bleek,  a?)  cannot  be  maintained,  though  it 
is  doubtless  true  that  the  belief  in  Nero's  coming  with  these 
auxiliaries  to  take  vengeance  on  Rome  influenced  the  Apoc- 
alyptist's  application  of  the  symbol.  The  ten  kings  are  purely 
eschatological  figures  representing  the  totality  of  the  j^owers  of  all 
nations  on  the  earth  which  are  to  he  made  subservient  to  Antichrist. 

14.  ovTOi,  these:  the  Beast  and  his  confederates  are  meant, 
as  shown  by  19^^ ;  cf .  v.  16.  The  Apocalyptist's  thought  here 
passes  to  the  final  conflict  between  Antichrist  and  the  Messiah, 
1911-21^     The  mention  of  that  war  and  the  overthrow  of  Anti- 


XVII.  14]  COMMENTARY  701 

Christ  appears  inappropriate  in  a  paragraph  concerned  with  the 
Beast's  destruction  of  Rome,  and  not  with  the  war  against 
the  saints.  It  is  also  argued  by  some  that  a  declaration  of  the 
Beast's  overthrow  cannot  properly  precede  that  of  his  assault 
on  Rome.  The  verse  is  therefore  rejected  by  many  ;  so,  Vischer, 
Wellhausen,  Bouss.,  al.  But  the  parenthesis  —  for  such  it  is 
—  is  not  inexplicable  here.  The  mention  in  v.  13  of  the  gift 
of  their  power  to  the  Beast  on  the  part  of  tlie  nations  leads  the 
author's  thought  quite  characteristically  to  the  supreme  service 
in  which  the  combined  force  is  to  be  used,  the  war  with  the 
Lamb,  and  to  the  final  result,  the  Beast's  overthrow.  This  forms 
for  the  readers  the  subject  of  the  higliest  interest,  and  the 
assurance  of  the  final  triumph  of  the  saints  conforms  to  the 
author's  habit  of  forestalling  the  dark  predictions  of  trial  by 
promises  of  final  deliverance.  After  the  parenthesis  the  Apoc- 
alyptist  turns  back  to  the  main  subject,  the  punishment  of  the 
woman  and  the  part  which  the  Beast  and  his  confederates  are 
to  perform  in  that  issue,  vv.  16  f.  If  parentheses,  sudden  turns 
of  thought  and  anticipation,  can  find  no  original  place  in  a 
writing  of  this  kind,  not  only  our  book,  but  the  N.  T.  generally, 
and  especially  St.  Paul's  epistles,  must  be  extensively  rewritten. 
OTi  Kvpios  /ctX.,  because  he  is  Lord  of  lords,  etc. :  the  supreme 
lordship  of  the  Lamb  gives  assurance  of  his  victory  over  the 
Beast.  Titles  similar  to  these  given  to  the  Lamb  here  and  in 
19i<5  occur  frequently  as  applied  to  Clod;  cf.  Dt.  10^^  Ps.  136^, 
Dan.  2*''',  ll^*^;  for  the  occurrence  in  late  Jewish  writings  see 
Bouss.  Judenthum,  306.  They  are  also  applied  in  Babylonian 
mythology  to  Marduk.  —  ol  |i€T'  avTO-O  a;t\.,  a7id  those  with  him, 
etc. :  se.  vLKrjaovatv ;  those  with  him  shall  conquer,  as  being  called, 
and  elect  and  faithful ;  such  cannot  fail.  The  phrase  corresponds 
to  the  words  'Lord  of  lords,'  etc.,  which  give  the  assurance  of 
the  Lamb's  victory.  The  saints  of  earth  are  not  mentioned  in 
19^^  ^-  as  forming  a  part  of  the  Lamb's  army,  but  their  share  in 
the  conflict  is  implied  in  the  words  of  this  verse,  '  those  with 
him.'  And  in  the  promise  of  victory  over  the  Beast,  mention 
of  the  share  of  the  saints  would  be  expected;  cf.  2-^^-,  12". 
This  interpretation,  that  of  many  scholars,  e.g.  De  Wet.,  Diist., 
RV,  Moff.,  Swete,  seems  certainly  correct.  The  other  inter- 
pretation, which  supplies  €taiv,  those  with  him  are  called  and  elect. 


702  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVII.  14 

etc.  (AV,  Bengel,  Bouss.,  Holtzm.,  al),  gives  a  statement  having 
no  direct  connection  with  the  topic  of  the  sentence,  victory 
over  the  Beast  in  the  final  battle  which  he  will  attempt.  — 
The  words  kXtjtol,  e/cXe/crot,  called,  chosen,  the  latter  not  found 
elsewhere  in  Rev.,  contain  a  Pauline  reminiscence;  cf.  also 
Mt.  2016,  22", 

15.  After  the  parenthesis  of  v.  14,  the  interpretation  returns 
to  the  symbol  of  the  woman,  Rome,  and  the  vastness  of  her 
power;  this  is  contributed  to  her  by  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  as  life  wa^  given  to  Babylon  by  the  waters  of  the  plain 
about  her.  But  all  this  power  is  to  be  .swept  away.  —  to.  vSara 
/ctX.,  the  waters  ivhich  thou  sawest:  the  Seer  does  not  in  vv.  2  ff. 
mention  the  waters  among  the  things  seen ;  their  presence  is 
inferred  from  v.  1.  The  interpretation  of  the  waters  as  a 
symbol  of  peoples  follows  O.  T.  usage  ;  cf.  Is.  8^,  Jer.  472.  This 
verse  gives  a  further  hint  as  to  who  the  woman  is ;  she  is  one 
who  sits  as  queen  over  many  nations  and  peoples. 

16-17.  The  acts  described  are  those  of  persons;  the  Apoc- 
alyptist  has  in  mind  the  persons  symbolized  by  the  Beast  and 
the  horns.  —  rds  crdpKas  avTiis  <l)d'YOVTaL,  shall  eat  her  flesh: 
a  figure  taken  from  the  ravening  of  wild  beasts,  and  frequently 
used  to  denote  the  utter  destruction  of  men  by  tlieir  fellows ; 
cf.  Ps.  272,  Jer.  10^5,  Mic.  3^  Zeph.  8^.  — avriiv  KaTaKa-uo-ouaiv, 
shall  burn  her  utterly:  i.e.  the  city,  which  is  symbolized  by  the 
woman.  The  destruction  of  Rome  foretold  summarily  in  this 
verse  is  taken  up  again  and  amplified  with  great  dramatic 
force  in  the  concluding  and  larger  part  of  the  paragraph,  18^- 
195_  — 5  -y^p  0€os  ktX.,  for  God  put  it  into  their  hearts,  etc.: 
the  marvel  of  Rome's  overthroAV  by  the  combined  forces  of  the 
earth  is  possible,  for  it  is  God  who  thus  works  out  his  will ; 
and  he  moves  the  nations  to  forsake  their  differences,  and  with 
one  accord  to  give  their  power  to  the  Beast  till  God's  purpose  is 
accomplished.  —  €8(oK€V,  did  put  it  into  their  hearts:  the  act  is 
yet  in  the  future,  but  the  aor.  tense  marks  it  as  past  with 
reference  to  the  time  when  the  events  of  v.  16  shall  take  place. 
—  Tds  KapSias  axiTwv,  their  hearts:  i.e.  the  hearts  of  the  ten 
kings,  as  shown  by  Sovvai  ttjv  /3acn\eiav  ktX.  ,  give  their  kingdom 
to  the  Beast.  —  tt|V  -yvwixtiv  avro-O,  his  mind:  the  mind,  i.e.  pur- 
pose, or  will,  of  God.     What  that  will  is,  is  explained  by  the 


XVIL  18]  COMMENTARY  703 

following-  words,  viz.  :  that  with  one  mind  they  should  give 
their  power  to  the  Beast  till  God's  word  is  fulfilled.  Some, 
following  Bengel  (so,  Ewald,  De  Wet.,  I^ouss.,  a^),  refer  the 
pronoun  in  the  phrase  his  mind  to  the  Beast.  But  in  that  case 
we  should  expect  Oijpiov  to  be  inserted  here  rather  than  in  the 
later  clause  Sovvai  kt\.  The  mention  of  the  Beast  in  v.  16  is 
too  remote  to  admit  of  reference  to  that  word  instead  of  the 
near  word  ^eoV.  For  the  meaning  of  yvw/nrj  cf.  Ac.  20^,  Philem. 
14 ;  and  for  its  use  of  God's  will  cf .  Ign.  Mom.  8^  tSm.  6^.  — 
iroifjcai  |xiav  yv(ji\n\v,  to  execute  a  common  purpose :  i.e.  the  pur- 
pose of  giving  their  power  to  the  Beast,  as  explained  in  the 
following  words.  Cf.  v.  13,  where  the  entertainment  of  the  pur- 
pose is  spoken  of  (^e^^ovcnv^  ;  here  its  execution  (TrotricraL)  is 
meant.  —  o-xpi  T€\€cr0T|crovTai  ktX.  ,  until  the  words  of  God  should 
be  accomplished :  the  nations  remain  the  vassals  of  the  Beast  till 
the  great  battle,  19^'' *^-.  The  'words  of  God  '  then  include  more 
than  the  overthrow  of  Rome  ;  the  prophecies  of  the  last  events 
till  the  overthrow  of  Antichrist  seem  to  be  meant. 

18.  The  interpretation  of  the  vision  closes  with  the  clear 
statement  of  what  had  already  been  hinted  (vv.  9, 15,  see  notes 
there),  that  the  woman  symbolizes  the  capital  city  of  the  world, 
i.e.  Rome. 

Tlie  destruction  of  Home  by  Antichrist  and  his  vassals.  —  The 
judgment  upon  Rome,  the  present  embodiment  of  God-oppos- 
ing power,  the  relentless  persecutor  of  the  saints  and  the 
corrupter  of  the  earth,  form-s  one  of  the  foremost  acts  in  the 
eschatological  fulfillment.  And  the  Beast  and  his  activities 
are  introduced  here  revealing  the  agency  and  manner  of  God's 
execution  of  her  doom.  God  will  employ  the  supreme  terres- 
trial power  of  evil  to  work  out  his  counsel.  Rome  will  be 
destroyed  by  the  Neronic  Antichrist  as  the  agent  of  God's 
will,  vv.  16-17.  The  rise  of  this  conception  is  not  difficult  to 
understand.  Internecine  war  as  an  organ  of  God  in  destroying 
his  enemies  in  the  last  times  was  predicted  in  the  O.  T.  proph- 
ecies ;  cf.  Ezk.  3821,  Hag.  2^2,  Zee.  ll^s.  Allied  to  such  pre- 
diction, but  more  akin  to  that  of  our  book,  was  the  prophecy 
that  the  'little  horn,'  the  prototype  of  Antichrist,  would  obtain 
his  power  by  destroying  his  predecessors,  with  whose  line  he 
was  connected,  Dan.  7^'  ^*  ^-      And  the  removal  of  the  power  of 


704 


THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN 


[XVII 


great  Rome  as  a  condition  of  Antichrist's  appearance  and  full 
activity  was  an  expectation  found  among  the  Christians, 
2  Thess.  2^~^.  The  possibility  of  the  overthrow  of  the  existing 
power  of  Rome,  and  the  manner  of  its  accomplishment,  were 
contained  in  the  belief,  widespread  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
century,  that  Nero  would  return  from  the  East  with  a  host  of 
Parthian  confederates  to  avenge  himself  upon  the  imperial 
city.  It  was  but  one  step  further  to  the  particular  form  of 
belief  that  lies  in  the  background  of  the  Apocalyptist's  repre- 
sentation. He  has  taken  his  imagery  from  the  expectation, 
whose  existence  may  be  regarded  as  established  (see  pp.  400  ff. ), 
that  in  the  Nero,  coming  now,  not  from  the  East,  but  from  the 
dead,  and  endowed  with  demonic  powers,  the  expected  Anti- 
christ would  be  embodied. 

The  Sercn  Kinr/s  o/i7^'^~ii.  As  the  Beast  represents  the  Roman  empire 
impersonated  in  its  emperors,  it  is  clear  that  the  seven  kings,  symbolized 
by  the  Beast's  seven  heads,  are  meant  to  represent,  whether  historically  or 
symbolically,  the  Roman  rulers  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  (For  the 
view  that  seven  world-empires  are  meant,  see  pp.  395  f.).  The  words  have 
been  commonly  taken  to  be  historical,  and  any  attempt  to  identify  the 
kings  respectively  numbered  must,  as  most  are  agreed,  begin  with  the 
beginning  of  the  empire.  But  we  meet  at  once  two  factors  which  have 
introduced  uncertainty  into  the  reckoning.  Scholars  are  divided  on  the 
questions  as  to  whether  Julius  Cfesar  or  Augustus  should  be  regarded  as 
the  first  emperor,  and  whether  we  should  count  or  omit  the  three  emperors 
Galba,  Otho,  and  Vitellius,  who  in  the  anarchy  of  68-69  a.d.  held  the 
throne  one  after  another,  but  were  not  universally  recognized.  A  tabular 
view  will  show  the  numerical  place  of  the  first  eight  emperors  according 
to  the  different  modes  of  reckoning. 

According  to  the  starting-point,  and  the 
retention  or  omission  of  the  three  emperors 
named,  the  sixth  emperor,  reigning  at  the 
time  of  the  utterance  in  v.  10,  is  variously 
identified  with  Nero,  Galba,  or  Vespasian. 
Nominally  the  empire  began  with  Augus- 
tus, and  Roman  writers  are  cited  (e.g.  Tac. 
An?}.  I,  1,  Hist.  I.  1)  as  dating  the  empire 
from  him ;  most  scholars  begin  with  him 
in  reckoning  the  seven.  But  Ca?sar  was 
virtually  emperor,  claimed  the  title  impe- 
rator,  and  is  frequently  reckoned  the  first 
in  Roman  and  Jewish  writers,  e.g.  Sueto- 
nius i/'-es  of  the  Twelve  Ccesars;  Sib.  Or.  V.  12;  Joseph.  Ant.  XVIII.  2,2, 
idem,  al ;  2  Es.  12^5.     There  is  then  good  authority  for  beginning  with  him. 


Csesar .     .     . 

1 

1 

Augustus .     . 

2 

2 

1 

1 

Tiberius    .     . 

3 

3 

2 

2 

Caligula    .     . 

4 

4 

3 

3 

Claudius  .     . 

5 

5 

4 

4 

Nero    .      .     . 

6 

6 

5 

5 

r  Galba    .     . 
I  Otho      .     . 

7 

6 

8 

7 

[  Vitellius     . 

8 

Vespasian      . 

7 

6 

Titus    .     .     . 

8 

7 

Domitian .     . 

8 

XVII]  THE   SEVEN   KINGS  705 

It  must  at  least  be  acknowledged  that  we  have  in  ancient  writers  no 
imquestionable  guidance  iu  the  reckoning.  Cf.  Stuart  II.  44;")  ff.  ;  Lucke 
II.  839  ff. 

The  omission  of  the  three  emperors  between  Nero  and  Vespasian,  those 
of  the  so-called  interregnum,  affords  an  easy  method  of  avoiding  the  identi- 
fication of  the  sixth  king  with  Galba,  which  upon  any  supposition  is  im- 
possible ;  apart  from  other  difficulties,  our  book  is  later  than  Nero  or  Galba, 
neither  of  these  can  be  the  sixth  king,  iu  whose  time  the  author  is  writing. 
But  the  omission  of  these  three  is  a  very  questionable  procedure.  It  is  con- 
ceivable that  a  writer  in  the  time  of  Galba,  or  Vespasian  even,  might  hesi- 
tate to  reckon  the  three  in  the  same  category  as  their  predecessors ;  but  it 
is  extremely  doubtful  whether  an  apocalyptist  near  the  end  of  the  century, 
and  not  closely  concerned  with  political  history,  would  make  such  a  distinc- 
tion. The  three  rulers  held  the  office  and  title  of  emperor,  Suetonius,  the 
contemporary  of  the  Apocalyptist,  gives  them  a  place  in  his  Llrei<  of  the 
Twelve  Ccesars,  Josephus  unhesitatingly  places  them  in  the  same  list  (e.g. 
Bell.  Jud.  IV.  9,  2),  they  are  included  with  the  other  emperors  vithout  quali- 
fication in  Sib.  Or.  V.  35.  It  requires  then  a  certain  degree  of  arbitrariness 
to  avoid  making  the  sixth  king  either  Nero  or  Galba.  But  if  we  accept 
the  influence  of  the  Nero  myth  in  the  Apocalypse,  as  we  seem  compelled  to 
do  (see  pp.  401  ff.),  a  date  for  the  present  form  of  the  book  later  than  Ves- 
pasian must  be  assumed,  since  the  time  between  Nero  and  Vespasian,  less 
than  two  years,  is  insufficient  for  the  prevalence  of  that  superstition.  Both 
internal  and  external  evidence  point  to  a  date  not  earlier  than  Domitian 
(see  pp.  206  ff.).  In  spite  of  the  arbitrariness  spoken  of  in  the  treatment 
of  the  three  names,  many  recent  scholars  omit  them  and  beginning  with 
Augustus  make  Vespasian  the  sixth  king.  Thus  the  Apocalyptist  would 
seem  to  say  that  he  is  writing  in  the  time  of  Vespasian,  but  his  book  bears 
evidence  of  being  not  earlier  than  Domitian.  Some  have  sought  to  remove 
the  discrepancy  thus  arising  by  the  supposition  that  the  author,  as  apoc- 
alyptists  are  wont  to  do,  sets  himself  back  into  the  time  of  Vespasian,  and 
gives  in  the  form  of  prophecy  history  already  past  at  his  own  date  (so, 
Weyland  167 ;  Moff.  319,  al).  But  such  antedated  prophecies  are  always 
put  into  the  mouth  of  an  assumed  person  of  the  past ;  so,  e.g.  the  prophecies 
of  Daniel,  Enoch,  etc.  There  is  nowhere  in  the  book  a  hint  of  such  an 
assumption.  This  explanation  is  accepted  by  few.  The  more  common  ex- 
planation of  the  difficulty  is  that  the  words  in  v.  10  '  five  are  fallen,  the  one 
is,  the  other  is  not  yet  come '  belong  to  an  oracle  of  the  time  of  Vespasian, 
or  as  some  would  say  of  an  earlier  emperor,  and  that  our  author,  writing  in 
Domitian's  time,  has  taken  this  up  and  incorporated  it  into  his  prophecy 
(so,  Bouss.,  Blj.,  Holtzm-Bau.,  J.  Weiss,  al).  But  this  solution  is  open  to 
strong  objection.  Whatever  adaptation  of  sources  may  be  presumed  in  the 
interpretation  which  the  author  is  here  giving  of  his  vision,  it  cannot  be 
questioned  that  the  time  relations,  whether  present,  past,  or  future,  under 
which  the  heads  are  spoken  of  in  v.  10,  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  beast 
in  w.  8,  11 ;  in  other  words  the  is  must  refer  throvighout  to  the  time  of  the 
speaker's  present.  Our  author  does  not  make  mechanical  insertions.  It  is 
2z 


706  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XVII 

certainly  unwarranted  to  find  in  liis  words,  'one  is,'  any  other  meaning  than 
that  the  sixth  king  is  reigning  at  the  actual  time  of  his  writing.  Some  find 
traces  of  revision  of  an  earlier  oracle  in  v.  11 ;  in  the  words  '  he  is  an 
eighth  and  is  of  the  seven'  there  is  thought  to  be  found  an  effort  to 
remove  a  difficulty.  The  supposed  Vespasian  oracle  here  incorporated 
limited  the  number  of  kings  to  seven,  of  whom  Titus  would  be  the  last ;  but. 
the  Apocalyptist,  living  under  Domitian,  in  order  to  bring  the  oracle  into 
accord  with  history,  i.e.  to  prevent  the  number  seven  from  being  exceeded, 
resorts  to  the  myth  of  a  revived  Nero,  and  adds  the  words  '  he  is  one  of  the 
seven,'  thus  making  Domitian  not  really  an  eighth,  since  he  is  only  one  of 
the  seven  now  returned.  Domitian  then  is  the  reincarnated  Nero ;  so, 
Harnack,  Chron.  I.  245  f .,  Holtzm.-Bau.  404,  J.  Weiss  32.  But  the  view  that 
the  Apocalyptist  sees  in  Domitian  a  revived  Nero  is  certainly  wrong.  The 
wounded  head  restored,  Nero  revived,  is  the  Beast  which  is  not  present  at 
the  time  of  the  Apocalyptist's  writing,  but  he  is  to  come  from  the  abyss, 
and  with  the  vassal  kings  destroy  the  Roman  power  (v.  16)  ;  he  is  also  to 
lead  out  the  armies  of  earth  against  the  Messiah  (IQi*'  i^).  These  are 
functions  which  would  not  be  assigned  to  Domitian.  On  the  relation  of 
Domitian  to  Nero,  cf.  Bouss.  416,  Blj.  180  f. 

According  to  any  interpretation  which  conforms  strictly  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  context,  it  is  a  clearly  determined  point  in  our  passage,  that 
the  king  denominated  the  sixth  is  reigning  at  the  time  of  the  utterance  of 
V.  10.  But  by  no  method  of  reckoning  is  it  possible  to  assign  an  emperor 
reigning  near  the  end  of  the  century  a  place  as  the  sixth  in  the  chronological 
order  of  the  Roman  rulers.  Nor  has  any  theory  of  an  incorporated  earlier 
oracle  been  proposed  which  can  claim  general  assent.  We  are  brought  then 
inevitably  to  the  question  whether  the  current  methods  of  identifying  the 
seven  emperors  do  not  proceed  on  a  wrong  supposition.  It  will  be  helpful 
in  considering  that  question  to  notice  what  the  author's  purpose  is  in  the 
mention  of  the  number  of  the  kings,  and  how  this  same  purpose  has  been 
met  in  other  apocalyptic  writings.  Throughout  the  ages  the  cry  of 
God's  people,  yearning  in  their  persecutions  at  the  hands  of  a  world  power 
for  the  deliverer  of  the  great  day  of  the  Lord,  had  been,  '  When  cometh 
the  end  ? '  And  it  was  the  office  of  the  apocalyjjtic  prophet  to  encourage 
the  sufferers  and  to  show  that  the  last  days  were  not  far  off.  The  time  was 
fixed  in  the  counsel  of  God,  but  the  world  must  first  run  its  destined  course. 
The  aeon  of  the  present  order  came  to  be  conceived  as  divided  into  stereo- 
typed periods,  certain  definite  numbers  of  ages,  world-empires,  reigns,  etc., 
which  must  be  fulfilled  ;  and  intimations  were  frequently  given  of  the  num- 
ber yet  remaining  before  the  end  should  be  reached ;  see  pp.  77  ff.  The 
favorite  numbers  in  such  world-divisions  were  4,  7, 10,  and  12.  In  Dan.  the 
schematic  numbers  were  4  and  10 ;  and  the  fourth  world-kingdom  and 
the  end  of  the  10  reigns  have  already  been  reached,  the  last  days  are  at 
hand.  In  2  Es.  the  number  of  the  ages  is  12,  of  which  10^  or  9^  were 
already  passed,  H^^  (the  uncertainty  in  the  text  is  not  important  in  our 
inquiry).  The  Ap.  Bar.  also  forms  its  vision  of  world-periods  on  the  basis 
of  12  as  the  schematic  number,  52  ff. ;  10  periods  are  passed,  the  eleventh  is 


XVII]  THE  SEVEN  KINGS  707 

present,  67.  llie  Apncnlfipxe  of  irccfrs,  En.  91,  9:5,  divides  history  into  10 
periods,  of  which  the  seventh  is  already  come.  And  so  with  our  Apocalypse 
the  sixth  reign  in  the  series  of  7  reigns  which  make  up  the  history  of  the 
last  world-kingdom  is  present ;  there  remains  only  one  more  before  the  end 
of  the  present  world-kingdom  and  the  coming  of  Antichrist.  The  one  pur- 
pose of  al]  the  apocalyptists  in  these  numbers  and  computations  is  to 
declare  the  nearness  of  the  end.  What  kings  have  preceded  is  for  the 
Apocalyptist's  message  to  his  readers  unimportant ;  it  is  enough  for  them  to 
know  that  only  one  is  to  follow  before  the  end  of  the  then  present  world- 
kingdom  is  reached. 

Now,  it  is  important  to  determine  whether  these  enumerations  of  world- 
periods,  kingdoms,  sovereigns,  etc.,  as  presented  in  apocalyptic  writings, 
are  intended  to  conform  closely  with  actual  history,  or  whether  they  are 
not  schemes  adjusted  to  traditional  numbers,  and  designed  to  give  a  certain 
definiteness  to  eschatological  predictions.  A  very  slight  examination  will 
show  that  the  apocalyptists  are  not  historians,  and  that  their  schedules  of 
numbers,  in  which  they  represent  the  course  of  the  world,  do  not  appear  to 
be  derived  from  history,  but  rather  to  be  adopted  from  familiar  numerical 
symbols  to  which  history  is  made  to  conform.  Neither  the  apocalyptists 
nor  their  readers  were  interested  in  a  careful  tabulation  of  a  remote  past ; 
their  interest  lay  in  their  own  age  and  the  future  to  which  it  was  leading. 
So  Daniel's  four  empires  are  seen  to  be  at  variance  with  actual  history ;  see 
Driver,  Dan.  94  ff. ;  En.  Bib.  I.  1007  f.  His  aim  is  to  show  the  movement 
of  the  ages  toward  the  final  consummation  as  near,  to  exhibit  in  the  escha- 
tological kingdom  the  culmination  of  a  divine  order.  He  adopts  for  his 
purpose  the  traditional  notion  of  four  world-ages,  which  appears  also  in 
Persian,  Greek,  Roman,  and  rabbinic  tradition.  For  its  use  in  other  apoc- 
alypses cf.  2  Es.  1139,  Ap.  Bar.  39,  En.  89-90.  Likewise  the  10  horns,  the 
10  kings  of  the  last  empire  in  Dan.,  though  perhaps  referring  to  a  particular 
line  of  kings,  cannot  be  identified  with  the  same  number  of  actual  i:)ersons. 
The  number  is  schematic ;  it  is  used  thus  in  Sib.  Or.  IV.  47  ff..  En.  93,  91, 
and  in  this  use  is  taken  up  by  our  Apocalyjitist  in  the  10  horns.  The  num- 
ber 12  assigned  to  the  kings  of  the  last  kingdom  represented  by  the  wings 
of  the  eagle  in  2  Es.  11  is  equally  unhistorical ;  the  efforts  to  identify  these 
with  the  same  number  of  sovereigns  have  proved  fruitless ;  it  is  certain  that 
the  number  there  is  taken  from  a  familiar  typical  use,  as  it  is  in  2  Es.  14^^, 
Ap.  Bar.  .53  ff.,  Ap.  Abr.  29  ;  cf .  Volz,  168 ;  Bouss.  Judenthum,  253.  Now  the 
exact  parallelism  between  these  eschatological  computations  and  the  reck- 
oning of  seven  kings  in  our  chapt.  suggests  that  the  same  usage  is  adopted 
here.  We  have  here  the  same  schematic  representation  of  a  succession  of 
periods,  i.e.  reigns,  of  which  the  one  then  present  is  shown  to  be  near  the 
end  of  the  existing  aeon.  The  choice  of  7  as  a  symbol  of  completeness, 
which  to  a  remarkable  degree  dominates  our  Apocalypse  (see  pp.  253  f.), 
would,  even  if  an  invention  of  the  author,  be  only  conformable  to  the  gen- 
eral usage  of  the  book  ;  but  the  idea  of  7  world-periods  and  7  rulers  is  found, 
if  not  in  Jewish  literature,  yet  in  Babylonian,  Persian,  and  Greek  ti-adition. 
There  is  also  in  our  passage  the  same  difficulty  as  in  the  other  apocalypses 


708  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVH 

in  identifying  the  typical  number  with  that  of  history  ;  an  arbitrary  reckon- 
ing or  an  artificial  explanation  must  be  resorted  to  in  order  to  brins^'  the 
statement  into  conformity  with  the  date  of  the  book.  It  is  moreover  doubt- 
ful whether  an  apocalyptist  and  a  Jew  of  the  provinces  would  be  nicely 
thoughtful  to  follow  the  exact  succession  of  Roman  rulers,  or  in  speaking 
of  the  Roman  state  as  a  God-opposing  power  would  have  been  careful  to 
distinguish  between  the  empire,  beginning  with  Csesar  or  Augustus,  and 
the  form  of  government  preceding  it.  A  striking  illustration  of  an  apoc- 
alyptist's  subordidation  of  historical  accuracy  to  a  dramatic  purpose  is  seen 
in  the  errors  of  Ap.  Bar.  1^^,  6\  which  were  committed  in  face  of  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  facts  of  the  O.  T.  history  which  the  author  shows ;  see  Charles, 
A  p.  Bar.,  pp.  1  f. ;  Kautzsch  on  1^. 

In  view  of  these  considerations  we  are  brought  to  the  conclusion  that 
t7ie  number  seven  here  is  purely  symhoUcal,  that  the  Apocali/ptist  means  to  repre- 
sent the  Roman  power  as  a  historic  whole.  From  beginning  to  end  it  is,  as 
impersonated  in  its  rulers,  the  enemy  of  God's  people.  But  the  period  of 
its  last  sovereign  is  not  thought  to  be  already  reached,  the  parousia  is  not 
so  immediately  at  hand.  Yet  the  universal  belief  of  the  apostolic  age,  and 
the  uniform  representation  of  our  book,  place  that  event  not  far  oft".  The 
sixth  reign  in  the  series  of  seven  may  easily  be  conceived  to  be  present,  and 
the  last  can  continue  only  '  a  little  while ' ;  after  that,  the  reign  of  Anti- 
christ, short  though  it  be,  must  claim  its  allotted  space  before  the  Messiah 
appears.  As  in  the  apocalypses  mentioned  above,  a  late  number  in  the 
series,  but  not  the  last,  is  already  reached.  Who  this  sixth  king,  the  one 
reigning  at  the  time,  is,  whether  Vespasian,  Domitian,  or  another,  must  he  deter- 
mined solely  by  the  evidence  ivhich  the  book  gives  elseichere  of  its  date.  Our 
passage  is  not  history,  but  a  simple  piece  of  eschatological  symbolism,  like 
those  in  the  other  apocalypses.  And  the  words,  'even  he  is  an  eighth' 
(v.  11),  are  not  a  revision  of  an  earlier  oracle  of  7  kings  made  by  a  redactor 
living  under  an  eighth  (see  p.  705)  ;  they  describe  Antichrist  not  as  an 
eighth  head  but  as  an  eighth  world-ruler  coming  up  after  the  7  world-rulers 
impersonated  in  the  Roman  emperors  have  fulfilled  their  course.  The 
Roman  empire  must  fill  out  its  destined  place  in  history,  it  must  have  its 
complete  tale  of  kings  denoted  by  the  typical  number  7 ;  then  Antichrist 
comes,  who  succeeds  the  Roman  power  which  he  destroys;  he  forms  an 
eighth  ruler  added  to  the  seventh,  just  as  the  '  little  horn '  (Antiochus)  in 
Dan.  forms  an  eleventh  added  to  the  tenth  (7*' 2*),  but  at  the  same  time  he 
is  'of  the  7,'  inasmuch  as  he  is  one  of  the  7  (Nero)  reincarnate. 

Textual  notes.  171"^'^.  1.  Before  uSarwv  and  ttoXXwv,  Q  most  min  R 
insert  twv;  wanting  in  KAP  many  min  edd. — 3.  ye/xovra  ovofxara  X*AP 
Lch  Ti  Wn  RY  r//;  yc^xov  ra  ovofLara  Alf  Ws  al;  yefxov  ovo/xara  K'Q  many 
min  Blj  Sod ;  ye/xov  ovofULTwv  many  min  anc  com  R.  —  €)(ov  Q  most 
min  R  Ws  Alf  Blj  Sod  al;  exovra  KP  Ti  Wllmrg;  £;)(w  A  min  WII 
Bouss.  —  4.  Instead  of  ra  aKaOapra,  R  has  aKaOaprrjTO'i  without  Ms.  au- 
thority. —  8.  vTrayeiv  SPQ  min  vers  R  many  edd  ;  virayeL  A  some  min  Ws 
WH  al.  —  Instead  of  km  TrapecTTai,  R  reads  Kanrep  ecmv,  origin  uncertain. 


CRITICISM   OF   XVII  709 

—  lo.  For  StSoacriv,  K  without  iiiitliority  reads  BLaSiSuxrovcnv.  — 16.  For  kul 
before  to  Or^ptov,  K  reads  (.in  without  Ms.  authority,  so  souu^  ]\Is.s.  of  vlg.  — 
17.  For  TiXi.(T9q(TovTaL  OL  XoyoL,  R  reads  TcXca-Qi]  ra  prjixara,  uncertain 
origin. 

Ci-iticism  of  chnpt.  17.  The  criticism  of  this  chapt.  is  closely  connected 
with  that  of  chapt.  13.  Most  of  tliose  who  see  in  the  latter  the  working 
over  of  an  original  Jewish  document  hold  the  same  view  regarding  chapt. 
17.  The  argument  also  upon  which  the  principal  weight  is  laid  is  essen- 
tially the  same.  It  is  enough  here  to  refer  to  pp.  644  ff.  for  the  argument 
and  some  comments  upon  it.  This  general  question  as  to  a  Jewish  original 
has  however  become  subordinate  in  critical  discussion  to  questions  as  to  the 
relation  of  the  two  chapts.  to  each  other,  and  the  composite  character  of 
chapt.  17.  Against  oneness  of  authorship  the  following  points  of  difference 
between  the  two  chapts.  have  been  urged  as  decisive.  In  17  the  Beast 
comes  from  the  abyss,  in  13  from  the  sea ;  in  17  it  is  the  Beast  that  is  full 
of  names  of  blasphemy,  in  13  it  is  the  7  heads ;  in  17  the  10  horns  are 
helpers  of  the  Beast,  in  13  no  such  office  is  assigned  them  ;  in  17  the  heads 
represeiit  mountains  and  kings,  in  13  no  such  interpretation  is  found ;  in  17 
the  Beast  wars  against  the  Lamb,  in  13  against  the  saints.  In  13  noth- 
ing is  said  of  7  kings  of  wliom  5  are  fallen,  one  is  and  one  is  yet  to  come, 
nothing  of  an  eighth  identified  with  the  Beast,  nothing  of  the  woman,  who 
is  conspicuous  in  17 ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  in  17  nothing  is  said  of  the 
dragon  with  whom  the  Beast  is  associated  in  13.  This  argument  is  given 
most  fully  by  Yoltcr  Prohlem  199  f.  But  these  differences,  if  not  trivial, 
involve  no  contradiction  such  as  to  establish  diversity  of  authorship.  In 
all  comparison  of  the  two  chapts.  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  their 
respective  places  in  the  author's  plan  are  entirely  different.  The  earlier 
chapt.  pictures  the  great  agent  which  Satan  uses  in  his  war  against  the 
saints ;  the  latter  chapt.  is  concerned  with  the  destrviction  of  Rome,  show- 
ing her  guilt  and  the  agency  used  by  God  in  her  judgment.  (See  pp.  278, 
284  f.,  also  Com.  on  the  chapts.)  With  all  the  similarity  in  the  symbols, 
there  must  therefore  be  differences  in  the  details  which  are  represented  and 
emphasized.     See  further,  pp.  695,  697. 

The  principal  objections  to  the  unity  of  chapt.  17  are  represented  in  the 
following  argument  of  Spitta  (180  ff.),  whom  many  follow.  He  refers 
w.  7-18  to  a  redactor.  After  the  description  of  the  woman  in  w.  1-6,  we 
should  expect,  he  argTies,  the  revelation  of  her  judgment,  as  promised  in 
V.  1,  but  on  the  contrary  we  have  in  w.  7-18  an  extended  exposition  of 
what  is  meant  by  the  figures  of  the  woman  and  of  the  beast  which  carries 
her.  And  in  this  paragraph  itself,  w.  7-18,  we  should  expect  the  woman 
to  occupy  the  first  place,  as  she  does  in  the  opening  verses  of  the  chapt.  and 
in  the  promise  of  v.  7;  but  the  reverse  is  the  case;  a  long  notice  of  the 
beast  follows  without  a  syllable  in  regard  to  the  woman  before  v.  15,  and 
then  after  casual  allusions  in  w.  15,  16,  verse  18  brings  in  at  last  the  iden- 
tification of  the  woman,  which  is  expected  after  v.  7.  Even  in  vv.  1-6,  the 
hand  of  a  redactor  shows  itself ;   the  beast  upon  which  the  woman  sits 


710  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

(v.  S)  is  introduced  without  the  article,  and  therefore  cannot  refer  to  the 
one  mentioned  before  in  chapt.  13 ;  moreover  such  a  monster,  a  hideous 
combination  of  the  four  beasts  of  Dan.,  would  not  be  suitable  as  a  riding- 
horse  (lieilt/iier)  for  a  woman  dressed  out  with  exceeding  luxui'iousness. 
Originally  the  beast  of  this  picture  had  no  relation  to  the  beast  of  many 
heads  and  horns,  full  of  blasphemous  names  (l^i)  ;  these  attributes  were 
added  to  convert  this  beast  into  that  of  chapt.  13.  The  words  '  drunken 
with  the  blood  of  the  saints,'  v.  6,  are  seen  to  be  an  addition  of  the 
redactor,  since  chapts.  18-19,  interpolations  being  omitted,  show  that  the 
cause  of  Rome's  punishment  is  not  the  martyrdom  of  the  saints,  but  her 
immorality.  —  Objections  to  w.  9,  11,  14  have  been  raised  by  a  considerable 
number  of  critics.  The  twofold  interpretation  of  the  7  heads  in  v.  9,  the 
singiilar  numbering  of  the  last  king  as  an  eighth  and  also  one  of  the  7  in 
v.  11,  and  the  mention  of  the  war  against  the  Lamb  in  v.  14  are  thought  to 
present  imquestionable  evidence  of  a  redactor's  work.  For  the  discussion 
of  these  passages,  see  Com.  in  loc. 

J.  Weiss  (27  ff.)  sees  in  the  chapt.  three  strata  of  tradition  and  inter- 
pretation. (1)  The  first  version  was  from  the  hand  of  a  writer  in  the  time 
of  the  sixth  emperor,  i.e.  Nero,  Galba,  or  Vespasian.  He  represented  Rome 
under  the  form  of  a  luxurious  woman,  the  courtesan  of  kings.  The  beast 
was  the  symbol  of  the  Roman  empire,  the  7  heads  represented  the  7  empe- 
rors of  whom  the  last  was  yet  to  come,  and  his  short  reign  would  be 
followed  by  the  destruction  of  Rome,  which  would  be  wrought  by  God 
himself  through  all  manner  of  plagues,  18^,  19^ ;  there  was  no  thought  of 
the  agency  of  the  beast  and  the  10  horns  in  the  destruction.  Rome  is 
punished  as  the  corrupter  of  the  nations,  18^'  '^'  ^'  ^^ ;  all  references  to  an 
enmity  toward  God's  people  as  the  cause  of  her  visitation  belong  to  a  later 
hand.  (2)  This  first  source  was  worked  over  by  a  writer  in  the  same  or  the 
next  reign.  Evidence  of  the  reviser's  work  is  seen  in  his  artificial  number- 
ing of  the  kings,  v.  8,  in  his  exaltation  of  the  figure  of  the  beast  into  the 
first  place,  whereas  in  no.  1  it  was  subordinate,  and  in  his  identification  of 
the  beast  with  the  eighth  king.  This  writer  specifies  the  manner  in  which 
Rome  is  to  be  destroyed.  Antichrist  is  to  appear  as  the  enemy  of  Rome, 
and  her  destroyer.  Nero  will  return  from  the  East  with  a  host  of  Parthian 
allies  to  war  against  Rome.  The  city  will  be  destroyed  by  the  heathen 
world-power,  Antichrist,  in  the  person  of  Nero,  aided  by  his  vassals  the  10 
kings.  (3)  This  version,  no.  2,  was  finally  taken  up  by  ovir  Apocalyptist, 
and  through  additions  made  to  refer  to  the  circumstances  of  his  own  time. 
To  the  tale  of  Rome's  sins  was  now  added  the  persecution  of  the  saints, 
17^  18^*,  19^'';  the  beast  is  now  described  as  making  war  with  the  Lamb 
and  his  followers,  v.  14 ;  the  beast  is  no  longer  a  future  character,  he  is 
present  in  Domitian,  to  whose  time  the  third  redactor  probably  belongs ; 
this  redactor  sees  in  Domitian,  Nero  rerlirivmt,  who  ascended  from  the  abyss. 

It  is  impossible  here  to  enter  into  a  full  discussion  of  these  and  other  less 
noteworthy  criticisms.  But  it  is  believed  that  the  principal  difficulties  upon 
which  they  rest  have  been  sufficiently  met  in  the  Summary  and  Com.  We 
must  recognize  the  freedom  with  whicli  the  Apocalyptist  everywhere  uses 


XVIII.  1]  COMMENTARY  711 

thought  and  imagery  suggested  by  traditional  sources,  and  the  independence 
with  whicli  he  interprets  and  adai)ts  material  to  his  purposes.  A  legitimate 
exegesis  seems  to  establish  an  apjjropriate  meaning  throughout  the  chapt. 
and  to  make  unnecessary  and  improbable  theories  of  a  radical  working  over 
and  combination  of  fragments  from  various  documents  —  especially  as  the 
grounds  on  wliich  such  theories  rest  not  infrequently  necessitate  an  exegesis 
wholly  unwarranted. 

(3)  Sevenfold  declaration  of  Rome's  ruin,  18^-19^.  See 
pp.  284  f . 

After  the  prefatory  chapt.  (17),  in  which  Rome's  sin  is  pic- 
tured, and  (xod's  agents  in  her  judgment  are  made  known,  the 
Apocalyptist  comes  now  in  chapt.  18  to  the  crisis  of  her  de- 
struction. He  does  not  portray  the  assault  of  her  enemies 
coming  against  her,  or  the  strokes  of  the  plagues  as  they  fall 
upon  her.  He  proclaims  rather  the  inevitableness  of  her  just 
doom  and  the  completeness  of  her  overthrow  and  devastation. 
The  exordium  and  close  of  this  great  paragraph  form  a  setting 
accordant  with  the  transcendent  significance  of  the  event  now 
foretold  in  the  drama  of  the  end.  An  angel  descending  from 
heaven  with  a  glory  that  lightens  all  the  earth  and  with  a 
mighty  voice  begins  the  prophecy  (vv.  1-3).  Its  issue  in 
a  perfect  fulfillment  and  in  the  triumph  of  (rod's  righteousness 
is  celebrated  with  corresponding  majesty  in  heaven  ;  a  great 
chorus  in  which  are  joined  all  the  celestial  hosts,  the  angels, 
the  four  and  twenty  Elders,  and  the  four  Living  Creatures, 
raises  its  threefold  Alleluia  in  Jehovah's  throne-hall,  and  a 
voice  from  the  throne  calls  upon  all  the  servants  of  God  upon 
earth  to  lift  up  their  antiphon  of  praise  (19^~^). 

In  three  separate  aspects  Rome's  utter  ruin  is  declared. 
Her  place  in  the  earth  becomes  a  desolate  waste,  and  haunt 
of  demons  and  foul  creatures  (18^)  ;  her  political  and  commer- 
cial power  perishes,  the  kings  and  traders  of  the  earth  proclaim 
the  extinction  of  all  her  might  and  riches  (18^~^^)  ;  all  signs 
of  her  social  and  domestic  life  vanish  (1S'^^~^^).  Viewed  in 
detail  the  passage  will  be  seen  to  consist  of  seven  distinct 
parts,  (1)  The  angel's  announcement  of  Rome's  certain  fall, 
18^~^.  (2)  A  warning  to  God's  people  to  flee  from  the  im- 
pending doom,  18'*"''.  (3)  An  incitement  of  the  spirits  of 
vengeance  to  do  their  full  work,  18*'"^.      (4)  A  dirge  over  the 


712  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVIH.  1 

ruin  of  so  great  power  and  riches,  18^~^^.  (5)  An  outburst 
of  exultation  at  God's  act  of  vengeance,  18^*^.  (6)  A  symbolic 
act  of  a  mighty  angel  figuring  Rome's  sudden  and  complete 
disappearance,  IS^^"^"*.  (7)  The  loud  chorus  in  heaven  cele- 
brating God's  judgment  upon  the  great  corruptei  of  the  earth 
and  the  persecutor  of  his  servants,  19^~^.  For  further  features 
in  the  formal  structure  of  the  paragraph  see  p.  724.  —  As 
the  great  cities  of  old  were  in  their  corruptness  and  hostility 
to  God's  people  prototypes  of  Rome,  so  the  utterances  of  the 
O.  T.  prophets  relating  to  the  punishment  of  these  naturally 
furnish  to  the  Apocalyptist  his  model,  and  in  fact  much  of  his 
matter  and  language  in  his  oracle  concerning  the  Babylon  of 
the  Christian  age.  This  parallelism  will  l)e  pointed  out  in  the 
notes  below. 

XVIII.  1.  See  above.  —  a\\ov  ayycXov,  anothe)-  am/el:  prob- 
ably in  contrast  with  the  angel  of  chapt.  17.  See  on  5^.  — 
€|o\)criav  }JL€YdXT|v,  great  power :  the  reference  here  is,  apparently, 
not  to  the  exercise  of  authority/  (RV),  but  to  the  power  of  the 
angel  to  utter  liis  message  so  that  all  might  hear,  as  indicated 
by  iv  la')(ypa  4>(ov^,  with  a  strong  voice;  cf.  5'^,  10^.  For  this 
use  of  i^ovaia  cf.  9=''i0'i». — t|  -yfj  €<j)a>TicrG'q /crX.,  the  earth  teas 
lightened  with  his  glory:  cf.  Ezk.  43^,  'The  earth  shined  with 
his  glory.'  Brilliant  light  is  a  standing  attribute  of  a  lieavenly 
being  J  cf.  1  Tim.  G^*^,  'dwelling  in  light  unapproacliable.'  See 
on  4^.  The  angel  is  endowed  with  attributes  befitting  his 
mission. 

2.  €ir€a6V  BaPv\oi>v  kt\.^  fallen  is  Babylon:  the  language  in 
which  Babylon's  fall  is  proclaimed  in  the  O.  T.  prophets  is  used 
to  prophesy  the  fall  of  Rome  ;  cf.  Is.  21 9,  chapt.  47,  Jer.  chapts. 
50-51.  See  on  14^.  The  past  tense  is  prophetic,  expressing 
the  certainty  of  the  future  event ;  Rome  had  not  yet  fallen.  — 
t-ycvcTO  KaTOLKT|Tiipiov  5ai|Jiovicov  /ctX.,  has  become  a  habitation  of 
demons^  etc. :  the  description  follows  conventional  figures  used 
in  the  prophecies  of  the  devastation  of  Babylon,  Edom,  and 
Nineveh ;  cf.  Is.  1319-22,  34ii-i5,  Jer.  50^9,  5137,  Zeph.  2^5,  Bar. 
435^  — <})vXaKi]  iravTos  irvevixaTOS,  a  hold  of  every  unclean  spirit: 
the  exact  sense  of  <^v\aKr)  here  is  not  certain.  The  meaning 
prison,  i.e.  as  a  place  where  the  unclean  spirits  and  birds  are 
confined  (so,  Diist.  Bleek,  Holtzm.  many  others),  or  a  place  to 


XVIII.  3]  COMMENTARY  713 

wliicli  they  are  banished  (so,  Ewald,  De  Wet.  al)^  seems  hardly 
appropriate.  Possibly  the  meaning  is  a  place  of  watchiny, 
where  the  demons  and  birds  of  prey  watch  for  their  victims 
(so,  Holtzm.-Bau.,  aZ)  ;  but  this  does  not  seem  appropriate,  at 
least  to  the  demons.  If  the  clause  (f>v\aKr]  Trvevfxaro'i  is  pre- 
cisely parallel  with  the  preceding,  as  the  repetition  of  haifiovtov 
in  TTPevfia  aicdOaprov  indicates,  (f)v\aKi]  is  parallel  with  KaroLKi]- 
Ttjpiov,  and  has  probably  the  same  meaning  essentially ;  the 
meaning,  then,  may  be  a  place  where  the  uncdean  spirits  and 
birds  are  kept  safe,  unmolested,  they  live  utidisturhed  there. 
For  (f)vXdcrcreiv,  (f>v\aK^  of  the  act  of  keeping  free  from  disturb^ 
ance  see  L.  &  S.  s.v. 

3.  The  cause  of  Rome's  judgment  given  here  is  her  corrupt- 
ing influence.  Other  causes,  her  overweening  pride  (v.  7)  and 
her  martyrdom  of  the  saints  (v.  24),  are  not  mentioned  ;  the 
Apocalyptist  is  here  merely  repeating  the  language  and  thought 
of  14^.  — Ik  to{)  olvox)  /ct\.,  of  the  wine  of  the  wrath,  etc. :  see  on 
14'''.  — ircTTtoKav,  have  drunk:  cf.  14*'' i^,  17^,  and  the  O.  T.  pas- 
sages cited  in  note  on  14^.  Not  only  is  the  analogy  of  all  the 
parallels  against  the  reading  TreTrrcoKav,  have  fallen  (RV.  see 
text,  note),  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  use  of  TriTrretv  in 
such  a  connection  is  supported  ;  the  Christian's  fall  from  stead- 
fastness, of  which  the  word  is  used  figuratively  (1  Co.  lO^^-)^ 
is  not  parallel  to  the  deterioration  of  a  corrupt  heathen  people. 
—  ol  paaiXeis  .  •  .  eiropveucrav,  the  kim/s  .  .  .  have  committed 
fornication:  cf.  17"-.  For  the  meaning  see  p.  691.  —  €K  ttis  5u- 
vd|JL€a)S  Tov  (TTpTJvous  avxTis,  through  the  power  of  her  luxurions- 
ness,  or,  wantonness :  for  the  words  aTprjvo<i  and  a-TprjvLdo),  18^' '''  ^ 
(^KaTa(TTpj]vidco,  1  Tim.  5^^),  not  found  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T., 
we  have  no  precise  equivalents ;  they  contain  the  idea  of  ex- 
cessive luxury  and  self-indulgence  with  accompanying  arro- 
gance and  wanton  exercise  of  strength.  Rome's  demand  for 
luxuries  has  enriched  the  merchants  and  at  the  same  time  made 
them  partakers  of  her  wantonness  and  arrogance.  The  accumu- 
lation of  wealth  in  itself  is  not  what  is  here  made  a  ground  of 
indictment. — 8i)vd|JL€coS,  joower;  the  luxuriousness  of  Rome  is 
spoken  of  as  an  actual  power,  which  has  worked  to  the  enrich- 
ment of  the  traders.  The  translation  abundatice  (so,  some,  AV) 
is  not  warranted. 


714  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVni.  4 

4-5.  See  p.  711.  The  certainty  of  Rome's  visitation  is  em- 
phasized by  a  warning  to  God's  people  uttered  by  God  himself 
or  Christ  ('my  people')  to  flee  from  the  city  lest  they  fall  into 
her  sins  and  share  in  her  plagues.  The  language  is  taken  from 
Jer.  Sl'*^  (wanting  in  the  LXX,  as  known  to  us);  cf.  also  Jer, 
51^  50^  Is.  48'^",  53^1. — iKoXXTJST^aav  o-xpi  to-O  ovpavov,  have 
reached  unto  heaven :  the  meaning  is  that  Rome's  sins  form  a  vast 
pile  which  reaches  unto  heaven.  The  figure  is  suggested  by 
Jer.  51^,  'her  judgment  reacheth  unto  heaven,  and  is  lifted 
up  even  to  the  skies ' ;  cf .  Ezra  9^.  The  use  of  KoXKaadat  is 
peculiar ;  cases  cited  as  parallel,  e.g.  Ac.  9^^,  Lk.  lO^^,  are  not 
the  same.  The  thought  is  not  that  the  sins  cleave  to  the  skies, 
but  rather  that  they  cleave  to  one  another.,  forming  a  mass  reach- 
ing unto  C&xpO  heaven.  See  RVmarg.  — ret  d8^KTJ|xaTa :  both 
the  ace.  and  the  gen.  are  used  after  fiviqixoveveiv;  see  Blass 
§  36,  6  ;  Win.  §  30,  10,  c. 

6-8.  See  p.  711.  From  the  warning  given  to  the  saints  the 
voice  turns  to  the  spirits  of  vengeance,  and  bids  them  to  exact 
of  Rome  the  full  penalty  of  her  guilt.  The  mention  of  God  in 
the  third  person,  vv.  5,  8,  does  not  show  a  change  of  speaker. 
The  persons  addressed  are  not  mentioned ;  the  passage  is 
rhetorical  in  form,  proclaiming  the  certainty  of  vengeance  and 
its  cause.  —  dirdSoTe  avTTJ  ,  .  .  dircScDKCV,  render  unto  her  as  also 
she  herself  rendered :  the  words  echo  Jer.  50^^;  cf.  also  Jer.  50^^, 
5]^ 24,  56^  Ps.  137^.  On  the  vindictiveness  of  the  language  see 
p.  723.  The  word  aireScoKev  is  used  for  rhetorical  correspond- 
ence with  a7r68oT€  and  not  in  its  exact  sense ;  for  it  refers  to 
a  deed  on  Rome's  part,  not  a  requital ;  cf.  Ps.  137^  LXX.  airo- 
hthovai.,  which  characterizes  punishment  as  a  paying  back,  is  often 
used  of  suffering  in  return  for  suffering  inflicted,  cf.  Ro.  12^'^, 
1  Thess.  51^  2  Thess.  41^,  1  Pet.  3^.  It  is  therefore  understood 
here  more  appropriately  of  Rome's  punishment  for  her  persecu- 
tion of  the  Christians  than  for  her  corruption  of  the  nations. 
The  reference,  then,  is  to  the  martyrdom  of  the  saints,  as  in 
V.  24  and  19^''.  The  second  clause  'in  the  cup  which  she  has 
mingled,'  etc.,  is  as  the  language  shows  parallel  in  thought 
with  V.  3,  14^,  17^,  referring  to  the  corruption  of  the  nations 
and  the  drinking  of  the  cup  of  God's  wrath  in  return.  A  third 
clause,  V.  7,  speaks  of  Rome's  impious  pride.     The  three  clauses 


XVIII.  12]  COMMENTARY  "  715 

then  give  in  brief  the  three  causes  of  God's  wrath  against  Rome 
which  are  mentioned  in  different  parts  of  the  paragraph ;  see 
p.  723. — SiirXaxraTe  to.  StirXd,  double  [unto  her'\  the  double: 
requite  her  in  double  measure,  a  conventional  expression  for 
full  requital ;  cf.  Is.  40^,  Jer.  16^8,  IT^s,  Ex.  22^'  7-  9.  _  Saa  :  ace. 
of  kindred  meaning ;  cf .  Ro.  6^^,  Gal.  2'^^.  —  taxpriviaaev,  hath 
waxed  wanton:  see  on  v.  3.  —  Kd6T||iai  PaaiXtaaa  /ctX.,  I  sit  a 
queen,  etc. :  Rome  like  Babylon  and  Tyre  exalted  herself  above 
God  ;  cf.  Is.  47 '^"^  '  1  am  and  there  is  none  else  beside  me ;  I 
shall  not  sit  as  a  widow  .  .  .  but  these  two  things  shall  come 
to  thee  in  a  moment  in  one  day,'  etc.;  cf.  also  Ezek.  28^,  Zeph. 
2^^,  Sib.  Or.  V.  173.  — kv  [xta  T||i€pa,  in  one  day:  like  ixia  copa, 
in  one  hour,  vv.  10,  16,  19,  a  symbolical  term  for  suddenness. 

9-10.  See  p.  711.  From  the  proclamation  of  Rome's  certain 
doom  the  Apocalyptist  passes  on  to  the  dirge  which  the  kings, 
the  merchants,  and  seafarers  of  all  the  earth  will  utter,  lament- 
ing the  complete  ruin  of  the  great  city,  vv.  9-19.  ■ —  KXavaouciv 
.  .  .  ol  paatXeis  «;tX.,  the  kings  of  the  earth  will  weep,  etc. :  taken 
from  the  lament  over  Tyre,  Ezk.  26^**  ^-^  cf .  also  27^5.  For  the 
attitude  of  the  kings  as  contrasted  with  that  declared  in  17^^, 
see  pp.  722  f.  —  ol  |j,€t'  a-Orfis  •  •  •  (jrp'\\vii]i(j<xvT(.<i,  who  committed 
fornication  with  her  and  lived  wantonly:  for  the  meaning  of  the 
first  phrase  see  p.  690  ;  for  the  second  see  on  v.  3.  —  tov  Kairvov 
TT]S  irvpoxrccos  avxT^s,  the  smoke  of  her  burning:  while  other 
plagues  are  mentioned  (v.  8),  destruction  by  fire  forms  the  chief 
feature  in  the  prophecies  of  Rome's  ruin ;  vv.  8,  17,  19^,  17^^ ; 
cf.  Is.  3410,  Ezk.  2818. 

11.  The  lament  of  the  merchants  and  seafarers  is  taken  from 
the  dirge  over  the  fall  of  Tyre  in  Ezk.  27^^"^*^.  There  is  a 
double  strain  in  the  sorrow  of  the  merchants ;  they  lament  their 
loss  of  trade,  v.  11,  then  the  utter  destruction  of  so  great  treas- 
ure, vv.  16  f.  The  same  character  seems  to  be  intended  in  the 
chant  of  the  seafarers  in  the  two  clauses  of  19  c,  'wherein  all 
that  had  their  ships  in  the  sea  were  made  rich '  and '  in  one 
hour  is  she  laid  waste.' 

12-14.  The  catalogue  of  wares  furnished  to  Rome  illustrates 
the  luxury  of  her  life  and  the  vastness  of  her  commerce.  The 
list  is  formed  in  imitation  of  Ezk.  27^"^^  most  of  the  articles 
are  mentioned  there ;  cf.  also  Ezk.  16^"^^.      There  are   seven 


716  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XVin.  12 

groups ;  ( 1 )  precious  metals,  precious  stones  and  pearls,  (2)  rich 
cloths,  (8)  thyine  wood  and  ornamental  vessels  of  ivory,  of 
choice  wood  and  of  brass,  iron,  and  marble,  (4)  aromatic  arti- 
cles, (5)  articles  of  food,  (6)  chattels  of  beasts,  horses  and 
chariots,  and  slaves,  (7)  choice  fruits.  Groups  1,  2,  and  5 
consist  of  four  members  each  ;  (1)  gold,  silver,  precious  stones 
and  pearls  ;  (2)  fine  linen,  purple  stuffs,  silk,  and  scarlet  stuffs ; 
(5)  wine,  oil,  fine  flour,  and  wheat.  Probably  this  is  intended 
in  group  6,  for  horses  and  chariots  as  inseparable  form  one 
object  of  luxury,  and  the  two  designations  of  slaves  refer  to  a 
single  thing  (see  below).  If  in  v.  13  afMco/xov,  amomum  (RV 
mrg,  spice  RV  text,  wanting  in  AV),  be  omitted,  as  in  some 
sources  (see  text,  note),  group  4  also  has  four  members.  In 
group  3  the  second  aK€vo<;,  vessel,  is  followed  l)y  four  designa- 
tions of  material,  precious  wood,  brass,  iron,  and  marble.  This 
observance  of  numbers  in  the  construction  of  the  passage  is 
unquestionable.  See  further  p.  724.  —  irdv  |t»Xov  Svivov,  all 
thyine  ivood:  this  probably  means  every  variety  of  the  wood, 
or  perhaps  better,  as  suiting  the  connection,  all  articles  made  of 
it.  Thyine  is  a  hard,  dark  wood ;  it  was  used  for  costly  fur- 
niture. See  En.  Bib.  IV.  6066.  The  construction  here  changes 
to  the  ace,  but  returns  to  the  gen.  in  Xinraiv,  v.  13,  and  then 
again  to  the  ace.  in  -^jrv^^d'i ;  evidently  for  the  sake  of  variety. 

—  aiSTipoi),  iron :  ornamental  vessels  are  meant,  as  the  position 
in  a  list  of  such  shows.  Artistic  goblets  of  iron  are  mentioned 
as  votive  offerings.  See  Smith,  Bib.  Diet.  s.v.  — d|X(0|J,ov,  amo- 
mum :  a  perfume  or  ointment  made  from  an  oriental  plant  of 
the  name,  whose  identification  is  uncertain.  It  is  better  to 
transfer  the  word  without  translation.     See  Enc.  Bib.  I.  145. 

—  6u|iid|iaTa,  Xipavov,  ince7ise,  frankincense:  the  former  is  a 
general  term  for  substances,  frequently  a  mixture  of  various 
substances,  burnt  for  the  production  of  odors,  and  as  an  offer- 
ing in  religious  ceremonial ;  the  latter  is  the  fragrant  gum  of 
certain  trees,  and  was  used  as  incense,  or  an  important  in- 
gredient in  compounding  incense.  For  the  composition  of  the 
incense  to  be  used  in  the  Hebrew  ritual  see  Ex.  30^*"^''.  — 
jxvpov,  ointment:  a  fragrant,  costly  ointment;   cf.  Mt.  26'^. 

KTTiVTi,  beasts,  or  cattle  :  as  here  used  the  word  is  distinguished 
from  irpo^ara,  sheej),  and  'lttttcov,  horses;  it  may  refer  to  other 


XVIII.  19]  COMMENTARY  717 

domestic  animals  in  general,  or  perhaps  to  beasts  of  burden  as 
in  Lk.  10^,  Ac.  23^.  —  (rw|iaTa,  slaves:  for  this  use  of  the  word 
see  Thayer,  s.v.  1,  <;^  L  KSi  S.  s.v.  \l.  —  Kal  \}/i)xa.S  dvOpwirajv, 
even  bondmen,  lit.  persons  of  men:  this  phrase  also  is  used  with 
the  meaning  slaves;  cf.  Num.  Sl^s,  Ezk.  27^3,  1  Ch.  521  (^yjrvxa^i 
avhpoiv).  Neither  here  nor  elsewhere  is  there  anything  to  in- 
dicate a  difference  between  the  two  terms,  as  denoting  different 
classes  of  slaves.  Numerous  suggestions  of  a  distinction  have 
been  made,  but  they  are  arbitrary,  without  foundation  in  our 
passage  or  in  the  use  of  the  terms  elsewhere.  The  second  term 
repeating  the  first  is  a  reminiscence  of  Ezk.  27^^^ ;  as  seen  above, 
that  chapt.  of  Ezk.  was  before  the  author's  mind  throughout 
this  passage.  Whether  he  felt  the  first  term  too  vague  and 
added  the  second  to  make  the  meaning  specific,  or  whether  he' 
added  it  simply  as  a  reminiscence  of  his  source,  is  not  impor- 
tant. At  all  events,  since  both  terms  have  the  same  reference, 
Kui  is  even  rather  than  and  (EV).  For  ^jrv^^,  soul  =  ^J^rsoii, 
see  Thayer,  s.v.  1,  c,  e.g.  Ac.  27'^",  'We  were  in  all  .  .  .  276 
souls.'  —  TTOLVTa  TO,  XiTTapd  Kr\.,  all  things  that  are  dainty,  etc. :  a 
summary  phrase  including  the  foregoing  and  similar  objects.  ■ — 
cvpTJo-ovaiv,  they  shall  find :  the  construction  changes  abruptly 
from  the  second  person  to  the  impersonal  third. 

15-16.    See  on  v.  11.  17-19.     A  lament  of 

the  seafarers  is  added,  as  in  the  Apocalyptist's  source,  Ezk., 
chapt.  27,  from  which  the  form  also  is  in  part  taken  (vv.  29-36). 
For  the  form  and  character  of  the  lament  see  further  on  v.  11 
and  p.  724.  —  KM^i^^vryvry^,  shipmaster:  properly  the  steers- 
man, who  had  also  the  command  over  the  other  seamen.  He 
was  subordinate  to  the  vavK\T)po^,  the  supreme  commander ; 
cf.  Ac.  2711,  where  both  words  are  found.  The  vavrai  are  the 
sailors  in  the  narrow  sense  of  the  term. — irds  6  €irl  tottov 
irXewv,  every  one  that  saileth  any  whither  (Alf.,  RV),  lit.  saileth 
to  a  place:  some,  following  De  Wette,  take  the  phrase  to  mean 
coasters,  citing  in  support  Ac.  27'^^,  tov^  Kara  rrjv  'Kaiav  roirovi, 
the  places  along  the  coast  of  Asia.  But  the  two  phrases  are  far 
from  parallel.  The  expression  used  here  is  so  peculiar  that  an 
error  in  the  text  is  probable.  The  conjecture  of  ttovtov  for 
TOTTOV,  every  one  that  saileth  upon  the  sea,  is  plausible ;  see  text, 
note.      If  that  was  the  original  form,  perhaps  it  was  suggested 


718  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XVIH.  19 

by  Ezk.  2729,  'all  the  pilots  of  the  sea.'  —  oaou  tt^v  ed\a<ro-av 
Ip-ydl^ovTai,  as  many  as  do  business  on  the  sea:  cf.  Ps.  lOT^^^. 
The  phrase  corresponds  to  ipyd^eadai  rrjv  yi]v,  to  work,  till  the 
earth;  both  occur  in  extra-biblical  writers.  In  itself  the 
phrase  would  include  fishers,  but  such  allusion  here  is  inappro- 
priate to  the  context,  which  is  occupied  with  Rome's  commerce. 
—  TLS  ojxoia  kt\.,  tvhat  [city]  is  like  the  great  city? :  no  equal  is 
left.  Cf.  Ezk.  27^2.  —  €pa\ov  yjivv  kt\.,  they  cast  dust  on  their 
heads :  from  Ezk.  27^°.  —  Ik  tt^s  ti|xi6tt|T0S,  by  reason  of  her 
costliness:  through  the  greatness  of  her  costly  trade.  Cf. 
Ezk.  2733. 

20.  See  p.  711.  These  words  cannot  be  assigned  to  the 
voice  of  V.  4  (so,  some  com.);  if  that  were  intended  some 
identifying  expression  would  be  required  after  the  long  inter- 
vening passage,  vv.  9-19;  cf.  the  connection  of  4^  with  l^^.  It 
is  rather  the  Prophet  himself  who  speaks.  For  the  apostrophe  to 
heaven  cf .  12i2,  Is.  44^3,  491%  Jer.  Sl'^s.  The  analogy  of  these 
passages  shows  that  heaven  in  this  verse  is  not  to  be  understood 
(so,  some  com.)  as  an  address  to  departed  saints  and  apostles 
supposed  to  be  in  heaven. — oL  d'yioi  /ctX.,  ye  saints,  etc.:  the 
apostrophe  turns  from  heaven  to  the  saints,  apostles,  etc.,  a 
separate  object  of  address;  nothing  is  implied  as  to  where 
these  are,  or  whether  they  are  living  or  dead.  The  first  words 
refer  to  all  saints  alike,  the  following  clauses  to  special  classes 
of  these,  i.e.  the  apostles  and  prophets;  see  on  11^^.  —  Kpifta 
■OjJLwv,  your  judgmeyit,  i.e.  the  judgment  of  their  cause. 

This  verse  is  rejected  by  many  critics  as  interrupting  the 
connection  between  the  prophecies  of  the  foregoing  verses  and 
that  of  vv.  21  ff.  The  criticism,  however,  proceeds  from  a  mis- 
apprehension of  the  real  sequence  here.  The  verse  forms  the 
close  of  the  passages  vv.  9-20  formulating  in  anticipation  the 
feelings  with  which  the  catastrophe  proclaimed  in  vv.  1-8  will 
be  greeted,  when  it  shall  have  taken  place.  Verses  9-19  de- 
scribe the  sorrow  of  the  world;  v.  20  expresses  the  exultation  of 
the  Church.  In  this  last  verse  the  Apocalyptist  might  have 
introduced  the  saints  themselves  uttering  their  words  of  exulta- 
tion; instead,  however,  he  comes  forward  himself  with  prophetic 
power  and  sanction  calling  them  to  acclamation.  The  sudden 
introduction  of  his  own  words  is  in  accord  with  his  manner; 


XVIII.  24]  COMMENTARY  719 

cf.  I39-1O'  i«,  1412.  This  long  passage  (vv.  9-20),  anticipating 
the  sequel  of  the  catastrophe,  being  finished,  the  Apocalyptist 
returns,  v.  21,  to  the  time  of  vv.  4-8,  and  brings  in  another 
part  of  the  prophecy  of  Rome's  fall. 

21-24.  See  p.  712.  By  a  symbolic  act  an  angel  proclaims 
Rome's  sudden  and  utter  disappearance  from  the  earth,  accom- 
panying his  act  with  a  chant  of  doom.  The  angel's  symbolical 
act  is  suggested  by  Jer.  Sl*"''^-;  cf.  Neh.  9^^.  For  similar 
dramatic  prophecy  cf.  Ac.  2V^,  Is.  20,  Jer.  13,  Ezk.  4.  While 
vv.  9-19  tell  of  the  ruin  of  Rome  in  its  relation  to  the  world 
at  large,  as  represented  in  its  political  power  and  commerce, 
these  verses  have  reference  to  the  extinction  of  its  internal 
state,  as  represented  in  its  pleasures,  in  the  labors  of  its  crafts- 
men, and  in  its  family  life.  See  further  on  the  passage 
p.  724. —€is:  indef.  art.;  see  on  8^^. — ixyyiXos  laxupos,  a 
strong  angel:  cf.  5^,  10^.  —  6p|jLT)|JLaTi,  with  mighty  force  :  the  rare 
word  6pfXT)ixa  appears  to  be  used  here  in  the  sense  of  op/i^,  a 
violent  onset  made,  e.g.^  by  an  attacking  army,  and  so  the 
violeiit  impulse  given  to  an  object.  —  <t)covT)  KiGapcoScov /crX.,  the 
sound  of  harpers,  etc. :  the  song  of  judgment  in  these  verses, 
22-23,  is  taken  from  Jer.  25i0;  cf.  Is.  248,  jer.  734^  jgo^  g^k.  2Gi3. 
The  speaker  turns  abruptly  here  to  direct  address,  but  comes 
back  to  the  third  person  in  v.  24;  so  after  the  third  person  in 
vv.  11-13,  the  second  person  is  introduced  in  v.  14.  Such 
changes  do  not  indicate  a  different  hand  (so,  some  critics);  it 
is  a  common  occurrence  in  the  psalms  and  the  prophets,  e.g. 
Ps.  524-6,  623-4,  8110-12,  Ezk.  3211-12,  Am.  G^-^.  _  (Jxovt]  [liiXot) 
/ct\.,  the  sou7id  of  a  mill,  etc.:  no  grain  shall  be  ground;  there 
shall  be  no  sign  of  what  sustains  life.  —  ol  jAc-yio'Tdvcs  tt^s  yy\S, 
the  great  ones  of  the  earth :  cf.  6i^,  Mk.  6^1.  There  is  an  idea 
of  arrogance  implied.  Rome  has  made  the  merchants  who 
traded  with  her  like  herself  in  their  wanton  pride,  cf.  v.  7. 
There  are  then  three  reasons  given  in  23  6-24  for  the  judgment 
of  the  great  city:  (1)  she  has  raised  up  in  the  earth  magnates 
who  wantonly  exalt  themselves,  (2)  she  has  led  all  the  nations 
astray  by  her  seductions,  (3)  she  has  martyred  the  saints.  See 
on  vv.  6-7.  The  second  oti  (for')  clause  in  v.  23  is  coordinate 
with  the  first,  not  subordinate  to  it.  In  these  clauses  the 
tense  changes  to  the  past;  the  prophet,  as  often,  speaks  from 


720  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIX.  1 

the  standpoint  of  the  accomplished  prophecy.  —  <j>ap{xaKia, 
sorcery:  used  figuratively,  with  the  same  meaning  as  the  wine 
of  her  fornication,  v.  3,  14^.- — atfj-a  irpo(j)tiTa>v  /ctA,.,  the  blood 
of  prophets,  etc.:  cf.  16^  17^  18^0,  19'-''. — Trpo<|)TiTcov  Kal  d-yicov, 
prophets  and  saints:  i.e.  prophets  and  other  saints;  see  on  IG^^. 
— -TTavTcov  Toiv  €(r(|>a'Y|Ji€va)V,  all  that  have  been  slain:  not  all 
martyrdoms  had  occurred  at  Rome,  but  upon  her  as  the  head 
of  the  world-empire  is  laid  the  guilt  of  all;  cf.  the  indictment 
uttered  by  the  Lord  against  Jerusalem  and  that  generation, 
Lk.  1333,  Mt.  23^^'^  '■. 

XIX.  1.  See  p.  712.  The  prophecies  of  the  fall  of  great 
Babylon  have  culminated  in  the  symbolic  act  of  the  angel,  and 
the  long  paragraph  (17^-195)  now  closes  fittingly  with  an 
anticipative  chorus  in  which  all  the  heavenly  hosts  join  in 
praising  God  for  the  just  judgment  visited  upon  the  corrupter 
of  the  earth  and  the  slayer  of  God's  servants,  19i~'\  The  key- 
note of  the  song  is  given  in  the  opening  word  Alleluia,  praise 
Jehovah,  the  Hebrew  liturgical  exclamation  taken  over  into 
Christian  hymnody.  And  the  song  ends  with  the  same  word 
repeated  as  an  antiphon  ;  it  is  uttered  again  by  the  Elders  and 
the  Living  Creatures,  added  to  their  Amen  in  response  to  the 
angelic  hymn.  As  the  promised  subject  of  the  vision  was  to 
KpLjxa  rri<i  7r6pvr]<;  tt]^  /jieydXr]^,  the  judgment  of  the  great  harlot, 
17^,  so  the  hymn  celebrates  the  accomplishment  of  the  proph- 
ecy in  answering  words,  eupivev  rrjv  iropvrjv  rrfv  fjLeydXrjv,  he  hath 
judged  the  great  harlot,  19''^.  The  utterance  of  praise  given  here 
is  similar  in  thought  and  language  to  that  which  was  antici- 
pated before  the  beginning  of  the  last  plagues,  153-^,  but  more 
exultant.  And  in  augustness  of  ceremonial,  and  in  part  in 
construction,  it  is  parallel  with  the  hymns  of  chapt.  5.  Here 
as  there  the  scene  is  in  the  great  throne-hall  of  Jehovah,  with 
all  the  orders  of  heavenly  beings  ranged  before  and  round  about 
the  Almighty  ;  in  both  scenes  the  higher  and  lower  orders 
sing  antiphoually,  in  both  the  four  Living  Creatures  and  the 
four  and  twenty  Elders  prostrate  themselves  in  worship  before 
the  throne  ;  in  l)oth  the  four  Living  Creatures  join  in  the 
Amen  ;  in  the  former  scene  all  creation  adds  its  response  to 
the  song  in  heaven,  here  a  voice  calls  upon  the  saints  of  earth 


XIX.  5]  COMMENTARY  721 

likewise  to  add  their  antiphoii  of  praise.  The  majesty  of  the 
scene  and  the  power  of  the  '  heavenly  Te  Deuni,'  as  it  is  some- 
times called,  befit  the  marvelous  event  of  Rome's  destruction, 
which  is  conceived  to  have  been  accomplished,  and  which  opens 
the  last  great  act  of  the  drama  before  the  millennium.  The 
entire  thought  of  vv.  1-5  is  so  closely  concerned  with  (iod's 
act  in  the  fall  of  Rome,  that  these  verses  are  unquestionably 
to  be  joined  with  the  preceding  paragraph,  rather  than  made 
(as  some  take  them)  a  part  of  an  introduction  to  the  following. 

dWriXovLa,  alleluia :  praise  ye  Jehovah  ;  cf.  the  psalms 
passim,  e.g.  the  opening  of  111-113,  146-150  ;  in  the  N.  T. 
found  only  in  this  chapt.  vv.  3,  4,  6.  — (ro)TT|pia,  salvation:  the 
word  includes  here  more  than  the  deliverance  of  the  saints  ;  it 
is  the  safeguarding,  the  maintenance  in  triumph,  of  the  whole 
cause  of  God's  kingdom  with  its  blessedness.  See  Diist.  on 
12^°.  —  Tov  6€ov  fi[JL(ov,  sc.  elai,  are  our  God's:  as  explained  in  the 
following  verse,  they  are  by  the  judgment  of  Rome  vindicated 
as  his. 

2-3.  d\T|6Lval  Kal  SiKaiaL,  true  and  righteous:  see  on  15'^.  — 
€V  TTj  TTopveia  axiTfjs,  toith  her  fornication:  for  the  meaning,  see 
p.  690.  — cl'piiKav,  said  :  aoristic  perf.;  see  on  5'^.  — 6  Kairvos 
avTTis  dvapaCv€i  /ct\.,  her  smoke  goeth  up  for  ever  and  ever:  cf. 
Is.  341*^.  The  words  are  those  of  the  Seer,  who  points  to  the 
unquenchable  smoke  rising  as  the  accompaniment  to  the  song 
and  the  proof  of  its  truth. 

4-5.  irpto-P'UTepoi,  ]^«a.  Elders.,  Living)  Creatures:  see  on 
4'*'  ^.  —  4>CDVT|  diro  Toii  Bpovov,  a  voice  from  the  throne  :  from  the 
immediate  presence  of  God,  apparently  from  one  of  the  Living 
Creatures,  who  stand  nearest  to  the  throne  and  act  as  God's 
special  agents  ;  cf.  5^  6*-  ^^  ^'  ^  15'^.  The  words  '  our  God '  show 
that  the  voice  of  God  is  not  meant.  The  command  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  saints  on  earth  ;  the  words  oi  <j)opo-up,evoL  avrov, 
ol  [XLKpol  ktX.,  ye  who  fear  him,  the  small  and  the  great,  are  com- 
mon designations  of  men,  not  of  heavenly  beings.  The  Church 
on  earth  is  bidden  to  add  its  song  of  praise  to  that  of  the 
heavenly  choir  ;  see  note  on  v.  1.  The  passage  combines 
Pss.  134^  and  1151^.  —  aiV€iT€  tw  GecS  :  the  Gk.  translation  of 
Alleluia ;  the  command  here  is  equivalent  to  '  Sing  Alleluia  to 
our  God.' — Tw  Gew  :  the  dat.  instead  of  the  ace.  after  alvelv  is 
3a 


722  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIX.  5 

not  found  elsewhere  in  the  N.  T.,  but  occurs  in  the  LXX,  e.g. 
Jer.  20 1^  1  Chron.  \^^\  2  Chron.  20i9. 

Textual  notes,  ISi-lQ''.  IS^.  R  with  a  few  min  omits  aAAov  before  ayye- 
A,ov.  —  2.  For  uTxvpa  cjiwvr],  R  without  authority  reads  tcr;(iit,  (jiwvr]  fieyaXr]. 
—  3.  Tov  oLvov  SQ  most  min  and  vers  R  edd ;  wanting  in  AC  some  vers  Lch 
Alf  ;  bracketed  by  W  H  al.  See  Ws  Ap.  97.  —  ttcttwk-  {have  drunk)  P  most 
min  vers  R  most  edd;  ireirTOiK-  (are  fallen)  kACQ  some  min  and  vers  Tr 
WH  RV.  In  spite  of  the  superior  Ms.  authority  for  the  latter,  most  scholars 
regard  it  au  error,  perhaps  due  to  conformation  with  cireaev,  v.  2.  Sense  and 
14^  seem  to  require  the  former.  Cf.  Ws  Ap.  137.  — •  5.  For  cKoWrjOrjaav,  R 
reads  r]KoXov6r]aav,  without  authority.  —  6.  After  airSwKev,  R  adds  vfXLv  with 
some  min  and  vers  anc  com ;  wanting  in  most  sources.  — 13.  kul  a/Aw/xoi/ 
i<*ACP  many  min  vers  anc  com  edd ;  wanting  in  K'^Q  most  min  some  vers 
and  anc  com  R.  The  noun  repeats  the  last  thi-ee  syllables  of  KLvvafjiWfxov, 
which  might  account  for  its  insertion  or  omission.  The  tendency  here  to 
form  groups  of  four  (see  Com.  w.  12-14)  favors  its  omission ;  so,  Bouss. 
— 14.  evprjaovaLv  xACP  some  min  and  vers  edd  ;  evprjs  or  €vpr](Tei<i  Q  most 
min;  R  with  one  min  has  evprjcrrjs- — ^17.  em  tottov  ttAecov  kACQ  most  min 
vers  edd ;  R  has  ciri  t<dv  ttAoiwv  o  o/aiAos,  so  a  few  min  some  anc  com.  The 
conjecture  ttovtov  for  tottov  (Nestle),  supported  by  Prim,  omnis  super  mare 
narigans,  is  plausible ;  so,  Blj  Gwynn  Moff.  See  Com.  — 19.  R  with  a  few 
min  some  anc  com  omits  ra  before  TrAoia.  —  20.  kul  oi  before  aTrocrToAot,  most 
sources  edd ;  wanting  in  C  a  few  min  some  anc  com  some  Mss.  of  vlg  R.  — 
23.  (j)dvr]  (1  aor.  subjv.  act.,  see  Blass  §  16,  3)  is  the  accentuation  adopted 
by  most  edd;  R  some  edd  give  <j>avfj,  2  aor.  subjv.  pass.  — 24.  at/xa  i<ACP 
some  min  and  anc  com  R  most  edd ;  at/xara  Q  most  min  some  anc  com 
Ti  RV. 

19^"^.  For  dAAr/Aoma,  WH  (see  their  Introd.  p.  313)  write  dAAr;Aovta,  in 
conformity  with  the  Heb.  —  After  8o^a,  R  with  some  min  and  vers  inserts 
xai  r)  Tip-Tj.  —  TOV  Oeov  most  sources  edd ;  some  min  vers  and  anc  com  have 
TO)  dew,  adopted  by  R,  which  with  one  min  prefixes  Kvpiu).  —  5.  utto  ACQ 
many  min  edd ;  ck  xP  many  min  R  Ti. 

Criticism  of  chapt.  18.  The  principal  arguments  urged  in  the  criticism  of 
this  chapt.  are  the  following :  (1)  In  chapt.  18  the  kings  of  the  earth  be- 
wail the  fall  of  Rome,  w.  9  f. ;  but  according  to  17^^  it  is  they  who  with 
the  Beast  have  wrought  her  ruin.  Yet,  though  this  difference  is  unques- 
tionable, it  is  of  a  kind  appearing  elsewhere  in  the  book  and  not  in  itself 
indicative  of  a  difference  in  authorship.  In  chapt.  18  the  writer  prophesy- 
ing the  utter  ruin  of  Rome  uses  almost  in  verbal  quotation  the  O.  T.  prophe- 
cies of  the  fall  of  Babylon  and  Tyre  (see  Com.),  which  in  dramatic  form 
represented  the  kings  lamenting  the  destruction  of  so  much  splendor  and 
riches.  The  interest  of  those  O.  T.  passages  for  our  Apocalyptist  lies  wholly 
in  the  utterances  as  declaring  the  completeness  of  the  ruin.  In  chapt.  17 
he  is  concerned  with  the  afjcncji  by  which  the  ruin  is  wrought,  and  he  takes 
the  form  of  his  prophecy  from  the  current  expectation  of  the  Neronic  Anti- 


CRITICISM  OF  XVIII  723 

christ  and  his  vassals.  Thus  he  blends  two  traditions :  the  one  that  of 
Heb.  eschatology,  as  represented  in  the  prophets,  with  the  Cientile  nations 
witnessing  the  overthrow  of  Israel's  enemies ;  the  other  that  of  the  more 
transcendental  expectation  of  Antichrist  subjecting  all  the  world  to  hia 
sway.  It  is  not  strange  that  an  apocalyptist  in  his  constant  use  of  tradi- 
tional symbolism  should  not  be  rigorously  consistent,  since  he  is  conscious 
that  his  symbols  do  not  contain  an  exact  historical  program  of  the  future. 
The  combination  of  differing  traditions  is  similar  to  that  which  appears  in 
]^gi2-i6  ^gge  note  there).  Cf.  also  the  apparently  conflicting  prophecies 
mentioned  in  the  note  on  '  all  nations  shall  come  and  worship,'  16'^. 

(2)  The  destruction  of  Rome  is  attributed  in  chapt.  18  to  the  direct  and 
instantaneous  act  of  God,  v.  8,  v.  10  '  in  one  hour ' ;  there  is  no  allusion  to 
the  Beast,  the  Neronic  Antichrist,  and  his  vassals  the  ten  kings,  to  whom 
all  is  attributed  in  17^^.  There  is,  however,  no  disagreement  here.  The 
Beast  and  his  forces  are  only  the  instrument  or  a  part  of  it,  which  God  uses 
for  Rome's  destruction.  Cf.  Am.  S",  '  Shall  evil  befall  a  city,  and  Jehovah 
hath  not  done  it  ? '  Cf .  Ezk.  2-i^  *■-,  where  an  act  spoken  of  is  declared  in 
two  consecutive  sentences  to  be  that  of  Jerusalem  and  that  of  God.  Bous- 
set  (425)  points  out  that  in  the  prophecies  of  the  Sib.  Or.,  e.r/.  IV.  130-139, 
V.  361-579,  marvelous  visitations  sent  from  God  upon  Rome  are  combined 
with  the  ruin  wrought  by  the  returning  Nero.  For  the  meaning  of  '  one 
hour '  see  on  v.  8. 

(3)  The  cause  of  Rome's  destruction  is  her  corruption  of  the  nations, 
w.  3,  23 ;  nothing  is  said  primarily  of  her  enmity  toward  God's  people ; 
17«,  1820. 24^  X92  f  are  redactional  additions  (so,  e.g.  J.  Weiss,  119).  But  the 
rejection  of  these  verses  is  not  certainly  supi^orted  by  reasons  independent 
of  a  theory  of  redaction  (see  notes  in  loc.)  ;  it  is  ti'ue  that  they  could  be 
omitted  and  a  complete  whole  would  remain.  But  the  same  might  be  said 
of  v.  7,  which  gives  another  cause  of  God's  wrath  against  Rome.  Verse  6  n 
is  probably  parallel  with  the  above-named  verses  in  referring  to  vengeance 
for  wrongs  done  to  God's  servants  (sue  note  there).  Verses  6-7  appear  to 
sum  up  three  causes  operative  in  Rome's  judgment ;  her  persecution  of 
God's  people,  her  corruption  of  the  nations,  and  her  impious  pride.  In  the 
expansion  of  the  theme  in  17^-19^^,  while  the  first  and  third  causes  are 
mentioned  somewhat  incidentally,  the  second  is  presented  with  fullness; 
probably  because  that  is  the  case  in  the  O.  T.  oracles  which  the  Apoca- 
lyptist uses  as  his  models  here.  An  instructive  parallel  is  seen  in  the  book 
of  Nahum.  Nineveh's  corruption  and  corrupting  inflence  upon  the  nations 
(3"*)  form  the  great  indictment  against  her ;  her  oppression  of  God's  people, 
doubtless  the  thought  uppermost  in  the  mind  of  the  prophet,  is  alluded  to 
only  incidentally,  1^^. 

(4)  The  violent  hatred  of  Rome  manifested  is  not  Christian ;  it  is  suita- 
ble to  a  Jew  with  the  deadly  enemy  of  his  nation  in  mind.  The  lament  of 
the  traders,  betraying  a  touch  of  grief  at  the  destruction  of  such  rich  treas- 
ures, is  more  appropriate  to  a  Jew  than  a  Christian  of  the  time  (so, 
Pflciderer,  Schoen,  al).  It  might  perhaps  be  said  in  answer  that  the  object 
of  the  vindictiveness  shown  is  not  persons,  but  a  corrupt  and  anti-Christian 


724  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

capital.  At  all  events  the  tone  of  the  passage  is  not  foreign  to  the  Chris- 
tian utterances  of  the  time ;  see  on  6^''.  The  enumeration  of  the  treasures 
in  the  dirge  is  part  of  the  picture  taken  over  from  the  lament  for  Tyre,  and 
expresses  the  feeling  of  the  traders,  not  of  the  Apocalyptist.  As  regards 
the  absence  of  specific  Christian  terms,  which  is  also  urged  in  this  connec- 
tion, it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Christian  character  of  a  passage, 
closely  formed  throughout  on  O.  T.  models,  is  determined  not  so  much  by 
the  insertion  of  Christian  phraseology  as  by  the  setting  given  to  it. 

Most  critics  suppose  a  Jewish  source  as  the  foundation  of  the  chapt. ;  so, 
Vischer,  Pfleiderer,  Weyland,  Sabatier,  Schoen,  Wellhausen,  al.  J.  Weiss, 
omitting  assumed  Christian  interpolations,  makes  it  a  part  of  his  Jewish 
source  Q,  which  a  redactor  has  in  the  present  form  of  the  book  combined 
with  the  Johannine  Apocalypse ;  the  author  of  the  primary  document  knew 
nothing  of  Rome's  hostility  to  his  people,  he  mourns  for  her  destruction, 
while  acknowledging  its  justness  because  of  her  wickedness.  Bousset 
assigns  the  chapt.  to  an  assumed  source  of  Vespasian's  time,  whether 
Jewish  or  Christian  is  uncertain  (see  pp.  70.5  f.).  Erbes  refers  the  whole 
paragTaph  (chapts.  17-19*),  as  a  unit,  to  his  Christian  redactor  of  the  year 
80.     Volter  also  takes  the  two  chapts.  as  a  unit  and  of  Christian  origin. 

There  is  a  sense  in  which  it  can  without  question  be  said  that  the  chapt. 
goes  back  to  a  Heb.  original,  for  to  a  degree  true  of  no  other  chapt.  in  the 
book  it  is  a  mosaic  of  passages  derived  directly  from  the  O.  T.  Nearly 
every  verse  is  immediately  suggested  thus,  as  has  been  shown  in  the  Com. 
But  certain  characteristics  point  strongly  to  our  Apocalyptist  as  the  com- 
poser. The  author  of  chapts.  18-19^  has  special  fondness  for  the  number 
seven  as  a  constructive  feature ;  the  paragraph  is  formed  of  seven  distinct 
parts  (see  p.  711),  and  the  list  of  choice  objects  in  the  merchants'  lament 
gives  seven  distinct  gToups  (see  p.  716).  Likewise  the  numbers  three  and 
four  are  unquestionably  influential  in  the  composition.  In  chapt.  18,  for 
three,  cf.  the  three  classes  in  w.  2  h,  24,  the  three  nouns  in  8  a,  16  a,  16  h, 
the  three  groups  who  utter  laments;  for  four,  cf.  the  four  objects  in  several 
of  the  groups  in  w.  12-14  (see  p.  716),  the  four  classes  in  vv.  17,  20,  22. 
There  is  also  a  tendency  to  follow  a  schematic  form  in  the  use  of  phrases 
which  recalls  the  structure  of  the  seven  epistles.  Thus  each  of  the  groups 
of  utterances  which  fill  out  the  paragraph  closes  with  a  '  for '  clause ;  in 
chapt.  18,  w.  3,  5,  8,  10,  17,  19,  20,  23 ;  in  chapt.  19,  v.  2.  Each  division  of 
the  lament  contains  the  threefold  refrain,  («)  '  standing  afar  off,'  (b)  '  say- 
ing, Woe,  woe,  the  great  city,'  (c)  'for  in  one  hour,'  etc.,  w.  10,  15 f.,  17-19. 
In  the  proclamation  of  the  angel,  w.  21  ff.,  the  refrain,  '  no  more  at  all,' 
is  introduced  at  the  end  of  each  part,  six  times  in  all.  These  characteris- 
tics of  the  passage,  so  marked  in  the  Apocalyptist  elsewhere,  seem  to  point 
pretty  certainly  to  him  as  the  composer.  And  with  this  agrees  the  ejacu- 
latory  insertion  in  v.  20  (see  note  there).  The  unusual  nature  of  the  sub- 
ject explains  the  presence  of  a  large  number  of  words  not  found  elsewhere 
in  the  book  (also  urged  as  a  ground  of  criticism)  ;  most  of  these  are  found 
in  the  O.  T.  passages  here  imitated.  The  appropriateness,  or  we  may  say 
the  necessity,  of  some  such  paragraph  in  this  place  seems  beyond  doubt.  — 


XIX.  6]  COMMENTARY  725 

The  criticism  of  19^"",  thouirh  those  verses  form  a  part  of  tlic  prccM-dino' 
paragraph,  can  be  taken  up  most  conveniently  in  connection  with  cluipt.  11) 
as  a  whole ;  see  pp.  741  f . 


XIX.  6-XX.  6.  Sequel  to  the  fall  of  Rome.  See  p^).  286  f. 
(1)  Prophetic  hymn  hailing  the  kingdom  of  God,  as  if  present, 
j96-io_  ^jpijg  angelic  hymn  here  introduced,  like  those  of  11^'' ''^•, 
12^**^-,  is  wholly  proleptic ;  much  is  yet  to  intervene  before  the 
marriage  of  the  Lamb  and  the  establishment  of  the  kingdom. 
The  hymn  is  not  a  response,  as  some  take  it  (so,  Spitta,  a/),  to 
the  call  of  v.  5,  which  is  addressed  to  the  saints  of  earth  (see 
note  there).  The  singers  here  are  the  hosts  of  heaven;  cf.  5^^, 
12^*^,  19^  Not  only  do  the  similes  of  the  many  waters  and  the 
mighty  thunders,  as  used  of  the  voices  of  a  multitude  else- 
where in  the  book,  point  to  heavenly  voices  (14^,  l^^,  6^),  but 
the  prophetic  announcement  concerning  the  kingdom  of  God 
and  the  marriage  of  the  Lamb  is  meant  as  an  assurance  given 
to  the  saints  of  earth  ;  it  must  then  come  from  heaven.  And 
in  the  solemn  confirmation  of  the  words,  which  is  added  in  v.  9, 
they  are  declared  those  of  God.  The  theme  of  the  hymn,  like 
that  of  vv.  1-5,  is  occasioned  by  the  fall  of  Rome ;  but  while 
those  verses  form  a  song  of  exultation  over  the  judgment  accom- 
plished, the  thought  here  is  wholly  concerned  with  the  end 
to  which  that  crisis  leads  on ;  the  one  hymn  looks  backward, 
the  other  forward.  The  distinction  is  indicated  by  the  on^  for, 
clauses,  vv.  2,  7,  which  give  the  ground  of  the  outburst  of 
praise  in  the  respective  cases ;  in  the  former  it  is  because  God 
has  judged  Rome,  in  the  latter  it  is  because  the  marriage  of 
the  Lamb  has  come.  These  verses  (6-8)  then  should  not  in 
the  formal  analysis  of  the  book  be  joined  with  the  foregoing, 
as  if  a  part  of  the  same  group  of  hymns  (so,  many  com.).  The 
transition  to  a  new,  though  allied,  part  of  the  paragraph  is 
marked  by  the  words,  koI  rjKovaa  .  .  .  ttoWov,  and  I  heard  the 
voice  of  a  great  multitude,  as  new  divisions  are  introduced  by 
Kal  elSov,  and  I  satv,  vv.  11,  17,  19,  and  20^''*. 

6.  Xt-yovTcs,  saying:  the  partic.  (whatever  form  be  adopted; 
see  text,  note)  belongs,  as  in  v.  1,  with  o'xXov,  7mdtitude ;  the 
words  of  the  following  hymn  are  not  uttered  by  the  waters  and 
thunders  ;  the  sounds  ((^(ovrfv)  of  these  are  similes  to  describe 


726  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIX.  6 

the  multitudiiiousness  of  the  voices.  For  the  irreguLar  nom. 
\€yovTe<:  see  p.  224.  —  dXXT|\ovia,  Alleluia:  see  on  v.  1. — 
€pa(ri\€\)o-€V,  hath  become  king:  the  aor.  is  inceptive,  and  like 
the  others  in  the  passage  is  used  where  the  English  idiom  uses 
the  perf.  See  Burton  §  52.  While  God's  supreme  lordship 
over  the  universe  is  everywhere  assumed  in  Heb.  and  Christian 
thought,  in  a  special  eschatological  sense  he  is  said  to  become 
king,  when  his  perfected  kingdom  shall  have  been  established, 
and  all  opposing  powers  of  evil  destroyed;  e.g.  IV^'  ^\  12io, 
Mt.  6^^  1  Co.  152*.  All  is  anticipatory  here,  and  reference  is 
made,  as  in  '  the  marriage  of  the  Lamb,'  not  to  the  millennium 
(20^~^),  but  to  the  consummation  described  in  20ii-22\ 

7-8.  If  the  reading  Scoaofjiev  be  adopted,  the  speakers  turn 
from  the  hortatory  form  to  the  declarative.  —  6  -ydixos  tov 
dpviou,  the  marriage  of  tfie  Lamb :  the  relation  of  God  and  his 
people  is  frequently  expressed  in  the  O.  T.  under  the  figure  of 
marriage,  and  the  thought  passed  over  into  Christian  usage  to 
figure  the  relation  of  Christ  and  his  Church;  e.g.  Is.  54}-^, 
Jer.  3132,  Ezk.  168,  Mt.  25i-io,  Mk.  2^^  2  Co.  11^,  Eph.  532.  i^ 
this  passage  the  reference  is  to  Christ's  entrance  into  the  state 
of  perfect  union  with  his  Church  in  the  consummation  of  all 
things.  The  two  grounds  of  exultation  given  in  the  hymn, 
the  establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  the  marriage  of 
the  Lamb,  are  in  reality  one  fact  viewed  in  two  aspects.  — 
T|  yvvr\  avTov,  his  wife:  the  espoused  one  who  is  to  become  his 
wife.  For  the  use  of  rywij  instead  of  vvficfir}  cf.  21^,  Gen.  29^*^. 
The  vision  of  the  Bride  in  her  glory  is  given  in  219-22'^,  where, 
however,  the  figure  of  the  bride  is  transferred  to  the  new  Jeru- 
salem. As  Jerusalem  and  the  people  of  Israel  are  frequently 
identified  in  speech  (see  pp.  588  f.),  so  in  the  Apocalyptist's 
vision  of  the  renewed  world,  the  people  of  God  and  their  capital 
city,  i.e.  the  Church  and  the  new  Jerusalem,  are  so  closely 
connected  that  the  figure  designating  the  one  may  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  other.  —  Diist.  points  out  that  the  promises 
offered  under  various  figures  to  the  individual  at  the  close  of 
the  seven  epistles  (chapts.  2-3)  are  here  set  before  the  whole 
Church,  under  the  figure  of  the  marriage  of  the  Lamb. 

Kai  €866t|  /ctX.,  gea,  it  hath  been  give^i  to  her  to  array  herself 
etc. :  the  clause  is  explanatory  of  the  preparation  mentioned  in 


XIX.  9]  COMMENTARY  727 

the  preceding  verse.  The  shining  raiment  belonging  to  celes- 
tial beings  (see  on  3'*)  is  appropriate  to  the  Bride,  the  Church, 
in  her  glorified  state  here  anticipated.  The  attire  of  the  Bride 
in  its  pure  glory  stands  out  in  contrast  with  that  of  the  woman 
seated  on  the  scarlet-colored  beast,  17*.  The  word  give  is 
significant  here  ;  only  by  the  gift  of  God  can  the  Church  attire 
herself  fittingly  for  the  Lamb.  —  tva  TrepijidXTiTaL :  for  a  clause 
with  Xva  as  subj.  see  liurton  §  211,  Blass  §  69,  5.  — xct  SiKaito- 
(lara  twv  d-yicav,  the  righteous  acts  of  the  saints :  the  words  ex- 
plain what  is  meant  by  the  fine  linen  in  the  Church's  bridal 
attire.  For  the  meaning  of  SiKaLco/jua  cf.  15*,  Bar.  2^^  (ra  hiKam- 
fjiara  roiv  Trarepcov),  probably  Ro.  5^^;  contrast  aBiKrjiiia,  18^. 
The  pi.  is  against  interpreting  hiKaicofia  as  equivalent  to 
SiKaLoavvT},  in  the  Pauline  sense  of  justification,  as  some  take 
it  (so,  B.  Weiss,  at).  The  sentence,  which  has  the  sound  of  a 
commentator's  explanation,  is  regarded  by  most  critics,  perhaps 
not  wrongly,  as  a  gloss. 

9.  Kal  Xc-ycL,  a7id  he  saith :  the  speaker  must  be  the  angel  of 
chapt.  17,  who  is  thought  of  as  still  present  with  the  Seer.  We 
should  expect  here  some  such  identification  of  the  subj.  as  is 
given  in  connecting  the  speaker  of  4^  with  that  of  1^^.  But 
the  sudden  introduction  of  his  words,  as  if  he  had  been  men- 
tioned in  the  context,  is  relieved  by  the  fact  that  the  whole 
paragraph,  17^-1 9^  belongs  to  what  he  promises  (17^)  to  show; 
his  presence,  then,  is  assumed  to  the  end  of  the  paragraph,  and 
may  be  conceived  to  continue  in  this,  its  immediate  sequel. 
The  indefiniteness  of  the  speaker  does  not  justify  a  theory  of 
interpolation  (see  p.  742 ) ;  so  mechanical  a  use  of  sources  is 
contrary  to  the  author's  manner. 

The  relation  of  this  verse  to  the  context  is  clear.  Since,  as 
seen  above,  a  distinct  paragraph,  though  one  closely  allied  as 
a  sequel,  begins  in  v.  6,  the  phrase  '  these  words '  is  to  be 
understood  as  referring  to  the  hymn  just  preceding,  i.e.  to  its 
central  theme,  the  heralding  of  the  coming  kingdom  and  the 
marriage  of  the  Lamb.  The  angel's  utterance,  then,  has  a  sig- 
nificance similar  to  that  of  the  angel  in  10^*^-  before  the  open- 
ing of  the  last  trumpet-series ;  both  give  solemn  assurance  of 
the  fulfillment  of  the  supreme  Christian  hope.  And  the  two 
utterances  in  this  verse  relate  to  that  end ;   blessed  are  they 


728  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XTX.  9 

that  attain  to  it,  and  God's  word  avouches  the  prophecy  of  its 
advent. 

•Ypdx}/ov,  tvrite:  the  command  is  meant  to  give  emphasis  to 
the  following  beatitude;  cf.  14i'^,  21'^,  —  to  Scittvov  tov  -ydiiou, 
the  marriage  supper  ;  for  the  figure  of  the  wedding  feast  as  here 
applied  cf.  Mt.  22''^-,  25^".  The  invited  guests  are  in  the  figure 
distinguished  from  the  Bride,  though  in  reality  the  two  are 
identical.  —  The  words  koX  Xeyec,  and  he  saith,  are  repeated 
with  the  introduction  of  a  distinct  thought,  as  in  22^"!". — oS- 
TOL  ol  \6"Y0i  ktX.,  these  words  are  true,  etc. :  cf.  21^,  22*^.  The 
declaration  gives  solemn  assurance  of  the  truth  of  the  forego- 
ing prophecy  of  the  kingdom.  The  meaning  is  clear,  though 
the  exact  construction  is  uncertain.  If  with  the  weight  of 
authority  the  art.  is  not  inserted  before  aX-qdivoi^  perhaps  the 
preferable  construction  is,  these  ivords  are  true  \_uiords^  of  God; 
other  constructions  given  are,  these  are  true  words  of  God  (so, 
R V  ;  but  this  disregards  the  art.  before  \6<yoi) ;  these  words  are 
true,  they  are  God's.  The  AV,  these  are  the  true  sayings  of  God, 
would  require  the  art.  before  aXrjdLvot.  Bouss.  avoids  the  diffi- 
culty by  rejecting  tov  6eov,  for  which  he  finds  support  in  their 
absence  from  21^,  and  their  uncertain  position  in  the  Mss. ;  see 
text.  note.  —  tov  Geov,  of  God :  the  words  of  the  hymn  are  those 
of  angels,  but  they  are  properly  called  those  of  God,  because 
the  prophecies  contained  in  them  come  from  God.  Objection 
to  the  passage  (so,  Spitta)  cannot  be  found  in  the  language. 

10.  Cf.  22^*-  If  this  verse  is  retained  (see  p.  742),  the  Seer 
must  be  understood  to  be  overwhelmed  with  the  awe  inspired 
by  the  wonderful  vision  opened  in  the  hymn,  and  by  the  pres- 
ence of  the  messenger  from  heaven  declaring  the  prophecies  to 
be  the  veritable  words  of  God  himself.  For  his  impulse  to 
prostrate  himself  before  the  visitant,  cf.  Jos.  5^*,  Jg.  13^^,  Ac. 
10^^  16^^.  The  supposition  that  the  Seer  mistakes  the  angel 
for  Christ  (Diist.  al)  is  entirely  without  support ;  it  is  true 
that  in  former  instances  the  command  ypd-\lroi>,  write,  had  come 
from  Christ  or  a  voice  from  heaven,  but  here  the  words,  '  and 
he  saith,'  introducing  the  speaker  without  qualification  show 
that  the  Seer  recognizes  in  him  the  person  who  had  been  talk- 
ing with  him  before,  i.e.  the  angel. — The  angel  sees  in  the 
Apocalyptist's  act  a  homage  that  belongs  to  God  alone,  and 


XIX.  10]  COMMENTARY  729 

reproves  him.  With  this  scene  cf.  Asc.  of  Is.  7^^-8'^,  '  1  fell  on 
my  face  to  worship  him,  but  the  angel  who  guided  me  did  not 
permit  it,  but  said  to  me,  Worship  neither  angel  nor  throne, 
which  belong  to  the  six  heavens  ...  I  am  not  thy  Lord, 
but  thy  companion.'  It  is  possible  that,  as  some  suppose,  the 
Apocalyptist  intends  in  this  verse  and  in  22^^-  to  reprove  a 
tendency  to  angel  worship  which  existed  in  Asia  Minor ;  see 
Lightfoot,  Col.  101  fe.,  and  on  Col.  2^s.  — The  fact  that  the 
Seer  hears  hymns  sung  by  lieavenly  hosts  and  falls  at  the  feet 
of  an  angel  furnishes  no  ground  for  the  supposition  (J.  Weiss) 
that  his  position  is  suddenly  changed  here  from  earth  to 
heaven;  cf.  e.g.  10^,  15""-.  —  opa  jiTJ  :  for  the  ellipsis  of  iroL-qarj-i 
see  Blass  §  81,  1. — avvSouXos  cou,  a  fellow-servaiit  with  thee: 
the  angels  are  servants  of  God  like  the  Apocalyptist  and  Chris- 
tians in  general;  cf.  'our  brethren,'  12^**.  —  tcov  kyJtVTUiV  tt|v 
[lapTupiav '  Irjaov,  those  who  have  the  testimony  of  Jesus :  i.e.  the 
truth  revealed  by  Jesus ;  see  on  1^.  Christians  in  general  are 
meant,  as  seen  from  12^",  6^. 

r\  -ydp  (j-apTupia  .  .  .  Trpo(})T)T€ias,  for  the  testimony  of  Jesus  is 
the  Hpirit  of  -prophecy :  this  sentence  is  meant  to  explain  how 
the  term  fellow-servant  can  be  applied  to  both  the  angel  and  the 
Seer.  The  meaning  of  the  obscure  utterance  can  be  reached 
only  by  holding  closely  to  the  literal  sense  of  the  terms.  The 
Spirit  of  prophecy  is  the  Spirit  of  God  working  in  and  through 
the  prophet,  the  divinely  inspired  activity  of  the  prophet  (cf. 
1  Co.  12^*^,  2  Pet.  1^1)  ;  then  that  which  is  here  declared  iden- 
tical with  it  must  also  be  an  activity  ;  [xaprvpia  must  denote  the 
work  of  testifying  as  in  11",  Jno.  1^.  The  work  of  Jesus,  i.e. 
of  the  Spirit  of  Jesus,  in  testifying  is  meant  ;  and  in  this  con- 
nection reference  must  be  made  to  his  testifying  in  and  through 
Christians,  who  are  spoken  of  in  the  preceding  sentence.  The 
two  activities,  that  of  the  prophet  and  that  of  the  Christian  in 
general,  are  then  those  of  one  and  the  same  Spirit  ;  cf.  1  Pet. 
Ill,  i^iie  Spirit  of  Christ  which  was  in  them  [the  prophets] 
.  .  .  when  it  testified,'  For  the  Holy  Spirit  as  the  Spirit  of 
Jesus,  or  Christ,  cf.  Ac.  16^  Ro.  8^,  Phil.  Ii9  ;  see  on  2^.  The 
sentence  then  means.  The  true  Christiari  and  the  projjhet  are 
the  agents  in  and  through  ivhom  the  same  Spirit  of  Jesus  is  tes- 
tifying :    they    are  fellow-servants  in  this  relation   to    a   common 


730  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XIX.  10 

Lord.  In  22^  *•,  where  the  prophetic  activity  of  the  angel  is 
the  thing  chiefly  thought  of,  it  is  directly  pertinent  to  show 
that  the  angel  and  the  prophet  John  are  fellow-servants  by 
reason  of  their  common  prophetic  service  (see  note  there). 
But  in  the  earlier  part  of  this  verse  (19i^)  there  seems  to  be 
no  allusion  to  the  prophetic  character  of  the  angel  ;  the  Seer 
does  not  prostrate  himself  before  him  because  he  is  a  jjrophet, 
but  because  he  is  the  august  messenger  from  God  confirming 
the  prophecies  of  the  heavenly  hymn,  and  the  angel  bases  his 
reproof  on  the  fact  that  he  himself  is  only  a  servant  of  God 
like  all  Christians.  There  is  here  no  intimation  of  a  particu- 
lar kind  of  service,  prophetic  or  other,  in  which  their  work  is 
in  common.  This  explanatory  sentence,  'for  the  testimony  of 
Jesus  is  the  Spirit  of  prophecy,'  appears  therefore  inappropriate 
here,  and  even  if  the  rest  of  the  verse  be  retained,  this  part  is 
almost  certainly  a  gloss  added  by  one  who  had  22^  ^-  in  mind. 
See  p.  742.  A  common  interpretation  makes  this  sentence  a 
comment  added  by  the  Apocalyptist,  or  another,  to  show  that 
by  the  words  '  the  testimony  of  Jesus '  in  the  former  sentence 
is  meant  '  the  spirit  of  prophecy '  •  those  Christians  who  have 
the  testimony  of  Jesus  in  this  sense^  i.e.  those  who  are  prophets, 
are  intended  there,  it  is  only  with  such  that  the  angel  is  a 
fellow-servant.  But  this  does  violence  to  the  language  and 
does  not  avoid  the  inappropriateness  spoken  of  above. 

(2)  The  appearing  of  the  warrior  Messiah,  19^i~i*^.     See  pp. 
286  f.  The    representation    of    the    Messiah    given    in 

these  verses  follows  closely  traditional  Jewish  eschatology. 
The  Heb.  prophets  saw  Jehovah  coming  forth  as  a  '  man  of 
war '  dashing  in  pieces  his  enemies,  and  establishing  his  king- 
dom over  all  the  nations  in  the  last  days  ;  e.g.  Is.  13^,  31^,  Ezk. 
chapts.  38-39,  Joel  chapt.  3,  Zee.  14'^  But  as  the  person  of  the 
Messiah  became  more  and  more  a  distinct  figure  in  Jewish 
expectation^  the  office  of  overcoming  and  destroying  the  last 
enemies  was  assigned  to  him  likewise.  Anticipation  of  this 
activity  as  a  messianic  office  occurs,  e.g.  Is.  ll'^.  But  in  later 
writers  the  Messiah  appears  clearly  as  the  great  defender  of 
God's  cause  in  the  last  conflict  ;  cf,  2  Thess.  2^,  Ap.  Bar.  72, 
'  When  the  nations  become  turbulent  and  the  time  of  my 
Messiah  is  come,  he  shall  summon  all  the  nations,  and  some  of 


XIX.  11]  COMMENTARY  731 

them  lie  shall  spare  and  some  of  them  he  shall  slay.'  In  2  Es. 
chapt.  18  a  multitude  of  men  are  (gathered  from  the  four  winds 
to  make  war  against  him,  but  are  destroyed  by  the  breath  of 
his  mouth  ;  Test.  Dan.  5^^,  'He  shall  make  war  against  Beliar ' ; 
Sib.  Or.  V.  108  f., 'Then  a  king  sent  from  God  .  .  .  shall 
destroy  all  the  mighty  kings.'  For  kindred  representations, 
of.  also  2  Es.  ll''^  «•,  1233,  Ap.  Bar.  39^-40,  En.  46^  «•,  Sib.  Or. 
V.  414  ff.,  Ps.  Sol.  11^'^.  Weber,  System  865,  cites  from  the  Tar- 
gums  to  the  same  effect. —  The  representation  of  the  Messiah 
in  this  passage  of  the  Apocalypse  (19^  ^^i*^)  is  held  by  many 
to  be  at  variance  with  that  of  the  Gospels  and  other  N.  T. 
writings  (see  p.  742).  But  the  Aj)ocalyptist  is  not  here  con- 
cerned with  the  Messiah's  work  as  a  whole,  but  only  with  the 
last  great  conflict  with  Antichrist  and  his  hosts  in  their  assault 
upon  the  Messiah  himself  and  his  people.  It  is  the  day  of  the 
revelation  of  wrath  and  of  the  destruction  of  the  powers  of 
incorrigible  evil.  The  picture  is  drawn  on  traditional  lines 
and  accords  not  only  with  the  general  tenor  of  the  book,  but 
also  with  the  representations  of  the  N.  T.  elsewhere  ;  cf. 
Mt.  25«^  Ro.  25,  2  Thess.  l^^  2^,  Jude  vv.  18-15;  see  pp. 
810  f. 

The  mention  of  an  army  accompanying  the  Messiah  in  this 
warfare  might  seem  peculiar  ;  usually  he  destroys  his  opponents 
miraculously,  cf.  2  Thess.  2^,  Is.  11^,  2  Es.  12i,  W^  S  '  He  sent 
out  of  his  mouth  as  it  had  been  a  flood  of  fire,  and  out  of  his 
lips  a  flaming  breath,  and  out  of  his  tongue  he  cast  forth  sparks 
of  the  storm.  And  these  .  .  .  fell  upon  the  assault  of  the 
multitude '  ;  Ps.  Sol.  17^'^,  '  He  shall  destroy  the  godless  nations 
with  the  word  of  his  mouth.'  But  our  passage  is  in  reality  not 
at  variance  with  these  representations.  The  armies  that  follow 
the  Messiah  are  mounted  on  white  horses,  and  clad  in  white 
garments,  symbols  of  victory  ;  they  are  not  in  armor  and  they 
take  no  part  in  the  action.  The  nations  are  slain  with  the 
sword  that  proceeds  from  the  Messiah's  mouth,  vv.  15,  21. 
The  familiar  figure  of  the  sword  of  the  mouth  referring  to  the 
word  (cf.  Heb.  4^^)  symbolizes  here  the  death-dealing  power  of 
the  words  uttered  by  the  Messiah  against  his  foes.  A  striking 
illustration  of  our  passage  is  found  in  Wis.  18*^*-,  'Thine  all- 
powerful  word  leaped  from  heaven  out  of  the  royal  throne,  a 


732  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIX.  11 

stern  warrior,  into  the  midst  of  the  doomed  hind,  bearing  as  a 
sharp  sword  thine  unfeigned  commandment.'  Cf.  also  Rev.  2^^, 
Hos.  6^,  Is.  49^. — The  sword  of  his  mouth,  his  word,  is  the 
one  weapon  of  the  Messiah  in  this  battle,  and  it  is  therefore 
quite  pertinent  that  the  writer  should  among  the  different 
familiar  names  of  the  Christ  choose  as  one  of  his  designations 
in  this  portrayal  the  name  given  in  v.  13  ^,  The  Word  of  God. 
The  rejection  of  that  sentence  (13  b)  by  many  critics,  as  inap- 
propriate in  this  place,  is  therefore  unwarranted  ;  see  p.  742. 
Without  doubt  the  name  is  taken  from  the  Johannine  doctrine 
of  the  Logos,  current  in  the  home  of  the  Apocalypse,  and  it  is 
used  here  in  a  sense  different  from  that  of  the  Fourth  Gospel ; 
but  this  freedom  in  the  use  of  a  figure  or  a  name  is  one  of  the 
most  common  characteristics  of  the  writer  ;  cf.  12^^^'  i",  19''^, 
where  the  people  of  God  are  represented  respectively  as  the 
mother  of  the  Messiah,  liis  l^rethren,  and  his  bride  ;  or  19'^ 
and  21^^-,  where  the  figure  of  the  Lamb's  bride  symbolizes 
respectively  the  people  of  God  and  the  new  Jerusalem. 

11-12.  iTTiros  \€vk6s,  a  tvliite  horse :  the  color  symbolizes  the 
victory  anticipated  ;  cf .  G^.  —  ttio-tos  Kal  dX-qBivos,  faithful  and 
true:  i.e.  to  the  ideal  character  of  the  Messiah,  said  here  with 
special  reference  to  what  is  required  of  him  in  tliis  battle  with 
Antichrist.  The  name  is  already  made  familiar  (/caXou/^eyo?) 
in  3^^;  cf.  also  3^,  1^.  — €V  SiKaiocrvvT)  Kpivtt  kt\.:  in  righteous- 
ness doth  he  judj/e.,  etc  :  taken  from  Is.  ll^-s.  The  judgment 
here  meant,  as  defined  in  the  following  words,  is  that  of  making 
war  on  the  forces  of  the  Beast.  Cf .  Sib.  Or.  III.  689,  '  God 
shall  judge  all  with  war  and  sword.'  —  ol  Se  6(j)6a\|iol  /crX,., 
mid  his  eyes  are  aflame  of  fire:  cf.  1^,  2^'''.  —  8ia8ii|i.aTa  TroWd, 
many  crowns:  since  he  is  King  of  kings,  v.  16;  cf.  the  many 
crowns  of  the  dragon  and  the  Beast,  12-^,  13^.  —  'iyjav  6vop,a 
/ctX.  ,  he  hath  a  name  which  no  one  knoiveth.,  etc. :  cf.  2^^,  3^^.  The 
characteristic  given  to  the  Messiah  in  these  words  is  based  on 
the  current  belief  in  the  marvelous  power  of  a  secret  name ; 
see  p.  463.  In  this  hidden  name,  though  not  in  this  alone, 
the  Messiah  possesses  a  power  to  subdue  his  enemies  miracu- 
lously. Cf.  En.  69^^,  'This  one  requested  Michael  to  show  him 
the  hidden  name,  that  he  might  enunciate  it  in  the  oath,  so 
that  those  might  quake  before  that  name  and  oath' ;  Asc.  Is.  9^, 


XIX.  16]  COMMENTARY  733 

'  Thou  canst  not  hear  his  name  till  thou  shalt  have  ascended 
out  of  this  body.'  For  the  supernatural  power  of  the  divine 
name  cf.  Kcclus.  47^'^  The  Prayer  of  Manasses,  3.  The  name 
of  the  Messiali  here  spoken  of  cannot  be  any  of  the  names  given 
to  him  in  current  usai^e ;   see  on  v.  13. 

13.  p€pa|Xfi6Vov  aijiaTi,  dipped  in  blood :  the  words  are  sug- 
gested by  Js.  ()3^  and  refer  here  to  the  blood  of  the  enemies  to 
be  slain  in  battle.  In  this  connection  there  can  be  no  reference 
to  the  blood  of  the  cross ;  the  epithet  is  proleptic,  as  is  the 
symbolism  of  the  white  horses  and  the  white  robes  of  the  Mes- 
siah's followers.  The  certain  triumph  is  in  the  mind  of  the 
Apocalyptist,  and  causes  him  to  disregard  chronological  se- 
quence. Wellliausen's  objection  (^Anal.  30)  that  the  blood- 
stained raiment  is  out  of  place  before  the  end  of  the  battle 
ignores  this,  one  of  the  commonest  features  in  the  author's 
manner.  —  K€KXT]Tat  to  ovo|ia  /ctX.,  his  name  is  called  the  Word 
of  God:  for  the  appropriateness  of  the  name  in  this  place  see 
p.  732.  This  clause  is  by  many  held  to  be  inconsistent  with 
V.  12  c,  a  name  which  no  one  kno^veth^  and  is  rejected  as  a  gloss, 
added  to  define  the  hidden  name.  But  three  different  names 
are  specified  in  the  passage,  vv.  11,  13,  16,  and  the  names  cur- 
rently given  to  the  Messiah  were  numerous ;  see  p.  43.  The 
writer  of  v.  12  c  sujjposes  a  name  different  from  any  of  these, 
and  one  kept  hidden.  In  view  of  what  is  said  there,  a  glossist 
could  not  select  one  from  the  familiar  list  as  the  hidden  name, 
and  expressly  declare  it  well-known  ;  for  he  does  not,  after  the 
manner  of  an  interpreter,  use  the  word  ecxTi,  his  name  ^s,  but 
K€K\r)Tai.,  is  called,  i.e.  is  one  in  familiar  use.  He  cannot  in 
this  sentence  be  speaking  of  the  hidden  name. 

14-10.  LTTTTOis  XeuKois,  v^Mte  horses :  symbolical  of  the  vic- 
tory anticipated;  see  p.  731.  —  €K  tov  cToiJiaTos  .  .  .  6|€ia, 
from  his  mouth  .  .  .  a  sharp  sword:  see  p.  732.  —  avTos  :  in 
both  cases  an  emphatic  he.  —  iroiixavei  .  .  .  <Ji5npa,  shall  rule 
them  with  a  rod  of  iron:  see  on  2'^'^.  —  TraT€i  tt|v  X-qvov  /ctX.,  he 
treadeth  the  press.,  etc. :  it  is  he  that  executeth  the  vengeance. 
For  the  figure  see  on  14^'''.  —  o'lvou,  of  the  tvine :  to  be  .joined 
with  the  words  following,  as  shown  by  14^*^,  IG^^.  —  Kal  eul 
TOV  |XTip6v,  that  is.,  upon  his  thi/jh :  /cat,  epexegetical.  The  words 
make  more  specific  the  preceding  general  term ;   the  name  is 


734  •        THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XIX.  16 

written  upon  that  part  of  the  mantle  that  falls  over  the  thigh, 
and  in  the  case  of  a  rider  is  especially  conspicuous.  There  does 
not  appear  sufficient  ground  for  the  interpretation  'on  his 
girdle,'  Diist.  al.  —  paaiXcvs  pao-iXt'wv  /crX.,  Khig  of  kings,  etc. : 
cf.  1  Tim.  615.     See  on  ll^K 

(3)  The  great  battle  of  the  Messiah  with  Antichrist,  191^-21. 
See  pp.  286  f.  17-18.      This  prelude  to  the  battle  is  sug- 

gested by  Ezekiel's  prophecy  of  the  assault  of  the  nations  upon 
God's  people  in  the  last  days,  and  the  overthrow  of  Gog  with 
his  hosts  upon  the  mountains  of  Israel.  The  prophet  is  there 
bidden  to  call  all  the  birds  and  beasts  to  assemble  from  every 
quarter  and  sate  themselves  on  the  flesh  and  blood  of  the  slain 
^3917-20^  _  The  Apocalyptist  in  part  follows  his  source  verbally, 
and  in  part  varies  from  it  with  characteristic  freedom.  The 
enumeration  of  the  victims,  including  every  rank  and  condition 
of  men  (v.  18),  is  given  in  a  formula  similar  to  that  used  in 
(315^2316.  The  redundancy  is  noticeable.  ^ — eva:  indef.  art.; 
see  on  S^^.  —  caxcoTa  €V  tw  tiXico,  standing  in  the  sun :  where  all 
the  birds  of  prey  would  behold  him ;  but  why  this  specific 
phrase  is  chosen  to  express  that  idea  is  uncertain.  Possibly 
some  traditional  representation  may  be  contained  in  it.  —  to 
Setirvov  tov  Qtoii,  the  supper  of  Crod :  i.e.  made,  or  given,  by 
God;  cf.  Ezk.  39^^  '•my  sacrifice,'  said  of  the  prototype  of  this 
feast. 

19-21.  These  verses  announce  in  the  fewest  possible  words 
the  great  battle  of  Harmagedon  and  its  results.  See  p.  286  f. 
—  o'uv'ri'Y|Ji€va,  gathered  together:  as  described  in  16^^"^*;  see 
note  there.  —  tov  aTpaT€iJ|JLaTOS  avTO-O,  his  army :  on  the  part 
taken  by  the  Messiah's  army  see  p.  731.  —  emcia'QT]  to  Gripiov, 
the  Beast  was  taken:  the  fate  of  Antichrist  as  given  in  this 
passage  is  different  from  that  allotted  to  him  elsewhere  in 
eschatological  writings.  In  2  Thess.  2^  he  is  slain  by  the 
breath  of  the  Lord ;  in  Ap.  Bar.  40  he  is  bound  and  brought 
before  the  Messiah,  who  puts  him  to  death ;  in  Sib.  Or.  III.  73 
he  is  burnt  up.  Here  the  Apocalyptist  sees  him  delivered  over 
to  the  same  punishment  as  is  finally  awarded  to  Satan  himself, 
whose  representative  he  is;  just  as  in  chapt.  13  a  similar  form 
and  appearance  are  given  to  him.  —  6  v}/€u8oTrpo<j)'iiTT|S,  the  false 
prophet :  the  description  of  his  work  added  in  the  following 


XXI  THE   MILLENNIUM  735 

words  identifies  the  '  false  prophet '  of  this  passage  and  IG^^ 
with  the  second  beast  of  chapt.  13.  While  the  language  repeats 
that  of  13^'^"^'',  and  shows  the  justice  of  joining  the  false  prophet 
and  the  Beast  in  a  common  doom,  it  likewise  serves  to  warn 
the  readers  anew  against  the  emperor-worship  and  its  priest- 
hood.—  €va)iriov  avTou,  before  him:  see  on  13^^.  —  tt|v  Xi|xvTiv 
Tov  TTupds,  the  lake  of  fire':  cf.  20i«' i^' '^  21^  l^^"-  The  idea  of 
a  hell  of  fire,  as  a  place  of  final  punishment,  found  among  other 
peoples  and  common  in  later  Jewish  thought,  was  retained  in 
Christian  eschatology ;  see  p.  68.  On  brimstone  see  on  21^.  — 
TT^s  KaLoiJLevqs :  if  this  reading  be  adopted,  the  grammatical 
inaccuracy  is  due  to  the  intervening  gen.  tov  irvpo'i.  See  text. 
note.  —  TT]  po|X(|)aia  .  .  .  €K  tov  aTdfiaTOS,  the  sword  from  his 
mouth:  see  p.  731. 

(4)  The  imprisonment  of  Satan  and  the  Millennial  reign  of 
the    martyrs,    20^"^.     See    p.   287.  A    temporary   binding 

of  Satan,  and  a  Millennial  reign  of  the  risen  martyrs  before 
the  final  kingdom,  as  described  in  this  passage,  do  not  ap- 
pear elsewhere  in  the  book  nor  in  the  Bible  (on  1  Co.  15-^  ^•, 
see  p.  98).  But  the  doctrine  of  a  partial  realization  of 
God's  kingdom,  and  its  continuance  for  a  limited  period  be- 
fore the  era  of  its  complete  establishment,  becomes  common 
in  late  Jewish  belief,  as  seen  in  the  apocalyptic  writers. 
This  idea  arose  in  the  effort  to  mediate  between  two  different 
forms  of  eschatological  outlook.  The  earlier  Hebrew  hope 
was  fixed  on  an  earthly  kingdom  centering  in  Palestine, 
and  ruled  by  Jehovah  himself.  But  in  the  later  eschatology 
the  kingdom  becomes  transcendental  and  universal,  its  realm 
embraces  the  renewed  heavens  and  earth,  its  members  include 
the  risen  saints.  Between  these  two  stands  the  somewhat 
vaguely  apprehended  idea  of  an  earthly  messianic  kingdom  of 
limited  duration,  preliminary  to  the  perfect  consummation  of 
the  end.  This  conception  is  contained  in  this  passage  of  the 
Revelation  in  its  own  peculiar  form  ;  it  apjjears  in  a  different 
and  less  definite  form  elsewhere,  e.g.  2  Es.  7-*^*-,  12-^*,  En.  Ol^^, 
Ap.  Bar.  40'^.  For  a  kindred  idea  in  Ezekiel,  see  pp.  36  f., 
76  f.  Our  Apocalyptist  in  taking  up  the  idea  stands  alone  in 
limiting  the  sharers  in  this  kingdom  to  a  special  class  of  the 
saints,  the  risen  martyrs,  thus  introducing  a  first  resurrection 


736  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  \XX 

to  be  followed  by  that  of  the  remaining  saints  at  the  general 
judgment,  vv.  4-5.  The  duration  of  this  intermediate  kingdom, 
when  mentioned  in  apocalyptic  writings,  is  always  expressed 
in  some  symbolical  measure.  It  is  here  made  a  thousand  years, 
a  number  found  elsewhere  also  in  tradition  ;  a  long  period  is 
meant. 

The  representation  of  Satan  first  bound  and  then  released 
for  a  brief  period  which  is  to  end  in  his  final  doom  is  not 
found  in  earlier  literature,  Jewish  or  Christian.  That  it  is 
entirely  new  with  our  author  is  however  improbable.  Some- 
thing of  the  kind  is  implied  in  the  very  idea  of  an  intermediate 
kingdom,  before  whose  establishment  the  powers  of  evil  must 
at  least  be  restrained  ;  and  on  the  other  hand  the  last  great 
assault  of  the  nations,  everywhere  expected  among  the  imme- 
diate antecedents  of  God's  final  triumph,  presupposes  the 
removal  of  that  restraint.  Not  quite  parallel  with  this  idea, 
but  somewhat  akin  to  it,  and  perhaps  aiding  in  its  growth,  is 
that  of  the  seizure  of  evil  angels  and  spirits,  and  their  reserva- 
tion in  prison  or  chains  for  their  final  punishment,  as  frequently 
found  in  later  Jewish  eschatology.  Thus  in  En.  lO^"*'  Azazel, 
a  leader  among  the  fallen  angels,  and  in  Jewish  angelology  a 
figure  somewhat  akin  to  Satan,  is  to  be  bound  and  imprisoned 
in  darkness  for  an  indefinite  period,  but  at  the  day  of  judgment 
to  be  brought  forth  and  cast  into  the  fire.  For  kindred  repre- 
sentations, cf.  En.  211-10,  545  f.^  ju|3,  5w  SI.  En.  71 ;  cf.  also 
2  Pet.  24,  Jude  v.  6,  Is.  24^1  '■ 

A  closer  parallel  to  our  passage  is  found  in  Persian  eschatology,  where  in 
the  conflict  between  the  supreme  spirits  of  good  and  evil  in  the  last  days 
the  dragon  (cf.  v.  2)  Azhi  Dahaka  is  conquered  and  kept  bound  for  a 
period,  but  afterwards  becomes  free  again  and  is  slain  (cf.  Volter  Offenb, 
125).  There  is  much  plausibility  in  the  theory  that  there  lies  behind  such 
representations  a  common  tradition.  That  Persian  eschatology  contained 
ideas  in  common  with  popular  beliefs  and  apocalyptic  conceptions  held 
among  the  Jews  of  later  times  is  well  known,  see  pp.  79  ff.  It  would  not 
be  strange,  then,  if  some  such  legend  regarding  the  dragon  as  that  given 
above  should  have  been  circulated  in  popular  Jewish  apocalyptic,  and  have 
been  taken  up  by  our  author  and  transformed,  as  we  have  seen  him  in 
other  instances  using  current  traditions. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  how  conceptions  regarding 
an  intermediate  kingdom,  if  existing  in  popular  apocalyptic, 


XX]  THE   MILLENNIUM  737 

should  have  entered  into  the  visions  of  our  Prophet.  For 
membership  in  that  kingdom,  with  its  security  from  the  power 
of  Satan  and  the  blessedness  of  reigning  with  the  Messiah, 
must  present  itself  to  his  mind  as  a  gift  of  God's  supreme 
favor.  And  what  reward  more  glorious  than  that  could  be 
imagined  for  the  martyrs,  who  in  Christian  thought  and  espe- 
cially in  this  book  stand  foremost  in  the  favor  of  God  ?  The 
Revelation  is  specifically  a  book  for  the  martyrs ;  everywhere 
the  author  seeks  to  fortify  those  who  are  facing  persecution  in 
the  time  then  present  with  them  and  in  the  awful  future  till 
the  doom  of  Antichrist.  Current  ideas  of  an  earthly  reign  of 
the  Messiah  and  the  restraint  of  evil  powers  would  furnish 
him  a  vision  of  the  form  in  which  steadfastness  unto  death 
shall  receive  its  special  reward.  It  is  thus,  we  may  believe, 
that  under  the  influence  of  his  dominant  idea  of  the  glory  of 
martyrdom,  transforming  in  his  vision  expectations  cherished 
in  contemporary  apocalyptic,  he  sees  the  intermediate  kingdom 
set  up  and  the  martyrs  alone  admitted  to  it.  In  other  words, 
the  millennial  vision  of  this  passage  appears  to  be  an  outgrowth 
of  familiar  eschatological  ideas  transformed  and  glorified 
through  the  faith  that  God  has  a  special  guerdon  laid  up  for 
the  martyr. 

The  author's  purpose  in  this  vision  furnishes  the  clue  to  the 
correct  interpretation  of  the  Millennium  as  an  element  in 
Christian  eschatology.  Its  place  in  his  thought  he  makes  clear 
in  limiting  a  share  in  it  to  the  martyrs.  These  few  verses 
standing  idone  in  biblical  utterances,  and  apparently  deriving 
their  formal  contents  from  an  external  source,  have  given  occa- 
sion for  controversy  running  through  centuries  and  for  vast 
practical  delusions.  Yet  the  chief  aim  of  the  author  is  clear. 
He  seeks  to  set  forth  under  a  striking  apocalyptic  form  the  assur- 
ance that  the  martyr'' s  steadfastness  wins  for  hi7n  the  special  favor 
of  his  Lord,  and  the  highest  life  in  union  ivith  Grod  and  Christ. 
That  is  the  meaning  of  the  passage  for  tis.  When  once  we 
apprehend  the  fact  that  the  essential  truth  of  prophecy,  as 
distinguished  from  its  form,  is  not  the  revelation  of  a  chrono- 
logical program  in  the  world's  history,  we  cease  to  find  here 
the  prediction  of  an  eschatological  era^  however  closely  the 
Apocalyptist  himself  may  have  associated  form  and  substance  ; 
3b 


738  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  \XX 

see  pp.  293  ff.,  299,  301  If.  The  dispensational  limit  under 
which  the  Seer  here  apprehends  his  truth  may,  or  may  not,  be 
an  integral  element  in  it  for  him  ;  yet  for  us,  viewed  in  the 
light  of  the  nature  and  course  of  prophetic  revelation,  the 
essential  truth,  which,  stripped  of  its  apocalyptic  form,  is 
expressed  in  the  vision  of  the  martyr's  millennial  glory,  is  that 
which  is  given  in  our  Lord's  saying,  '  He  that  losetli  his  life 
for  my  sake  shall  find  it,'  Mt.  1039. 

A  large  school  of  interpreters  from  early  times  have  given  to  this  passage 
a  non-literal  meaning.  The  view  which  under  considerably  differing  forms 
has  been  most  widely  advocated  from  Augustine  on  is  that  the  first  resur- 
rection here  spoken  of  is  the  spiritual  renewal  of  the  Christian,  and  the 
preliminary  kingdom  is  the  reign  of  Christ  in  those  thi;s  renewed,  or  in  his 
Church ;  the  kingdom  began  at  Christ's  appearing ;  Satan's  power  has  been 
restrained,  especially  through  the  redemptive  death  of  Christ,  but  not  yet 
entirely  destroyed ;  the  thousand  years  are  a  period  symbolically  measured, 
continuing  to  the  last  great  conflict  with  Satan  and  followed  by  the  general 
resurrection,  the  judgment,  and  the  perfected  state  of  the  redeemed.  The 
fundamental  fault  of  the  interpretations  which  follow  even  remotely  this 
theory  is  that  they  mistake  the  nature  of  apocalyptic  prophecy,  and  read 
into  the  vision  of  our  Apocalyptist  here  a  meaning  of  which  he  gives  no 
intimation  and  which  is  at  variance  with  his  language.  Apocalyptic  proph-- 
ecy  is  not  allegory,  and  in  our  passage  it  is  not  possible  upon  any  sound 
principles  of  exegesis  to  take  the  first  resurrection  as  different  in  kind  from 
that  of  'the  rest,'  v.  5,  which  is  described  in  w.  12-13.  Nor  can  the  age- 
long struggle  of  the  Church  militant,  or  any  partially  improved  condition 
of  human  society,  answer  to  the  picture  of  the  millennial  reign  of  the  risen 
martyrs,  glorious  in  its  privileges  and  undisturbed  by  Satan  now  banished 
from  the  world.  Recent  scholars  are  very  generally  agreed  in  rejecting 
such  interpretations  as  impossible. 

1-3.  TTjV  kXclv  ttIs  dp-ucro-ou,  the  key  of  the  abyss :  cf .  9^.  — 
eirl  TT^v  X^^P"-  •  ^^  ^^^  ^^'  ^^^^  prep,  is  probably  not  to  be 
distinguished  from  eV,  with  the  dat.  ;  cf .  1^^  where  i'jrl  rrj'^ 
he^ia'i  is  used  to  repeat  iv  ttj  Se^ta,  v.  16. — 6  6<j>is  6  dpxctios 
«tX..,  the  old  serpent,  etc. :  the  dragon  and  the  serpent,  which 
are  common  in  eschatological  myths,  are  here,  as  generally  in 
late  Jewish  demonology,  expressly  identified  with  Satan ;  cf . 
12^.  For  the  nom.  in  the  appos.  see  p.  224.  —  €k\€io-€V  Kal 
€cr<|>pd'Yia€V  /ctX. ,  locked  and  scaled  it  over  him:  for  sealing  to 
give  special  security  cf.  Dan.  6^^,  Prayer  of  Manas.  4,  Mt.  27'"'''. 
-^iva  |1T1  irXavTiaTi  ktX.,  that  he  should  not  deceive  the  nations, 


XX.  4]  COMMENTARY  739 

etc.  :  the  purpose  of  Satun's  imprisonment  is  to  prevent  his 
activity  in  misleading  the  nations  to  war  against  the  saints 
(v.  8);  they  are  secure  against  his  wiles  throughout  the  Millen- 
nium. The  punishment  of  torture  to  be  inflicted  upon  him 
comes  later,  v.  10.  — to,  <iQvi\,  the  nations :  the  nations  are  here, 
as  in  V.  8,  conceived  to  exist  still,  though  according  to  19^1  they 
had  been  destroyed.  For  this  retention  of  conflicting  ideas  see 
on  15*,  also  pp.  722  f .,  745.  —  Set  XvGfivai,  he  must  he  loosed : 
Satan  must  in  the  ordering  of  God  be  released  for  the  great 
conflict,  which  according  to  eschatological  tradition  was  still 
to  come. 

4.  €i8ov  Gpovous  /ctX.,  I  saw  thrones,  etc.:  the  vision  and  the 
language  are  suggested  by  Dan.  7"'^"'^^.  —  €Kd9Laav  .  .  .  €666t| 
avTois,  they  sat  upon  them  and  judgment  was  given  unto  them :  it 
is  not  clear  who  occupy  the  thrones  and  administer  judgment, 
nor  what  act  of  judgment  is  meant.  Two  views  are  main- 
tained. (1)  God  and  a  heavenly  assessor,  or  assessors,  in  judg- 
ment, occupy  the  thrones  and  award  to  the  martyrs  their  place 
in  the  millennial  kingdom.  (2)  The  martyrs  are  seated  on  the 
thrones,  and  it  is  given  them  to  rule  and  judge  the  nations 
of  the  earth.  The  second  appears  to  be  preferable.  The  co- 
sovereignty  of  the  risen  martyrs  with  Christ  through  the 
thousand  years  is  the  one  dominant  thought  of  the  passage. 
If  the  author  meant  here  to  speak  also  of  their  entrance  on  the 
millennial  state,  as  an  award  of  judgment,  we  should  expect 
specific  mention  of  God  or  Christ,  or  both,  as  the  awarders,  as 
in  2^^,  3'-^,  20^^  *• ;  there  is  nothing  in  the  book  or  elsewhere  to 
suggest  any  others  as  the  vicegerents  of  God  set  to  make  an 
award  of  this  kind.  But  the  words,  'judgment,'  i.e.  the  func- 
tion of  judging,  '  was  given  to  them,'  would  be  inappropriate  to 
a  company  to  which  God  belonged.  On  the  other  hand,  auroi? 
must  refer  to  the  subj.  of  the  vb.,  or  to  avrov<i,  the  thrones 
thought  of  as  identical  with  the  occupants ;  the  second  clause 
could  not  then  mean,  an  award  was  given  by  the  occupants  of 
the  thrones  to  the  saints.  Lk.  223o,  ^^^  1928^  ,  Ye  shall  sit  on 
thrones  judging  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel,'  where  ruling  and 
judging  are  essentially  synonymous,  support  the  view  that  the 
subj.  of  the  vb.  is  the  martyrs.  Judging  is  inseparably  joined 
with  ruling.     The  martyrs  occupy  thrones,  and  tlie  power  of 


740  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XX.  4 

judging,  ruling,  the  nations  is  given  to  tliem.  Cf.  22*^,  1  Co.  6^. 
This  general  statement  of  the  first  sentence  is  then  repeated 
and  amplified  by  the  rest  of  the  verse.  In  regard  to  the  nations 
remaining  as  the  objects  of  such  rule  see  on  v.  3.  — rds  ^u)(a.s 
/ctX,.,  the  souls  of  those  that  had  been  beheaded,  etc. :  in  6^  the 
Seer  had  beheld  under  the  heavenly  altar  the  souls  of  those 
already  martyred  ;  their  number  has  now  been  filled  up  (6^^), 
and  they  are  all  admitted  to  their  reward.  The  ace.  depends 
upon  elSov.  —  Tr€Tr€\€Kio-|Ji€va)V,  beheaded:  i.e.  by  the  ax.  The 
word  denoting  a  mode  of  execution  at  this  time  generally  super- 
seded in  the  empire  by  the  use  of  the  sword  has  here  the  sense 
of  slain.  —  Std  tt)v  |xapTupiav  'Ir\(TOv,  because  of  the  testimony  of 
Jesus:  for  the  gospel's  sake;  see  on  1^.  The  phrase  is  general 
and  includes  all  Christian  martyrs ;  while  the  following  words, 
Kal  oiTive'?  ou  TrpoaeKVvrjaav  kt\.,  and  such  as  tvorsMped  not  the 
Beast,  etc.,  specify  a  particular  class  among  these.  For  clauses 
of  this  kind  connected  by  Kai,  and,  see  on  IG^.  The  words 
must  refer  to  actual  martyrs,  since  all  who  refused  homage  to 
the  Beast  were  put  to  death,  13^^;  also  e^-qaav,  which  as  v.  5 
shows  must  mean  lived  again,  makes  it  clear  that  these  words 
do  not  (as  some  take  them)  refer  to  such  as  remained  alive  till 
the  millennium.  This  particular  class  of  martyrs  is  brought 
forward  with  emphasis  in  order  to  assure  the  readers  of  the 
glory  awaiting  those  who  remain  steadfast  in  the  great  tempta- 
tion to  emperor-worship ;  cf .  IS^^^^''.  —  cXilcrav,  lived :  for  i^dw, 
equivalent  to  ava^dco,  live  again,  a  frequent  use,  cf.  v.  5,  1^^,  2^; 
see  on  IS^*.  The  new  spiritual  life  in  Christ  cannot  be  thought 
of  here  ;  the  context  shows  that  the  revival  from  physical  death 
is  meant.  See  p.  738.  —  The  Apocalyptist  is  here  concerned 
with  the  risen  martyrs  only.  The  faithful  remaining  alive  at 
the  time  are  entirely  outside  of  the  present  vision ;  nothing  is 
said  or  implied  in  regard  to  them. 

5-6.  ol  XoLTTOi,  the  rest:  all  except  the  martyrs,  both  the 
righteous  and  the  unrighteous.  ••  The  rest '  cannot  be  under- 
stood of  the  unrighteous  only,  on  the  supposition  that  all  the 
righteous  had  already  risen  in  the  first  resurrection  ;  for  v.  4 
limits  the  millennial  kingdom  to  the  martyred ;  further,  the 
scrutiny  of  the  books,  vv.  12, 15,  to  determine  the  issue  of  judg- 
ment, implies  the  presence  of  the  righteous  as  well  as  the  un- 


CRITlClSiM   OF   XIX.  1-XX.  6  741 

righteous  at  the  general  resurreetion.  —  t)  dvdo'Taais  i]  TrpwT-q, 
the  first  resurrection:  i.e.  the  resurrection  of  the  martyrs,  as 
contrasted  with  that  of  all  others  at  the  general  resurrection  ; 
there  is  no  thought  of  two  resurrections  of  the  same  persons.  — 
jj-aKapios,  blessed:  see  on  1'^. — d-Ytos,  holi/:  wholly  set  apart 
and  belonging  to  God.  —  6  Se-Oxepos  6dvaTos,  the  second  death : 
see  on  2^^.  —  ecrovxat  Upeis  /ctA,.,  thci/  shall  be  priests,  etc. :  cf. 
1^  5^°,  Is.  61^.  Reference  is  made  to  freedom  of  access  to  God 
and  Christ;  see  on  1^.  The  thought  of  a  priesthood  forming 
a  medium  of  blessings  to  the  nations  (so,  some  com.)  has  no 
place  in  the  context. 

Textual  notes!,  19^-20'*.  19''.  Xeyovres  Q  most  min  some  anc  com  Ws 
WHmrg  Alf  Botiss  al. ;  XeyovTcJv  AP  some  min  and  anc  com  Tr  Ti  WH 
Blj  Sod  al ;  Xeyovcrwv  i^ ;  Aeyovras  some  min  R.  The  first  is  not  easily  ac- 
counted for,  unless  original.  See  Ws  Ap.  137.  —  aAXT^Xowa,  see  on  v.  1.  — 
7.  ayaAAta)|U,ei/  XAP  some  min  edd ;  ayaWuofxtOa  (^  most  min  R.  —  Sw/acv 
K*Q  many  min  anc  com  R  Ti  WHmrg  Sod  Bouss  RV  al ;  Swao/xcv  ^'^A  Lch 
WH  Ws  Alf  (// ;  Swo-w/Aev  P  some  min  Sw  al.  —  9.  Before  ak-qOivoi,  A  some 
min  Ws  Lch  WHmrg  Alf  insert  ot ;  wanting  in  most  sources  and  edd.  — 
Tov  6€ov  in  nearly  all  sources  is  placed  before  eio-tv,  but  after  it  in  K*  some 
min  R,  and  before  aXiqOivoi  in  K"  some  min.  — 11.  KaAov/i,evos  wanting  in 
AP  many  min  some  vers;  bracketed  by  Alf  WH  al.  —  13.  y8e/8a/A/Aevov  AQ 
most  min  anc  com  R  most  edd  ;  Trept/ocpa/A/Aevov  ^*  Ti ;  Treptpepavrtcr/Aevoi'  K"  ; 
pepavTt.a-fj.evov  P  some  min  WH  RV.  See  WH  Notes  on  Select  Readings,  in 
loc.  —  17.  After  SetTrvov,  R  with  a  few  min  some  vers  adds  tov  fxeyaXov.  — 
20.  TT/s  Kaio/xevr]';  i<AP  Prim  most  edd ;  ttjv  Kaiofxevrfv  Q  all  min  R  Alf  Bouss 
Sod,  i^robably  a  correction.  See  Ws  Ap.  137.  —  21.  For  e^eXOova-rj,  R  reads 
eKTTopevoixevr],  uncertain  origin. 

20^.  For  kXclv  R  reads  KAeiSa,  with  some  min  and  anc  com.  See  Blass 
§  8,  1  ;  AYin  §  9,  2,  e,  —  2.  o  o</>i?  o  apxatos  A  Lch  Tr  Ti  Ws  WH  al ;  tov 
ocf>LV  ktX  ^Q  all  min  anc  com  R  RV  WHmrg  Bouss  Sod.  —  3.  After  e/cAet(rev> 
R  adds  avTov,  with  a  few  min.  —  4.  For  to  $r)pLov  R,  with  some  min  reads 
Tto  Orjpto). 

Criticism  of  19^-30^.  19^~^.  The  larger  number  of  critics  connect  this 
passage,  or  at  least  w.  1-3,  directly  with  chapts.  17-18,  though  with  various 
omissions.  Most  of  those  who  assume  the  presence  of  Jewish  documents  in 
the  book  make  the  passage  a  part  of  one  of  these ;  so  Vischer,  Weyland, 
Pfleiderer,  J.  Weiss,  al.  These  all  omit,  as  Christian  interpolations,  192'>, 
like  the  corresponding  reference  to  martyrs  in  17'',  18*'-'*;  so  also  the  men- 
tion of  the  Lamb  in  v.  7.  The  excisions  of  Spitta  (192  ff.),  who  assigns  the 
passage  as  a  whole  to  his  Jewish  document  J^,  are  characteristic ;  in  v.  1, 
oxAov  TToAAov,  because  superfluous ;  in  v.  2,  e^eSLK-qcrev  .  .  .  SevTepov  elpr)Kav 
aXXr]Xovia,  because  referring  to  martyrs  at  Rome ;  v.  4,  because  it  is  a  repe- 


742  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

tition  of  a  redactor's  error  in  5^,  where  the  prostration  of  the  Elders  and 
Living  Creatures,  while  holding  harps  and  bowls  in  their  hands,  is  incon- 
ceivable. Volter  (Ojfenh.  47)  and  Erbes  (102),  though  assigning  parts  of 
the  passage  to  an  interpolator,  make  it  as  a  whole  Christian,  and  connect 
it,  the  former  with  14"",  the  latter  with  chapt.  18.  Schoen  (138)  joins  it 
with  1621  a^g  pa^j-t  of  the  primitive  Christian  plan.  J.  Weiss  (120  f.)  thinks 
that  in  vv.  4-10  the  Seer  represents  himself  in  heaven,  whereas  in  the  con- 
text he  is  on  earth ;  Weiss  therefore  makes  w.  4-10  an  interpolation,  while 
assigning  the  chapt.  as  a  whole  to  his  Jewish  source  Q. 

199~i°.  Numerous  objections  are  raised  by  critics  against  these  verses : 
the  introduction  of  an  indefinite  speaker ;  the  insertion  of  the  verses  between 
two  passages,  the  exultant  hymn  and  the  appearing  of  the  warrior  Messiah, 
with  which  they  are  thought  to  have  no  connection ;  inappropriateness  of 
the  declaration  '  these  words  are  true,'  which  belongs  at  the  close  of  the 
book,  and  is  actually  found  there  (22^)  ;  the  inexplicableness  of  the  Seer's 
act  of  worship  in  22*,  if  occurring  and  reproved  here ;  the  exact  duplication 
of  these  verses  in  22^-  *^- ;  the  misinterpretation  of  22^  contained  in  the 
explanatory  clause  added  at  the  end  of  v.  10,  ■^  yap  fxapTvpia  ktX.  —  These 
objections  have  been  noticed  in  the  Com.  It  does  not  appear  that  v.  9  is 
open  to  valid  criticism.  Some  of  the  objections  to  v.  10,  however,  must  be 
acknowledged  of  weight.  The  Seer's  impulse  to  offer  worship  to  an  angel 
is  explainable  at  the  close  of  the  book  (see  note  there).  If  it  occurred  at 
any  earlier  place,  it  would  seem  more  natural  in  the  presence  of  one  of  the 
twenty-four  Elders  in  7^3  ^•,  or  of  the  awe-inspiring  angel  of  chapt.  10,  or  in 
the  case  of  the  angel  of  this  scene,  at  his  first  aj^pearing  in  17i.  In  the 
particular  juncture  of  this  passage  there  appears  no  so  extraordinary  mani- 
festation as  to  account  for  it.  Furthermore,  there  is  no  sufficient  explana- 
tion of  the  act  of  homage  in  22*,  if  forbidden  here.  The  conclusion,  then, 
suggests  itself  inevitably  that  the  present  passage,  v.  10,  has  crept  into  the 
text  from  the  latter;  it  is  inserted  as  a  sequel  to  ovtol  ol  koyot  dXrjOivot 
'here,  as  it  so  stands  in  22^"*.  And  this  conclusion  is  confirmed  by  the  exact 
repetition  here  of  much  of  the  language  of  that  passage,  and  by  the  almost 
certain  supposition  that  the  words  17  yap  fxaprvpta  ktX.  in  this  verse  are  a 
comment  inappropriate  here  and  suggested  by  22^.     See  Com. 

]^9ii-i6_  Objection  is  raised  to  the  rei^resentation  of  the  warrior  Messiah 
here  as  at  variance  with  the  Christ  of  the  N.  T. ;  the  passage  therefore,  the 
assiimed  Christian  additions  being  omitted,  is  referred  to  a  Jewish  docu- 
ment ;  so,  Vischer,  Spitta,  Weyland,  J.  AVeiss,  al.  Volter  who  makes  it 
Christian  assigns  it  to  his  Cerinthian  addition.  Many  critics  reject  the 
mention  of  the  name  '  The  Word  of  God,'  v.  12  b,  as  inconsistent  with 
V.  12  c,  and  brought  in  from  the  Johannine  doctrine  of  the  Logos,  without 
any  appropriate  relation  to  the  context.  These  objections  have  been  sjioken 
of  in  the  Com. 

j^9i7-2i_  Critics  for  the  most  part  agree  in  joining  this  passage  with 
vv.  11-16,  and  assigning  it  to  the  respective  sources  assumed  for  those  verses. 

20i~'"\  Vischer  (68  ff.)  raises  a  number  of  objections  to  vv.  4-6.  The 
millennial  reign  of  the  saints  is  not  clear,  since  there  can  be  no  subjects, 


XX.  7-10]  COMMENTARY  743 

all  men  except  the  saints  having  been  destroyed  in  the  battle  against  the 
Messiah,  IQ-i.  Further  objection  is  raised  to  the  general  judgment;  at 
the  first  resurrection  all  martjrs  are  raised,  but  in  this  number  would  be 
included  all  the  faithful,  since  all  who  refuse  to  worship  the  Beast  are 
martp-ed  (IS^^) ;  all  saints  then  share  in  the  millennial  kingdom  and  only 
the  wicked  are  not  raised  in  this  first  resurrection ;  why  then  another  judg- 
ment? Why  do  not  the  messianic  kingdom  and  world  renewal  follow  the 
battle  at  once?  Why  an  interregnum?  Spitta  (208  ff.),  in  part  for  the 
reasons  given  by  Vischer  and  in  part  on  other  grounds,  refers  w.  4-7  to  a 
redactor ;  the  context  (20^-3,  s  tf.)  belongs  according  to  him  to  his  Jewish 
source  J^,  but  these  verses  cannot  belong  there,  as  they  contain  Christian 
allusions ;  moreover  a  twofold  resurrection  is  unknown  to  Jewish  apocalyp- 
tic and  O.  T.  tradition.  The  indeiiniteness  of  the  persons  seated  on  the 
thrones  points  to  an  original  connection  in  which  this  was  clear.  Erbes 
(109),  rejecting  from  his  primitive  apocalypse  a  twofold  resurrection  and  a 
preliminary  kingdom  of  the  martyrs,  refers  the  whole  passage  201-1"^  to  his 
redaction  of  the  year  80. 

The  principal  grounds  upon  which  these  various  criticisms  of  our  para- 
gTaph,  191-20",  are  based  have  been  touched  upon  in  the  Com.  Apart  from 
details  there  discussed,  there  are  two  general  lines  of  argument  which 
appear  to  establish  the  place  of  the  paragTaj)h,  with  perhaps  the  exception 
of  a  short  sentence  or  two,  in  the  original  work  of  the  Apocalyptist  from 
whom  the  book  as  a  whole  has  come.  (1)  The  passage  as  a  whole  and  in 
its  parts  agrees  with  the  author's  plan,  his  leading  thoughts  and  his  man- 
ner, as  seen  in  the  Summary  (pp.  286  f.)  and  in  the  Com.  After  the  fall 
of  Rome,  just  such  a  sequel  is  demanded  with  its  note  of  triumph  and 
anticipation  of  the  end  thus  begun,  with  its  swift  overthrow  of  the  beasts, 
Satan's  earthly  agents,  hitherto  central  figures,  and  with  some  special  prom- 
ise for  those  who  are  faithful  even  to  martyi-dom.  And  it  is  not  supposable 
that  the  form  of  the  sequel  here  given  has  displaced  another.  It  is  true 
that  the  reign  of  the  martyrs  in  a  preliminary  kingdom  is  peculiar  to  this 
passage ;  but  it  is  not  in  actual  contradiction  with  the  author's  eschatology 
as  given  elsewhere ;  see  pp.  165, 735  ff.  (2)  In  language,  idioms,  and  gram- 
matical mannerisms  the  paragraph  agrees  with  the  book  in  general ;  and, 
what  is  significant,  almost  every  verse  shows  parallelism  with  other  parts 
of  the  book,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  following  examples,  which  could 
be  multiplied.  In  chapt.  19  compare  v.  1  with  7^.  i°'  ^^  121° ;  v.  2  with  IS^, 
16",  171. 5 ;  V.  3  with  14" ;  w.  1-5  with  56-"  (see  p.  720)  ;  v.  6  with  61,  14^, 
11" ;  V.  7  with  2P  ^■;  v.  8  with  18i« ;  v.  11  with  6^-2,  31* ;  v.  12  with  2i8.  " ; 
V.  15  with  li«,  22T,  1419 ;  v.  16  with  171* ;  v.  19  with  16" ;  v.  20  with  3"-". 
—  In  chapt.  20  compare  v.  1  with  9^ ;  v.  2  with  12^ ;  v.  4  with  6" ;  v.  6  with 
oil  16  nio 

XX.  7-XXII.  5.     ne  End.     See  pp.  287  ff. 
(1)  The  destruction  of  the  nations  in  their  last  assault  upon 
the  citadel  of  God's  people  ;    and  the   final    doom   of  Satan, 


744  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XX.  7-10 

207-10.  See  p.  288.  After  the  lapse  of  the  long  period  of 
peace  assigned  to  the  preliminary  messianic  kingdom,  Satan  as 
predicted  is  now  released  for  his  last  attempt  on  the  kingdom 
of  God.  The  vision  of  the  gathering  of  the  nations  in  a  final 
assault  on  the  holy  city,  and  their  utter  destruction,  is  shaped 
by  traditional  Jewish  eschatology.  Such  an  onset  of  Israel's 
enemies  in  the  last  days  with  their  complete  overthrow  is 
prophesied  by  Ezk.  (chapts.  38-39),  and  appears  frequently  in 
later  apocalyptic  writers  (see  on  14^0  and  p.  35).  Thus  in 
2  Es.  13^^-,  '  Lo,  there  was  gathered  together  a  multitude  of 
men,  out  of  number,  from  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  to  make 
war  ;  .  .  .  upon  a  sudden  of  an  innumerable  multitude  noth- 
ing was  to  be  perceived,  but  only  dust  of  ashes  and  smell  of 
smoke'  ;  Sib.  Or.  III.  663  ff.,  'The  kings  of  the  nations  shall 
throw  themselves  against  this  land  in  troops,  ...  in  a  ring 
round  the  city  the  accursed  kings  sliall  place  each  one  his 
throne,  with  his  infidel  people  by  him,  .  .  .  and  judgment  shall 
come  upon  them  from  the  mighty  God  and  all  shall  perish  .  .  . 
from  heaven  shall  fall  fiery  swords,'  etc.  ;  cf.  also  2  Es.  13^*, 
En.  56^"^,  901^-1^,  Test.  Jos.  19^.  Numerous  similar  allusions 
occur  in  the  Targums  also  ;  see  Weber  System  369  ff.  The 
chronological  place  of  this  assault  of  the  nations,  Avhether  before 
or  after  the  messianic  kingdom  is  introduced,  varies  in  different 
authors  ;  in  Ezk.  as  here  it  follows  it  (see  Volz  175  f.).  The 
names  Gog  and  Magog  here  given  to  these  hostile  nations  meet 
us  first  in  Ezk.  (38^),  where  the  former  denotes  the  prince,  the 
latter  his  land  ;  but  in  later  apocalyptic  writers  they  became 
frequent  as  symbolical  names  of  the  nations  who  in  the  last 
days  should  rise  up  to  war  against  God  and  his  people  ;  see 
p.  36.  Quite  probably  the  names,  like  the  war  itself,  go  back 
to  an  earlier  tradition.  — The  agency  of  Satan  in  leading  this 
hostile  movement  of  the  nations  is  peculiar  to  our  author. 
This  is  in  keeping  with  the  greater  distinctness  given  to  the 
personality  of  Satan  in  the  N.  T.  generally,  and  especially  in 
our  book.  In  Ezk.  it  is  God  himself  who  brings  the  nations 
against  his  land  for  the  purpose  of  their  destruction  (381''), 
according  to  a  common  idea  that  God  punishes  the  defiantly 
wicked  by  leading  them  into  a  heinous  sin  in  whicli  their  ruin 
is  complete.      It  is  noticeable    that    in    this    conflict    between 


XX.  7]  COMMENTARY  745 

God  and  Satan  and  in  the  events  that  follow,  the  Messiah  is 
not  mentioned,  whereas  in  the  battle  with  Antichrist  (19^^  ^•) 
it  was  he  who  came  forth  to  meet  Satan's  agents.  In  this  last 
dread  encounter  in  which  Satan  puts  forth  his  supreme  force 
against  God,  God  himself  intervenes  with  death  and  destruction 
hurled  down  from  heaven. 

The  close  dependence  of  the  Apocalyptist's  prophecy  upon 
current  Jewish  expectation  of  such  an  assault  of  the  nations  at 
the  end  furnishes  the  solution  of  the  difficulty  already  men- 
tioned (see  on  v.  3  and  IS'*).  The  victory  described  in  IQi^^^i 
over  Antichrist  and  his  subjects,  who  included  all  the  kingdoms 
of  the  world  (13'  ^•),  seems  to  leave  no  place  for  the  hostile 
armies  of  this  passage.  But  the  two  visions  are  entirely  dis- 
tinct. In  the  former  the  Apocalyptist  is  concerned  with  the 
completeness  of  the  Messiah's  triumph,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  millennial  kingdom  holding  power  over  all  the  earth. 
While  in  the  picture  there  drawn  all  enemies  are  destroyed,  the 
emphasis  is  not  laid  so  much  upon  the  extinction  of  the  nations' 
existence  as  upon  the  defeat  of  Antichrist  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Messiah's  sway.  But  in  the  present  vision  the 
great  onset  of  the  nations,  which  forms  a  central  act  in  familiar 
conceptions  of  the  end,  is  the  more  essential  part,  and  the 
thought  of  the  Apocalyptist  is  wholly  fixed  upon  that  event  as 
pictured  in  tradition.  Two  different  aspects  of  one  Jewish 
tradition  furnish  the  form  of  the  two  visions,  and  dominate 
respectively  each  in  turn.  The  incongruity  between  the  two 
in  this  respect  lies  therefore  entirely  beyond  the  Apocalyptist's 
notice  ;  he  is  not  for  the  time  being  thinking  of  the  visions  in 
their  relation  to  each  other,  they  form  two  separate  chaj)ters  in 
his  revelation.  A  similar  concurrence  of  discordant  represen- 
tations appears  in  the  relation  of  the  kings  to  the  destruction 
of  Rome  ;  see  p.  723.  We  have  to  bear  in  mind  that  we 
are  dealing  with  the  ecstasies  of  a  Seer  and  poet  whose  pic- 
tures in  the  two  instances  are  independently  of  each  other 
influenced  by  conventional  forms.  Inconsistencies  of  this 
nature  cannot  then  properly  cause  serious  difficulty  for  the 
interpreter  or  the  critic.     See  p.  769. 

7-8.  Xu9T|(r€Tai,  shall  he  loosed  :  on  the  release  of  Satan,  see 
pp.  735  f.     In  vv.  7-8  the  author  uses  the  future,  speaking  as 


746  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XX.  8 

a  prophet,  but  in  vv.  9-10  a  the  past,  as  if  reporting  what  he 
had  seen  in  vision,  turning  back  to  the  fut.  in  v.  10  h.  — 
irXavTicrai,  to  deceive :  Satan's  power  as  represented  in  the  book, 
whether  exercised  directly  or  indirectly,  consists  in  deceiving 
men  and  leading  them  to  become  his  tools  in  his  war  against 
God  ;  cf.  vv.  3,  10,  12^,  131*,  1920.  —rats  TtVaapcrt  ^covCais 
/ctX.,  the  four  corners  of  the  earth:  cf.  7^,  Is.  11^^.  —  On  Gog 
and  Magog,  see  p.  744.  —  wv,  avTwv  :  for  the  pleonasm,  see 
on  38. 

9.  dv€pT|orav,  they  went  i<p :  Jerusalem,  the  seat  of  the  mil- 
lennial kingdom  that  rules  all  the  world,  is  '  the  middle  of  the 
earth '  (Ezk.  38^^),  to  attack  which  the  hostile  armies  march  up 
from  all  quarters.  —  eni  to  irXdros  ti^s  "yns,  over  the  breadth  of 
the  earth :  they  cover  the  whole  surface  of  the  earth,  a  hyper- 
bole like  'their  number  is  as  the  sand  of  the  sea,'  v.  8.  — rr\v 
irap€|Jipo\Tiv,  the  camp :  the  word,  denoting  a  military  camp,  is 
the  standing  term  for  the  encampment,  the  halting  place,  of  the 
Israelites  in  the  wilderness,  e.^.  Ex.  16^'^,  Dt.  23^*.  So  here  it 
may  denote  simply  the  abiding  place  of  God's  people,  or  its  use 
may  be  suggested  by  the  approach  of  attacking  armies.  It  is 
doubtless  identical  in  meaning  with  the  following  phrase,  '  the 
beloved  city.'  The  saints  are  not  represented  here  as  an  army 
prepared  for  battle  ;  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  are  thought 
of  as  encamped  around  the  city  (so,  some  com.);  they  take  no 
part  in  repelling  the  attack  of  the  nations.  —  tt|v  ttoXiv,  the 
city :  the  city  of  the  millennial  kingdom,  an  earthly  Jerusalem, 
is  meant.  The  traditional  conception  of  Jewish  eschatology 
followed  throughout  the  passage  requires  this  interpretation  ; 
and  the  connection  with  vv.  4-6  implies  the  same.  This  is  not 
the  new  Jerusalem,  which  does  not  descend  till  the  bringing  in 
of  the  new  earth  (21^)  ;  yet  an  idealized  city  must  be  imagined, 
one  meet  to  be  the  capital  of  the  millennial  realm.  The  Jeru- 
salem of  historic  time  cannot  be  thought  of,  and  in  a  world  so 
idealistic  as  that  of  the  millennium  a  realistic  world-capital  is 
not  to  be  sought.  But  to  find  here  an  allegory  of  a  spiritual 
Jerusalem  attacked  by  the  power  of  sin  is  to  abandon  consist- 
ent exegesis.  —  fi-YaTTTHxevTiv,  beloved:  for  this  epithet  applied 
to  Jerusalem,  cf.  Ecclus.  24^1,  Ps.  78"^^  87^.  —  KaTi^t]  irvp  kt\., 
fire  came  down  out  of  heaven,  etc.  :   the  Apocalyptist  follows  his 


XX.  11]  COMMENTARY  747 

source;  cf.  Ezk.  39^,  'I  will  send  a  fire  on  Magog';  cf.  also 
Ezk.  3822^  Sib.  Or.  III.  673  (cited  on  p.  744),  691.  While 
the  hosts  are  thus  consumed,  Satan  like  his  adjutants,  the 
Beast  and  the  false  prophet,  is  consigned  at  once  upon  his 
defeat  to  his  punishment,  v.  10,  19^0.  This  is  the  lake  of  fire 
in  conformity  with  the  doctrine  of  Jewish  eschatology ;  cf .  v. 
15,  1410. 

10.  6  TrXavwv :  for  the  pres.  partic.  with  the  art.  made  equiv- 
alent to  an  imperf.  by  the  context,  see  on  14"^.  —  €p\f|0T]  €is 
TT|v  \l|xviiv  «.tA,.,  tvas  cast  info  the  lake  of  fire:  Satan  first  cast 
down  from  his  throne  in  the  heaven  (12^),  then  bound  and 
imprisoned  for  a  thousand  years  (202^-),  now  receives  his  final 
doom. 

(2)  The  general  resurrection  and  judgment.  20ii~i^  See 
pp.  287  f.  The  judgment  scene  as  described  here  follows 

in  its  essentials  the  other  Scriptures  and  apocalyptic  writers  ; 
e.g.  Mt.  2531-46,  Ro.  U^\  2  Co.  b^\  2  Es.  7«»^  En.  9020-27,  a 
saw  till  a  throne  was  erected  in  the  pleasant  land,  and  the 
Lord  of  the  sheep  sat  himself  thereon  ;  and  the  other  took  the 
sealed  books  and  opened  those  books  before  the  Lord  of  the 
sheep.  .  .  .  And  I  saw  at  that  time  how  a  like  abyss  was  opened 
in  the  midst  of  the  earth  full  of  fire,  and  they  brought  those 
blinded  sheep,  and  they  were  all  judged  and  found  guilty  and 
cast  into  this  fiery  abyss,  and  they  burned  .  .  .  and  I  saw  those 
sheep  burning.'  The  simplicity  and  restraint  of  the  picture 
drawn  by  our  Apocalyptist  in  this  scene,  as  well  as  in  the 
account  of  tlie  last  battle,  vv.  7-10,  stands  in  characteristic 
contrast  with  the  gruesomeness  found  in  some  other  apoca- 
lypses, and  in  some  medieval  artists  and  poets.  The  place  of 
the  throne  and  the  judgment  is  not  indicated.  The  throne  of 
the  court  of  heaven  described  in  4^'  ^-  is  probably  not  meant ; 
into  that  heavenly  court  the  wicked  would  not  be  admitted, 
even  for  judgment.  Evidently  the  precise  place  is  not  thought 
of.  '  In  the  last  judgment  the  categories  of  space  and  time 
fall  away '  (Baljon  in  loc).  God  alone  appears  as  judge, 
Christ  is  not  mentioned.  This  is  natural  here,  since  the 
Apocalyptist  is  following  throughout  this  scene  distinctively 
Jewish  models.  The  part  of  Christ  is  for  the  time  being 
dropped  out  of  sight.     Elsewhere  the  author  recognizes  clearly 


748  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF   JOHN  [XX.  11 

Christ's  office  in  this  connection,  cf .  2^'  ^^,  14^'*  *^-,  22^^,  passages 
which  taken  by  themselves  might  exclude  God's  share  in  the 
judgment.  Nor  is  there  a  conflict  between  this  verse  and 
Jno.  5^2,  which  cannot  be  taken  to  mean  that  the  author  of  the 
Fourth  Gospel  dissented  from  the  universal  Christian  doctrine 
of  God  also  as  judge  of  the  world  ;  cf.  Jno.  5*^  8^^  1226. 
St.  Paul  also  speaks  at  one  time  of  the  judgment  seat  of  Christ, 
at  another  of  that  of  God  ;  cf.  2  Co.  S^o,  Ro.  14io. 

11.  €t5ov  6p6vov,  I saiv  a  throne  :  cf.  Dan.  7^,  Is.  6^.  —  \€\)k6v, 
ivhite :  in  keeping  with  the  divine  glory  of  the  judge.  —  tov 
Ka6TJ|X€Vov  /ctX.,  him  that  sat  upon  it:  for  the  form  of  expression 
cf.  chapts.  4-5  passim.  The  reference  here  is  to  God,  not 
Christ.  The  Apocalyptist  speaks  as  a  Hebrew  using  the  peri- 
phrase  instead  of  the  name  of  God  ;  but  see  on  4'^.  —  'i^vyiv  t| 
yj]  ktX.,  the  earth  and  the  heaven  fled  away :  the  world  that  now 
is  is  represented  as  removed  to  give  place  to  the  new  heaven  and 
the  new  earth  (21^);  for  a  similar  representation  cf.  En.  90-^^-. 
According  to  another  current  belief  the  present  world  is  to  be 
burnt  up  ;  cf.  2  Pet.  S^'^-^^,  por  still  another  view  cf.  En.  45*, 
'  I  will  transform  the  heaven  ...  I  will  transform  the  earth.' 
See  pp.  bQ,  749  f. 

12.  Tovs  V€Kpovs,  the  dead :  the  living  are  not  mentioned, 
for  after  the  battle  of  vv.  7-10  none  are  living  except  the  saints 
of  the  millennial  kingdom,  and  their  judgment  has  already 
taken  place.  A  resurrection  in  bodily  form  is  assumed  according 
to  universal  Jewish  and  Christian  belief.  —  tovs  p-e-YciXous  /ctX., 
the  great  and  the  small,  etc. :  cf .  ll^^  13^^  19'^'  ^^  —  pipXia,  aXXo 
PipXiov,  hooks,  another  hook:  see  on  3^  The  former  contain  the 
record  of  men's  deeds,  whether  good  or  bad,  which  form  the 
ground  of  judgment ;  the  latter  contains  the  list  of  those 
destined  to  life.  There  is  no  incongruity  between  the  two 
ideas,  for  the  deeds  determine  whether  names  are  inserted  in 
the  book  of  life.  —  xd  tpya,  their  deeds :  for  the  comprehensive 
meaning  of  the  term  see  on  3^. 

.  13.  The  writer,  in  keeping  with  a  common  habit  of  his  (see 
pp.  242,  243),  here  turns  back  to  a  fuller  statement  of  the  ap- 
pearing of  the  dead  before  the  throne  (12  a);  all  the  recep- 
tacles of  the  dead  give  up  those  contained  in  them.  The  words 
belong  before  the  opening  of  the  books  and  the  judgment;  and, 


XXI.  1]  COMMENTARY  749 

because  of  their  introduction  in  this  hxter  pLace,  mention  of  the 
judgment  is  here  repeated.  —  tStoKcv  t|  BotXacro-a  ktX.,  the  sea 
gave  up  the  dead,  etc. :  the  mention  of  the  sea  in  distinction 
from  Hades  might  imply  that  the  souls  of  those  who  had  met 
death  by  drowning  were  not  thought  to  come  into  the  place  of 
departed  spirits  ;  and  Wetstein  cites  from  Achilles  Tatius  (fifth 
cent.  A.D.)  showing  the  existence  of  such  a  belief;  but  it  is 
hardly  possible  to  attribute  this  thought  to  our  author.  The 
abhorrent  fate  of  those  whose  unburied  bodies  were  carried 
about  in  the  sea,  or  devoured  by  the  fish,  would  account  for  the 
particular  mention  of  these  as  restored  at  the  resurrection ; 
cf .  En.  61^,  cited  below.  —  6  Gdvaxos  Kal  6  a6T|S,  death  and 
Hades:  cf.  6^;  see  on  1^^. — With  this  verse  cf.  2  Es.  7^^, 
'  The  earth  shall  restore  those  that  are  asleep  in  her,  and  so 
shall  the  dust  those  that  dwell  therein  in  silence,  and  the  secret 
places  shall  deliver  those  souls  that  were  committed  unto 
them';  En.  61^,  'These  measures  shall  reveal  all  the  secrets  of 
the  depths  .  .  .  and  those  who  have  been  devoured  by  the  fish 
of  the  sea,  that  they  may  return';  51^,  'In  those  days  shall  the 
earth  also  give  back  that  which  has  been  intrusted  to  it,  and 
Sheol  also  shall  give  back  that  which  it  has  received,  and  hell 
shall  give  back  that  which  it  owes.' 

14.  Death  and  Hades  are  here  personified  and  doomed  to 
punishment,  a  conception  due  to  the  connection  thought  to 
exist  between  death  and  sin  ;  at  the  same  time,  the  deliverance 
of  the  saints  from  all  future  fear  of  death  is  thought  of ;  cf.  21*, 
Heb.  2l^  1  Co.  1526,  'The  last  enemy  that  shall  be  brought  to 
naught  is  death.'  —  6  Gdvaros  6  Sevrepos,  the  second  death:  cf. 
V.  6,  2^1,  21'^.  The  second  death  is  here  defined  as  (consign- 
ment to)  the  lake  of  fire  ;  the  first  is  the  physical  death  common 
to  all. 

15.  This  verse  announces  the  sentence  decreed  for  all  the 
condemned.  The  award  of  those  destined  to  life  is  not  men- 
tioned here ;  it  forms  the  subject  of  the  following  paragraph. 
On  this  latter  theme  the  Apocalyptist  dwells  at  greater  length 
and  with  deep  but  restrained  fervor. 

(3)  The  new  heaven  and  the  new  earth ;  and  God's  presence 
with  his  people  in  the  new  Jerusalem,  21^"^.      See  p.  288. 
In  this  prophecy  of  the  new  world  and  its  conditions  the  Apoc- 


750  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XXI.  1 

alyptist  uses  the  familiar  language  and  imagery  of  O.  T.  escha- 
tology.  The  passage  is  largely  made  up  of  reminiscences  of 
biblical  apocalyptic.  Yet  the  writer,  with  his  customary  com- 
mand of  suggested  figures  and  words,  has  combined  these  into 
a  whole  of  wonderful  simplicity,  harmony,  and  power.  The 
most  striking  feature  in  this  vision  of  the  bliss  of  the  saints  is 
its  spirituality.  The  glory  and  the  blessedness  of  the  reward 
promised  to  the  saints  consists  in  the  presence  of  God  and  per- 
fect communion  with  him,  the  satisfaction  of  every  yearning 
for  the  divine  life  of  the  soul,  and  the  absence  of  death,  sorrow, 
and  sin.  —  The  question,  frequently  raised  among  earlier  com- 
mentators, whether  the  new  world  is  to  be  a  renovation  of  that 
now  existing,  or  a  different  one  brought  in  in  place  of  the  old 
previously  removed  or  destroyed,  is  one  with  which  apocalyptic 
prophecy  from  its  nature  is  not  concerned.  In  v.  1,  as  in  20^\ 
the  language  suggests  a  prior  removal  of  the  old  ;  in  21^  the 
words,  '  I  make  all  things  new,'  would  more  naturally  denote  a 
renovation  of  that  now  existing.  But  it  is  wholly  improbable 
that  the  Apocalyptist  has  in  mind  any  distinct  thought  of  the 
process ;  it  is  the  result  that  fills  his  vision.  It  is  certain  that 
his  language  cannot  be  taken  to  describe  systematically  a  future 
cosmic  event.      See  on  20^^. 

1.  diTTiXGav,  were  passed  aivay :  as  announced  in  20^^.  — 
f|  6dXao"cra  ovk  cVtlv  €tl,  the  sea  is  no  more :  some  have  taken 
these  words  as  parallel  with  the  preceding  clause,  ovk  eariv  €tl, 
repeating  airrfkOav ;  the  sense  then  would  be,  the  heavens,  the 
earth,  and  the  sea  of  the  first  world  have  passed  away,  and 
nothing  would  be  implied  as  to  an  absence  of  the  sea  from  the 
new  world  (so,  Diist.  al).  But  in  that  case  we  should  expect 
Tjv  instead  of  ecniv,  and  a  repetition  of  irpdiTq  as  with  717 ;  more- 
over, when  the  author  adds  OdXaaaa  to  ovpav6<i  and  77}  for 
emphatic  comprehensiveness,  he  joins  the  three  in  one  clause ; 
cf.  5^-^  10*^,  1-1:'^.  Most  scholars  are  agreed  that  the  Apocalyptist 
means,  there  is  no  sea  in  the  new  order  seen  in  his  vision.  He 
nowhere  explains  the  absence  of  the  sea  from  the  new  earth ;  it 
must  therefore  be  accounted  for  by  some  common  thought  re- 
garding the  sea,  which  makes  its  presence  inappropriate.  A  kin- 
dred idea  is  found  elsewhere  in  apocalyptic  writings ;  e.g.  Sib. 
Or.  V.  447,  'In  the  last  time  the  sea  shall  be  dry';  Ass.  Mos. 


XXI.  5]  COMMENTARY  751 

10'',  'The  sea  shall  retire  into  the  abyss.'  The  consuming  of 
the  sea  is  frequently  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  burning 
up  of  the  world;  e.g.  Sib.  Or.  V.  158  f.,  'A,  great  star  shall 
come  from  heaven  into  the  divine  sea,  and  shall  burn  up  the 
deep  sea';  Test.  Lev.  l^.  For  many  other  examples  see  Bouss. 
Antichrist  238  f.  Some  find  here  an  echo  of  a  popular  fancy 
connected  with  the  primitive  oriental  myth  of  the  Creator's 
conflict  with  a  sea-monster,  such  as  appears  in  the  allusions  to 
the  dragon,  Rahab  and  Leviathan;  cf.  Is.  27^,  51^,  Job  26i'^  (so, 
Moff.,  a^,  Bouss.  189",  rejected  in  the  ed.i^*^*^).  But  there  is  in 
the  eschatological  allusions  to  the  sea  cited  above  no  intimation 
that  a  sea-monster  is  thought  of,  as  in  these  latter  passages 
referred  to.  The  most  probable  supposition  (Ewald,  a?)  traces 
the  idea  to  the  dread  of  the  sea  felt  by  the  ancient  world,  whose 
means  of  coping  with  its  dangers  were  inferior.  The  violence 
and  treachery  of  the  sea,  its  unrest  *  casting  up  mire  and  dirt,' 
made  it  an  element  out  of  place  in  the  untroubled  earth  of  the 
new  order ;   cf .  Is.  bl^\  Ps.  10725-28,  Ezk.  28^. 

2-4.  Cf .  V.  10,  3^2,  —  ly^^  cLtto,  out  of\  from  :  the  former  refers 
to  the  place  of  origin,  the  latter  to  the  divine  originator.  — 
(OS  vu|x<|)T]V,  as  a  bride :  the  figure  of  the  bride,  which  in  19^^  is 
applied  to  the  people  of  God,  represents  here  the  seat  of  their 
abode,  the  new  Jerusalem.  See  on  19''. — t)  o-kt|vti  tov  Bcov 
/ctX.,  the  tabernacle  of  Grod,  etc.:  cf.  7^^  Ezk.  372^,  Zee.  2^^,  8^ 
2  Co.  6^^.  The  new  Jerusalem,  like  the  tabernacle  in  the  wil- 
derness, is  to  be  the  place  of  God's  abode  with  his  people.  — 
For  the  promises  of  the  passage  cf.  7^^,  Is.  25^,  351°,  65^^,  Hos. 
13^*. — irdvos,  pain:  probably  physical  pain  is  meant,  as  in  IG^''^'. 

—  ToL  irpwTa  ctTTTiXGav,  the  first  things  have  passed  aivay :  cf. 
2  Co.  5^'^.  The  language  here,  as  also  in  the  words  of  v.  5, 
'  I  make  all  things  new,'  is  a  comprehensive  summary  of  all  that 
is  contained  in  the  announcement  of  v.  1 ;  at  the  same  time,  the 
connection  suggests  a  special  reference  to  sorrow,  death,  and 
pain  as  belonging  to  the  things  wldch  will  have  passed  away. 

5-6.  6  Ka6Tip,€vos  cttI  tw  6p6vco:  in  this  phrase  the  gen.  is 
generally  used  in  Rev. ;  for  the  dat.  cf.  7^*^,  19"*.     The  Mss.  vary. 

—  Kaivd  TTOici  TTOLVTa,  /  make  all  things  new :  cf .  2  Co.  5^'^,  Is. 
43i»f- — -ypo-^ov,  write:  the  object  of  the  vb.  is  the  revelation 
contained  in  vv.  1-5 ;   ort  is  best  taken  as /or.      With  renewed 


752  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXI.  5 

emphasis  (see  on  'write,'  19^)  God  bids  the  Prophet  to  bring 
to  the  Church  the  promise  of  supreme  blessedness  offered  in 
the  new  earth  and  the  new  Jerusalem,  and  God  himself  with 
solemn  asseveration  vouches  for  the  truth  of  the  revelation.  — 
OTi  ouTOi  ol  Xo-yoL  KT\for  these  ivords,  etc.:  reference  is  made 
to  the  whole  revelation  given  in  vv.  1-5.  — ttio-tol  Kal  dXT|9ivoi, 
faithful,  i.e.  trustivorthy,  and  true:  cf.  22*^.  a\7]6Lv6<i  is  here 
eauivalent  to  akr^Orj'i;  see  Thayer,  s.v. — ■yc'yovav,  it  is  done: 
literally  thei/,  i.e.  the  words,  have  come  to  pass  ;  cf.  'yeyovev,  16^'^. 
The  renewal  of  all  things,  and  the  future  blessedness  of  the 
saints,  resting  as  they  do  on  the  solemn  assurance  of  the  eternal 
God  himself,  the  Alpha  and  the  Omega,  the  beginning  and  the 
end  of  all,  may  be  spoken  of  as  if  already  come  to  pass.  The 
aoristic  ending  of  the  perf.  jeyovav  is  rare;  see  Blass  §  21,  3, 
Win.  §  13,  2,  c.  The  correction  yeyova  introduced  into  many 
Mss.  is  taken  as  equivalent  to  el/mi  and  made  the  copula  with 
the  following  words,  iyo>,  ro  ak^a  ktX.  ;  but  the  word  itself 
(lit.  have  come  to  he),  and  1^,  22i-^,  are  against  the  emendation. 
—  T<3  8ix};(0VTL  ktX.,  unto  him  that  is  athirst  I  will  give,  etc. :  cf. 
71''',  22^'^'^.  For  the  figure  of  thirst  used  often  to  express  an 
earnest  sense  of  spiritual  need,  especially  a  yearning  for  com- 
munion with  God,  cf .  Is.  551,  443,  Ps.  42^ ';  Q2>\ 

7.  The  promise  of  v.  6,  '  Unto  him  that  thirsteth,'  etc.,  is  in 
this  verse  repeated  in  another  form,  '  I  will  be  his  God,  and  he 
shall  be  my  son ' ;  the  thirst  for  God  will  be  satisfied  in  the 
relation  of  perfect  sonship  with  God.  The  language  of  v.  6  5 
is  strikingly  Johannine ;  cf.  Jno.  4^"'  ^*  V^^-,  cf.  also  Rev.  7^^, 
221".  ]>^^  y_  7  shows  traces  of  the  Pauline  style ;  KXrjpovofielv 
is  a  favorite  Pauline  idea,  as  is  also  the  sonship  of  the  believer. 
The  close  relation  to  God  denoted  in  our  passage  by  the  latter 
term  is  expressed  elsewhere  in  the  Johannine  writings  by  tckvov 
(cf.  Jno.  1^2,  1  Jno.  3i'2,  5^),  and  in  our  book  by  Upevf,  see  on 
1^. — 6  viKwv,  he  that  overcometh :  the  words  echo  the  close  of 
the  seven  epistles,  chapts.  2-3,  and  remind  the  readers  anew 
of  the  stern  conflict  which  must  precede  entrance  on  the  won- 
derful inheritance  here  promised.  —  With  the  words  '  He  shall 
be  my  son,'  cf.  2  S.  7^^. 

8.  Over  against  the  inheritance  of  the  saints  is  set  the  lot  of 
the  wicked,  who  are  characterized  here  by  epithets,  of  which 


XXI.  8]  COMMENTARY  753 

some  have  special  reference  to  circumstances  of  the  time,  others 
are  common  designations  of  the  heathen,  as  used  elsewhere  in 
the  N.  T.  The  first  epithet  StiXois,  cotvardly^  in  contrast  with 
steadfast^  which  is  necessary  to  'him  tliat  overcometh,'  refers  to 
those  who  through  fear  evade  the  persecutions  now  assailing 
and  threatening  the  Church.  —  dmo"TOis,  faithless,  or,  iinheliev- 
ing :  in  this  connection  the  former,  meaning  those  who  prove 
faithless  in  trial,  is  better ;  the  other  epithets  denote  special 
classes,  and  it  is  likely  that  such  is  intended  in  this  word  rather 
than  the  general  class  of  the  unbelieving,  to  Avhich  those  referred 
to  in  all  the  other  epithets  belong.  —  cpSeXvYixevois,  abominable  : 
perhaps  those  who  join  in  the  abominable  emperor-worship 
(cf.  Ro.  2^2^^  Qp  perhaps  more  broadly  those  guilty  of  heathen 
immorality  in  general,  cf.  v.  27, 17*'^-,  Tit.  1^''.  —  The  following 
classes,  murderers,  fornicators,  sorcerers,  idolaters,  are  common 
in  descriptions  of  the  heathen.  — irdcrL  tois  \(/€V)8€o-iv,  all  liars: 
the  false.  Falseness  is  frequently  stigmatized  in  the  book,  cf. 
2^,  3^,  14'^  21"''' 2'^,  22^^,  in  keeping  with  the  Johannine  emphasis 
on  truth.  In  the  use  of  epithets  applied  to  the  wicked  compare 
this  verse  with  22^^.  —  For  the  lake  of  fire  as  the  second  death 
see  on  20^^. — irupi  Kal  Geico,  j^re  and  hrimstoyie:  brimstone  min- 
gled with  fire  is  a  familiar  figure  as  an  instrument  of  God's 
wrath;  cf.  Ps.  ll^.  Is.  3033,  Ezk.  38^2,  Rev.  14io,  I920.  The  use 
is  probably  derived  from  the  story  of  the  overthrow  of  Sodom 
and  Gomorrah,  Gen.  19^4,  upon  which  God  is  said  to  have  rained 
fire  and  brimstone.  That  representation  may  perhaps  be  due 
to  the  abundance  of  sulphur  in  the  region ;  perhaps  to  the  smell 
of  ozone,  which  the  ancients  sometimes  referred  to  sulphur, 
perceived  in  violent  discharges  of  lightning. 

Textual  notes,  20^-2V.  20^.  R  with  many  min  omits  rov  before  TroXe/xov, 
and  auTwv  after  api6fj.o^.  —  9.  The  words  aTro  rov  dtov  are  inserted  before  or 
after  tK  rov  ovpavov  in  N^PQ,  most  min  vers  R,  probably  through  the  influence 
of  21^ ;  wanting  in  A  most  other  sources  edd.  — 12.  For  Opovov,  R  with  some 
min  has  6(.ov.  — 14.  The  words  i]  Xifivrj  rov  irvpos  are  added  after  Seurepos 
ecrnv  in  nearly  all  sources  and  edd ;  wanting  in  some  min  vers  Prim  R. 
The  entire  sentence  ovtos  o  Oavaros  .  .  .  Trupos  is  omitted  by  some  min  vers 
anc  com  Moff  nl,  bracketed  by  Bouss. 

21-.  R  with  some  Mss.  of  the  vlg  inserts  eyw  Iwavvijs  with  eiSov.  — 
3.  Opovov  KA  Iren  vlg  some  anc  com  nearly  all  edd ;  ovpavov  PQ  most  min 
vers  anc  com  Prim  R  Sod.  —  Xaos  PQ  many  min  and  vers  anc  com  Ws 
3c 


754  THE   APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

WHmrg  Bouss  nl ;  Aaot  ^^A  some  min  Iren  some  anc  com  most  edd.  The 
pi.  may  have  arisen  through  the  iufluence  of  auroi;  see  Ws  Ap.  101. — 
After  ixtT  avT(3iv  eo-rat,  many  edd  follow  «Q  most  min  and  vers  in  omitting 
the  words  ^eos  avTtav  or  udtwv  6eos  which  are  found  in  AP  some  min  and 
vers  Iren  R  Ws  Wllmrg  RV  al.  They  may  be  due  to  a  reminiscence  of 
such  passages  as  Jer  24'',  Sl^^ ;  cf  Heb  8i°.  —  4.  on,  before  ra  Tr/owra,  KQ 
most  min  and  vers  most  edd ;  wanting  in  AP  some  min  Lch  WH  RV  al.  — 
6.  yeyovav  X^  A  Iren  nearly  all  edd ;  yeyova  i<*QP  most  min  vers  some  anc 
com  Sod  al,  probably  a  correction  due  to  the  unusualness  of  the  aoristic 
ending  in  the  perf.,  see  Com. ;  R  has  yeyove,  apparently  a  conjecture.  — 
Before  to  a\(f)a,  A  some  min  anc  com  R  Ws  Alf  insert  ei/xi ;  wanting  in 
most  sources  and  edd.  —  7.    R  with  a  few  min  inserts  the  art.  before  vtos. 

Criticism  of  20"^ -21^.  The  close  connection  of  this  paragraph  with  the 
preceding  in  the  programme  of  events,  and  the  natural  sequence  within  the 
paragraph  itself,  have  caused  most  critics  to  recognize  here  an  immediate 
continuation  of  201-'',  ^nd  to  assign  the  passage  as  a  whole,  minor  excisions 
being  disregarded,  to  the  same  source,  Jewish  or  Christian,  su^pposed  to  be 
found  in  the  foregoing.  Vischer  and  his  school  make  it,  of  course,  Jewish, 
as  wanting  in  specifically  Christian  elements.  Spitta,  who  refers  20'*-''  to 
the  redactor,  makes  20^-211  the  continuation  of  20^-^  In  21  he  sees  a  con- 
flict between  vv.  2  and  9  ;  in  the  former  the  Seer  beholds  the  new  Jerusalem 
descending,  but  in  the  latter  v.  he  must  be  taken  to  the  top  of  a  high 
mountain  to  see  it.  (See  p.  768).  Spitta  assigns  21^-^  to  the  redactor, 
but  2P*'^-  to  his  Jewish  source,  J^,  in  which  it  continues  19^;  2P-''  belong 
in  part  to  the  redactor,  in  part  to  J^.  Volter  assigns  the  paragraph  to  his 
Cerinthian  insertion,  and  finds  a  Christian  tone  throughout.  Erbes,  omit- 
ting 20'*-*',  makes  20^-1°  a  continuation  of  his  addition  (Christian)  of  the 
year  80;  but  20"-21''  he  assigns  to  the  primitive  Johannine  Apocalypse, 
where  it  continues  19^.  J.  Weiss  finds  in  20"-21'',  some  minor  portions 
being  omitted,  a  continuation  of  20^-^  and  a  part  of  the  primitive  Johan- 
nine source.  —  Some  critics  (Vischer,  J.  Weiss,  al)  reject  21^-^.  The  chief 
objections  raised  are  as  follows :  it  is  strange  that  God  himself  should  be 
introduced  as  a  speaker,  instead  of  Jesus  or  an  angel ;  that  one  sitting  on 
the  throne  of  heaven  should  asseverate  the  truth  of  his  utterances,  that 
further  utterances  should  be  introduced  by  koL  Aeyei,  Kai  uirtv,  a  manner 
elsewhere  belonging,  it  is  claimed,  to  the  redactor ;  such  expressions  as  the 
command  ypdipov,  6  vlkwv,  KXrjpovofxeiv  ravra,  echo  his  phraseology.  The 
whole  passage  has  the  sound  of  an  imitator  seeking  to  give  authority  to  his 
prophecy.  See  Vischer,  65  ff.,  J.  AVeiss,  108  f .  The  inconclusiveness  of  these 
objections  hardly  needs  to  be  pointed  out  in  detail.  They  have  not  been 
acknowledged  by  critics  generally  as  calling  for  discussion.  Charles,  dis- 
cussing the  order  in  chapts.  20^-22,  proposes  an  elaborate  scheme  of  re- 
arrangement in  this  part  of  the  book.  The  theory  can  be  noticed  to  better 
advantage  in  connection  with  the  criticism  of  21^-22^ ;  see  p.  770. 

Our  paragraph  (20''-21^)  taken  as  a  whole  is  undeniably  Jewish  in  form. 
The  author  uses  the  conceptions  and  language  of  the  prophets  and  later 


XXI.  9]  COMMENTARY  755 

apocalyptic  writings.  But  this  is  true  of  apocalyptic  writing  in  general 
and  is  wholly  compatible  with  a  Jewish-Christian  authorship.  St.  Paul's 
eschatological  passage  in  2  Thess.  2^"^^  is  thoroughly  Jewish ;  if  the  word 
Jesus  be  omitted  in  v.  8,  with  some  ancient  authorities,  there  is  not  a  dis- 
tinctively Christian  trace  in  the  paragraph.  The  integrity  of  our  paragraph 
is  supported  by  the  ordered  combination  of  its  parts ;  these,  the  final  vic- 
tory over  Satan,  the  general  resurrection  and  judgment,  and  the  union  with 
God  in  a  renewed  world,  make  up  in  sequence  the  fulfillment  of  the  escha- 
tological hope.  No  considerable  part  can  be  held  superfluous,  and  if  the 
freedom  of  apocalyptic  usage  be  taken  into  account  no  inconsistency  ap- 
pears ;  no  passage  requires  a  forced  exegesis  to  support  it  in  its  place  (see 
Com.).  The  necessity  of  such  a  paragraph,  as  the  culmination  of  the  plan 
which  has  shaped  the  literary  development  of  the  book  from  the  beginning, 
need  not  be  pointed  out ;  and  its  composition  by  the  author  of  our  Apoca- 
lypse appears  probable  from  its  conformity  with  his  thought  and  manner. 
The  presence  of  his  hand  will  be  seen  from  the  numerous  parallelisms  with 
other  parts  of  the  book.  In  chapt.  20  compare  v.  8  with  12',  7^,  16i* ;  v.  9 
with  1313;  y.  10  with  192°,  14"  IQ^^;  v.  11  with  20*,  5i.  ^  i^  IG^o,  128,  y.  12 
with  22^  22'2;  V.  13  with  l^^,  6^;  v.  14  with  2",  21i9;  v.  15  with  3^.  —  In 
chapt.  21  compare  v.  2  with  ll^,  2V,  22i9,  W ;  v.  3  with  10*,  1V%  7^^ ;  v.  4 
with  7";  V.  5  with  199,  oos;  v.  6  with  16",  1^,  22i3,  7";  v.  8  with  22i5,  1920. 


(4)  The  city  of  the  new  Jerusalem.  219-225.  See  pp.  287, 
289  f.  This  vision  of  the  holy  city  is  shaped  throughout  by 
the  eschatological  imagery  contained  in  the  prophets  and  apoc- 
alyptists.  In  the  earlier  Hebrew  expectation  of  the  final  era 
Jerusalem,  which  should  form  the  center  of  Israel's  dominion 
over  all  nations,  and  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  were  to  be  built 
up  in  great  magnificence.  The  splendor  of  the  renewed  city 
and  temple  is  set  forth  in  marvelous  imagery ;  cf .  Is,  54'^  ^^ 
6013,  Tobit  13i«^-,  145,  Hag.  2'-^.  But  as  seen  above  (pp. 
54  ff.)  when  eschatological  ideas  became  more  transcendental, 
a  new  heaven  and  a  new  earth  came  to  be  looked  for,  and  a 
new  Jerusalem,  already  existing  in  ideal  perfection  in  heaven 
and  ready  to  descend  upon  the  new  earth,  becomes  an  estab- 
lished factor  in  visions  of  the  end.  To  the  description  of  this 
new  Jerusalem  are  transferred  all  the  splendors  of  the  earthly 
Jerusalem  predicted  in  the  earlier  eschatological  writers.  The 
details  in  the  picture  of  the  holy  city  and  its  relation  to  the 
nations,  as  given  in  our  passage,  are  derived  chiefly  from 
Isaiah  and  Ezekiel,  as  will  be  pointed  out  below. 

In  this  passage  (219-22^)  is  given  in  full  a  vision  of  the  city 


756  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XXI.  9 

whose  descent  has  been  declared  in  passing  in  v.  2.  As  the 
sequel  to  the  judgment  scene  of  chapt.  20^^"^^  in  its.  relation  to 
the  reward  of  the  righteous,  the  Prophet  has  introduced  in 
21 1~^  a  summary  statement  of  the  new  order  of  the  world  ;  a 
voice  from  heaven  has  proclaimed  the  coming  of  God  to  abide 
with  his  people,  and  has  foretold  their  blessedness  in  a  per- 
fected union  with  God.  The  city  of  the  new  Jerusalem  itself, 
as  spoken  of  there,  is  a  subordinate  part  of  the  larger  picture 
of  the  new  world  ;  it  is  there  mentioned,  as  it  were  only  inci- 
dentally, as  the  place  of  what  forms  the  chief  theme  of  that 
passage,  the  reward  of  the  saints  in  the  presence  of  God  among 
them.  But  now  in  these  verses,  21^-22^  the  Apocalyptist 
comes  on  to  tell  of  his  vision  of  the  city  in  all  its  perfection 
and  splendor  —  a  theme  which  could  not  be  wanting  in  an 
extended  apocalypse  of  the  final  bliss  of  the  saints.  These 
verses  then  do  not,  as  some  critics  suppose,  contain  a  duplica- 
tion of  what  has  already  been  revealed  in  v.  2,  but  rather  the 
actual  vision  which  was  there  only  briefly  mentioned  to  serve 
the  purpose  then  in  hand.     See  more  fully,  p.  768  f. 

XXI.  9.  cIs  €K  Twv  €iTTd  cL'Y'YcXcDV  /ctX.,  one  of  the  seven 
ariyels,  etc.  :  why  the  office  of  showing  the  holy  city  should  be 
assigned  to  one  of  the  angels  of  the  seven  last  plagues  is  not 
made  clear.  But  the  close  parallelism  in  language  between 
21**  ^-  and  17^'  \  the  introductory  words  in  their  respective 
visions,  intimates  that  the  new  Jerusalem,  the  capital  city  of 
God's  perfected  kingdom,  is  thought  of  as  contrasted  with  the 
great  city  (Rome)  that  had  reigned  over  the  kings  of  the  earth 
(17^^)  ;  the  Bride  is  contrasted  with  the  woman  on  the  scarlet 
beast.  Hence  an  angel  of  the  same  class,  not  necessarily  the 
same  angel,  appropriately  appears  here  as  the  ministrant.  See 
on  17^.  — Twv  "ycjJLdvTODV  KT\,.,full  of  the  seven  last  plagues :  the 
reference  of  the  partic.  to  the  angels,  who  were  laden  with  the 
plagues,  so,  some,  e.g.  RV,  involves  too  great  violence  in  the 
use  of  the  word  ye/xeiv  ;  pretty  certainly  it  refers  to  the  bowls. 
The  grammatical  error  is  due  to  the  prominence  of  tmv  eina 
.  .  .  exovroiv.  For  the  use  of  the  pres.  partic. ,  see  on  14*.  — 
TT]v  vu|Ji(|)Tiv,  the  Bride :  properly  the  betrothed  ;  the  '  marriage 
of  the  Lamb  '  is  thought  of  as  not  having  yet  actually  taken 


XXI.  11]  COMMENTARY  757 

place,  though  close  at  hand.  Therefore  rrjv  <yvvaiKa,  the  wife,  is 
used  proleptically,  the  one  who  is  to  be  the  wife.  See  on  19'^. 
—  Noticeable  in  this  vision  is  the  frequent  mention  of  the 
Lamb. 

10.  In  vv.  10-17  the  Apocalyptist  describes  the  city  in  its 
general  aspect,  telling  of  the  divine  light  emanating  from  it,  of 
its  walls,  its  gates,  and  its  measurements.  This  part  of  the 
description  is  derived  mainly  from  Ezekiel's  vision  of  the  new 
temple,  which  is  to  form  the  central  object  in  the  kingdom  of 
the  last  times,  chapts.  40-48.  Like  the  Hebrew  prophet  (Ezk. 
40^)  the  Seer  is  carried  away  to  the  top  of  a  high  mountain, 
whence  the  vision  is  opened  before  him.  He  is  borne  thither 
in  a  state  of  ecstasy  ;  the  words  '  in  the  Spirit '  have  the  same 
meaning  as  Ezekiel's  phrase  '  in  the  visions  of  God '  ;  the 
ecstasy  is  that  into  which  the  Seer  is  raised  by  the  Spirit.  Cf . 
l^'',  4^,  17^.  — €K  Tov  0-upavov  diro  tov  Beov,  out  of  heaven  from 
God :  see  on  v.  2. 

The  form  'lepovcraXi^ix  (a  not  quite  accurate  transliteration  of  the  Heb.) 
is  found  uniformly  in  the  LXX,  but  alternates  in  the  N.  T.  with  'lepoaoXvfia 
(Hellenistic  mistranslation,  tepos  and  2oAu/xa.  See  En.  Bib.  II.  2409),  some 
writers  using  both  forms  indifferently.  But  in  Mk.  and  the  Fourth  Gospel 
the  latter  only  occurs,  while  Heb.  and  Rev.  have  the  former  only;  in  these 
two  boolvs,  Heb.  and  Rev.,  the  name  refers  to  the  heavenly  city.  In  the 
five  places  in  the  N.  T.  (Gal.  i^e,  Heb.  12'2^  Rev.  312,  212,  w),  where  the 
heavenly  city  is  mentioned  by  name  the  first  form  only  is  used,  i.e.  the  Heb., 
instead  of  the  inaccurate  form  of  current  Gentile  usage.  Paul  in  Gal., 
though  using  uniformly  the  second  form  in  speaking  of  the  historic  city, 
changes  to  the  first  to  designate  the  heavenly  city;  Gal.  4^^  can  hardly  be 
said  to  be  at  variance  with  this  statement,  for  the  form  there  is  evidently 
determined  by  that  of  the  following  verse  which  contains  the  controlling 
thought.  There  seems  then  to  have  been  a  tendency  to  use  the  Hebraic 
form  in  speaking  of  the  heavenly  city  (cf .  Lightfoot,  on  Gal.  4^6)  ;  and 
this  use  would  be  especially  expected  in  a  description  of  the  heavenly  city 
following  closely  the  Heb.  prophets.  It  therefore  seems  far  from  certain, 
as  some  suppose,  that  the  difference  between  Rev.  and  the  Fourth  Gospel 
in  the  use  of  this  proper  name  indicates  diversity  of  authorship,  however 
cogent  other  reasons  may  be  for  maintaining  such  diversity. 

11.  €Xov(rav  tt|V  56|av  tov  6€0v,  having  the  glory  of  G-od:  cf. 
Ezk.  435,  '  Behold  the  glory  of  Jehovah  filled  the  house '  ;  Is. 
60^,  '  The  glory  of  Jehovah  is  risen  upon  thee.'  Before  enter- 
ing on  his  description  of  the  city  in  its  material  aspects,  the 


758  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XXI.  11 

Apocalyptist  speaks  of  that  which  must  strike  his  vision  first, 
and  which  gives  to  the  descending  Jerusalem  its  supreme 
splendor,  the  presence  of  God  manifested  in  the  effulgence  of 
wonderful  light.  For  the  divine  glory  exhibited  in  brilliant 
light,  see  on  4^,  IS^. — 6  (j)(0(rTTip  avTfjs,  its  light:  i.e.  the  light 
which  it  emitted.  <^(o<TTr)p  is  that  which  gives  light ;  here  the 
luminary  which  the  city  constitutes  (avT'q'i^  ;  cf.  Phil.  2^^ 
For  the  'jasper'  stone,  see  on  ■i^. — Kpuo-TaXXCl^ovTi,  'of  crys- 
talline brightness  and  transparency,'  Thayer,  s.v.     Cf.  4'^,  22i. 

12-13.  In  vv.  12-17  the  Apocalyptist  describes  the  walls, 
the  gates  and  the  measurements  of  the  city,  following  mainly 
Ezk.  —  €X.oi)o-a  :  the  partic.  refers  to  7rdX,t?  which  is  in  the 
writer's  thought,  the  construction  changing  loosely  to  the  nom. 
—  The  twelve  gates,  three  on  each  side  and  bearing  the  names 
of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel,  are  taken  directly  from  Ezk. 
4g3i  ff.  jjj  Ezekiel's  vision  each  several  tribe  has  its  own  gate 
of  entrance  into  the  city,  as  it  has  its  full  share  allotted  to  it  in 
the  distribution  of  the  land,  48^"^*^ ;  so  likewise  in  the  new 
Jerusalem  each  tribe  of  the  whole  Israel  of  God  (cf.  7^"^)  is 
assured  of  its  right  of  equal  approach  into  the  place  of  God's 
presence. — eni  tois  iruXcocrLV  ay(>{i\o\3%  SwScKa,  at  the  gates 
twelve  angels:  the  angels  stand  upon  (eiri^  the  gate  towers, 
one  at  each  gate,  as  watchers ;  cf .  Is.  62^,  2  Chron.  8^^.  This 
feature  does  not  appear  in  Ezekiel's  picture.  The  walls,  the 
gates,  and  the  watchmen  are  things  which  belong  to  the  con- 
ception of  a  perfect  city,  and  as  such  they  appear  here  ;  a 
defense  against  the  entrance  of  evil,  as  some  interpret,  is  not 
to  be  pressed,  as  nothing  of  the  kind  is  intimated  in  the  con- 
text. For  the  same  reason,  the  order  of  the  points  of  the 
compass,  ENS  W,  is  not  to  be  taken  as  having  special  signifi- 
cance ;  it  follows  Ezk.  42^''*-  instead  of  48''^  ^- — .aaro:  lit.  froyn. 
The  city  is  described  as  seen  from  the  standpoint  of  the  Seer  ; 
cf.  H.  A.  788  c,  Kiihn  II.  §  447  C. 

14.  'iyjiav  :  the  author's  tendency  to  use  the  partic.  in  this 
form  (see  p.  224)  favors  the  retention  of  this  reading  in  spite 
of  the  grammatical  error.  —  ^^^^Xiov^.,  foundations  :  cf.  Is.  28^^, 
Heb.  11^*^.  The  number  twelve  assigned  to  the  foundation 
stones  not  only  conforms  to  the  prominence  of  that  number  in 
this  vision,  denoting  here  the  completeness  of  the  substructure 


XXL  15]  COMMENTARY  759 

of  tlie  wall,  but  is  especially  chosen  with  reference  to  the  twelve 
apostles  in  their  office  of  laying  the  foundations  of  the  Church; 
of.  Eph.  22",  '  built  upon  the  foundation  of  the  apostles  and 
prophets.'  St.  Paul  emphasizes  his  function  of  laying  founda- 
tions, 1  Co.  310,  Ro.  1520.  Cf.  also  the  Lord's  words,  Mt.  16^K 
The  term  '  the  twelve  apostles '  is  used  here  in  its  official 
sense  designating  the  body  of  the  apostles  as  a  whole  ;  the 
individuals,  whether  the  original  twelve,  or  whether  including 
St.  Paul  and  others  added  to  the  number,  are  not  thought  of. 
This  corporate  reference  of  '  The  Twelve '  must  have  been 
common,  as  may  be  inferred  from  its  use  in  cases  where  a 
smaller  number  must  be  actually  understood  ;  cf.  1  Co.  15^ 
where  only  eleven,  or  according  to  Jno.  20^*,  only  ten  made  up 
the  number.  Even  in  the  Gospels  it  is  doubtful  whether  the 
whole  twelve  are  always  thought  of  in  the  use  of  the  term,  e.<^. 
Lk.  912^  j^  Roman  parallel  has  been  frequently  pointed  out ; 
decemviri  and  centumviri  came  to  be  used  as  official  terms  with- 
out regard  to  the  precise  number.  The  dignity  here  ascribed 
to  the  apostles  does  not  in  itself  indicate,  as  many  contend 
(see  pp.  351  ff.),  a  non-apostolic  writer,  or  one  looking  back 
upon  the  apostles  in  the  light  with  which  a  later  generation 
invested  them.  This  consciousness  of  their  fundamental  im- 
portance on  the  part  of  the  apostles,  yet  without  a  trace  of 
presumptuousness,  appears  elsewhere  ;  cf.  1  Co.  12^8,  49^  91^ 
Eph.  220,  Mt.  1928,  Jno.  17i8'20,  _Tov  dpviou,  of  the  Lamb:  the 
celestial  city  is  distinctively  the  city  of  the  Lamb  in  his  tran- 
scendent glory;  cf.  219- 22,  23,  27^  22i' 3.  (See  pp.  314  ff.) 
Hence  the  apostles,  whose  names  are  inscribed  on  the  founda- 
tions, are  designated  as  those  of  the  Lamb. 

15-16.  The  reed  in  the  hand  of  the  angel  and  his  act  of 
measurement  are  suggested  by  Ezk.  40^"-  The  angel  appar- 
ently does  not  measure  the  gates,  as  from  v.  15  we  should 
expect  him  to  do.  This  detail  in  the  language  of  v.  15  is  re- 
tained from  Ezekiel,  where  it  is  carried  out  in  full,  40®  ^-  — 
TCTpd'ycovos,  foursquare  :  more  exactly,  cjuadrangvlar.  Cf .  Ezk. 
4820.  —  €|X€TpT]cr€V  TT^v  TrdXiv,  he  measured  the  city :  '  the  city ' 
here  and  in  v.  16  is  commonly  understood  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  wall,  i.e.  the  inner  part  of  the  city  is  meant  without 
including  the  encircling  wall.     But  the  author's  very  common 


760  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  fXXI.  15 

habit  of  first  introducing  a  comprehensive  term  and  then  defin- 
ing it  more  specifically  by  clauses  added  with  /cat,  and  (epexe- 
getical  ;  see  p.  242)  suggests  that  usage  here,  since  there  is  no 
apparent  motive  for  distinguishing  the  city  from  its  wall.  In 
such  a  picture  as  is  given  here  the  two  most  naturally  form 
a  single  idea.  If  it  were  not  so,  we  should  almost  certainly 
find  some  intimation  of  a  reason  for  the  distinction.  We  may 
infer  then  that  the  height  of  the  ivall  is  included  in  tlie  state- 
ment of  the  height  of  '  the  city '  in  v.  IG.  See  further  on 
V.  17,  on  the  measurement  of  the  wall.  —  lirl  o-raSiwv  :  to  de- 
note the  limit  in  measuring  the  ace.  would  be  expected  ;  see 
Win.  §  49  on  eiri.  The  gen.  however  is  not  unexampled  ;  cf. 
Xen.  An.  VII.  8.  14,  o  he  Tol')^o<i  rjv  eir  oktm  irXLvdcov.  —  (rraSCov 
6a)8€Ka  X'-^'-Q-^^^i  12,000  furlonys:  this  1500  miles  might  be  the 
measurement  of  each  of  the  four  sides,  or  of  the  whole  compass 
of  the  city  ;  doubtless  the  former,  as  indicated  by  the  follow- 
ing words.  In  either  case  the  number,  the  multiple  of  twelve 
by  a  thousand,  is  symbolical  of  completeness  and  immensity 
(see  p.  254).  Rabbinical  writers  interpret  Zee.  9^  to  mean 
that  the  future  Jerusalem  would  extend  as  far  as  Damascus.  — 
TO  vx|/os  axiTTis,  its  height :  the  city  is  seen  as  an  exact  cube. 
Doubtless  this  feature  is  intended  to  express  perfect  symmetry. 
In  Ezekiel  symmetry  is  made  prominent.  Possibly  the  cubical 
form  is  suggested  (so,  many  com.)  by  that  of  the  Holy  of 
holies  in  the  temple  (1  K.  6^°),  to  which  the  new  Jerusalem 
answers  as  the  special  place  of  God's  presence.  Reference  is 
frequently  made  in  this  connection  to  the  rabbiiiical  fancy 
given  in  Baba  bathra  75,  2,  that  the  future  Jerusalem  would  be 
a  cube  twelve  miles  high.  A  city  1500  miles  high,  as  in  our 
passage,  while  unimaginable,  is  no  more  so  than  a  pearl  large 
enough  to  form  the  whole  of  a  vast  gate-tower,  or  gold  trans- 
parent as  glass  (v.  21).  The  Apocalyptist,  regardless  of  archi- 
tectural reality,  is  struggling  to  express  by  symbols  the  vast- 
ness,  the  perfect  symmetry,  and  the  splendor  of  the  new 
Jerusalem.  Perhaps  the  great  height  of  the  city  figures  the 
blending  of  heaven  and  earth  in  the  new  world.  Cf.  the  pre- 
diction in  Sib.  Or.  V.  251  f.,  that  in  the  last  days  the  walls  of 
Jerusalem  Avill  reach  as  far  as  Joppa  and  '  up  to  the  darkling 
clouds'  ;  also  ibid.  424  £f.,  where  it  is  said  that  the  city  will 


XXI.  18]  COMMENTARY  761 

have  a  '  tower  touching  the  very  chiuds  and  seen  of  all,  so  that 
all  the  faithful  and  all  the  righteous  may  see  the  glory  of  the 
invisible  God.' 

17.  The  measure  of  the  wall,  144  (12  x  12)  cubits,  about 
216  feet,  is  understood  by  most  interpreters  to  refer  to  height. 
The  indefinite  expression  would  most  naturally  be  taken  of 
length  or  height,  and  the  former  is  excluded  here.  In  a  picture 
so  remote  from  the  actual  the  difference  between  the  heigflit  of 
the  wall  and  that  of  the  enclosed  city  cannot  in  itself  be  decisive 
against  this  interpretation.  Yet  in  the  connection  here,  the 
difficulty  arising  in  that  reference  is  undeniable.  The  wall  and 
its  gates  are  prominent  features  in  the  portrayal  of  the  city  ; 
the  former  is  mentioned  no  less  than  six  times,  and  is  called 
'  great  and  high  ' ;  but  as  the  wall  of  a  city  1500  miles  high  it 
would  be  infinitesimally  low.  If  the  idea  of  the  cube  is  to  be 
preserved,  a  wall  of  this  height  must  be  left  altogether  out  of 
mention.  Som6  explanation  of  the  disproportion  would  seem 
to  be  required.  In  Ezk.,  followed  so  closely  in  the  present 
vision,  the  thickness  of  the  wall  is  measured  (40^,  42^0);  and  if 
'the  city'  in  vv.  15  f.  includes  the  wall,  the  height  is  given 
there  (see  note  above).  It  would  appear  preferable  then  to 
understand  this  measurement  to  refer  to  thickness.  —  [JicTpov 
ctvOpwirou,  man^s  measure;  'he  measured  its  walls  144  cubits, 
man's  measure,  which  is  angel's  measure.'  The  phrase  /nerpov 
kt\.  is  in  apposition  with  the  foregoing  clause  ;  of.  Win.  §  59, 
9,  b.  The  measuring  here  is  performed  by  an  angel,  but  the 
Apocalyptist  will  have  his  readers  understand  that  the  dimen- 
sions given  in  these  marvelous  figures  are  determined  by  the 
standards  in  common  use  among  men.  There  is  an  absoluteness 
in  symbolical  figures  and  measurements  —  those  of  men  and 
angels  are  the  same. 

18.  In  vv.  18-21  the  precious  materials  of  which  the  city  is 
made  are  enumerated.  The  details  are  suggested  by  Is.  54"  ^\ 
Tob.  IS^**^-;  see  p.  755.  The  wall  is  of  jasper,  and  the  city 
itself  of  gold  clear  as  glass ;  the  crystal-like  nature  of  the  gold 
denotes  its  purity  and  its  brilliant  radiation  of  light,  the  light 
effects  being  especially  characteristic  of  the  divine  city.  (See 
on  4^.)  —  evSco^tT^a-is,  building;  lit.  the  act  of  building  into,  or 
that  which  is  built  into,  something  ;   probably  the  material  is 


762  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXI.  18 

meant  which  is  built  into  the  wall,  that  of  which  it  is  made. 
The  word  is  found  elsewhere  only  in  Joseph.  Ant.  XV.  9,  6, 
where  it  is  used  of  a  wall  built  into  the  sea  as  a  breakwater. 
Some  understand  it  in  our  passage  as  the  lower  part  of  the 
wall  built  into  the  foundation ;  but  in  that  case  we  should 
expect  rod  de/JbeXiov  instead  of  rov  reixovj. 

19-20.  The  foundation  stones  are  conceived  as  visible.  In 
the  first  sentence  the  foundations  as  a  whole  (the  force  of  the 
pi.)  are  said  to  be  adorned  with  precious  stones;  how  this 
adornment  is  carried  out  in  detail  is  explained  in  the  following 
appositional  passage  (the  asyndeton  is  noticeable),  in  which 
each  one  of  the  twelve  parts  of  the  foundation  is  shown  to  con- 
sist of  its  own  particular  stone.  No  special  mystical  sense  is 
to  be  assigned  to  the  several  stones  ;  the  writer's  purpose  is  to 
give  to  the  appearance  of  the  city  the  greatest  possible  richness 
and  splendor  of  light  and  color  which  could  be  exhibited  by 
the  materials  known  in  familiar  imagery.  The  ornamentation 
of  Aaron's  breastplate,  Ex.  28^' *^-,  39^"  ^^^  forms  the  locus  classicus 
for  lists  of  the  precious  stones,  and  is  used  at  least  in  part  here, 
as  in  Ezk.  28^^.  The  identification  of  the  stones  is  in  some 
cases  doubtful,  in  some  impossible.  See  on  4'^.  On  the  precious 
stones  themselves,  and  the  comparison  of  the  several  lists,  see 
En.  Bib.  IV.  4803  fE.,  Hast.  IV.  619  ff. 

21.  The  great  gate-towers,  the  most  conspicuous  part  of  the 
wall,  are  of  pearl,  each  one  being  formed  of  a  single  pearl. 
Wetstein  quotes  from  Baba  bathra,75, 1,  the  rabbinic  prophecy, 
'  God  will  bring  gems  and  pearls'  thirty  cubits  long  and  wide, 
and  will  hollow  these  out  to  the  height  of  twenty  cubits  and 
to  the  breadth  of  ten  cubits,  and  place  them  in  the  gates  of 
Jerusalem.'  —  dvd  €is  CKacTos  :  for  this  distributive  expres- 
sion see  Win.  §  37,  3 ;  Blass  §  39,  2.  —  t)  TTXareia,  the  street : 
used  collectively  for  all  the  streets,  or,  perhaps  better,  as 
referring  to  the  one  broad  street  characteristic  of  an  oriental 
city. 

22-23.  The  Apocalyptist,  dwelling  on  the  glories  of  the  city, 
is  still  thinking  of  outward  and  visible  things.  The  presence 
of  God  and  the  Lamb  is  here  spoken  of,  not  with  reference  to  a 
spiritual  union  of  the  saints  with  them  (quite  different  is  the 
purpose  in  v.  3),  but  as  explaining  the  absence  of  a  temple  in 


XXI.  26]  COMMENTARY  .     763 

the  city  and  its  .independence  of  all  ordinary  means  of  illumina- 
tion. In  Ezekiel's  vision  of  the  future  Jerusalem  the  temple 
forms  the  principal  object ;  likewise  in  Jewish  eschatology  in 
general  it  is  an  essential  part  of  the  glorified  city,  e.g.  Is.  44^^, 
60^3.  Its  absence  in  the  vision  of  our  Apocalyptist  echoes  the 
Christian  thought  of  Jno.  421-23^  ]v;fQ  temple-building  is  needed, 
for  the  presence  of  God  and  the  Lamb  makes  every  place  where 
they  are  a  sanctuary,  and  the  whole  new  Jerusalem  Ls  filled 
with  their  presence.  —  ov  xpciav  C)(^€l  tov  tjXiou  kt\.^  hath  no 
need  of  the  sun,  etc. :  from  Is.  60^"'-.  The  apparent  distribution 
here  between  God  and  the  Lamb  of  different  functions  in  giving 
light  to  the  city  is  rhetorical  rather  than  real ;  in  22^  it  is  God 
who  displaces  the  'lamp.'  The  presence  of  God  and  the  Lamb, 
who  are  thought  of  together,  makes  unnecessary  all  other 
sources  of  illumination,  whether  sun,  moon,  or  lamp.  On  ^  So^a 
rou  deov.,  the  glory  of  Gfod,  see  on  v.  11. 

24-26.  In  these  verses  the  Apocalyptist  describes  the  atti- 
tude of  the  Gentile  nations  of  all  the  earth  toward  Jehovah 
in  the  seat  of  his  kingdom,  the  new  Jerusalem.  The  writer 
uses  figures  and  language  taken  over  verbally  from  the  prophets, 
which  presuppose  the  continuance  of  Gentile  peoples  on  the 
earth  after  the  establishment  of  the  eschatological  era.  What 
he  means  to  express  in  these  purely  conventional  terms  is  clear, 
i.e.  the  imiversality  of  the  knowledge  and  sway  of  God,  and  of 
the  homage  which  will  be  paid  to  him.  On  the  difficulty  raised 
here  by  the  existence  of  Gentile  nations  in  the  renewed  earth, 
after  the  events  of  19^^  and  after  the  judgment,  see  pp.  769  f., 
745.  —  ircpnraTiio'ouo'LV  .  .  .  tov  4)<ot6Si  the  nations  shall  walk 
by  its  light :  cf.  Is.  60'^  '  Nations  shall  come  to  thy  light,  and 
kings  to  the  brightness  of  thy  rising.'  —  ol  paatXeis  Tf|s  ^iryi  kt\., 
the  kings  of  the  earth  bring  their  glory  into  it:  cf.  Ps.  72^*^,  'The 
kings  of  Tarshish  and  of  the  isles  shall  render  tribute  ;  the  kings 
of  Sheba  and  Seba  shall  offer  gifts ' ;  Is.  60^,  Tob.  IS",  Ps.  Sol. 
17^*.  —  ol  TTuXaives  avTfjs  ktX.,  the  gates  thereof  shall  not  be  shut 
by  day :  from  Is.  60^^  Offerings  may  be  brought  in  continu- 
ally,—  vv|  "yctp  KrX.^for  there  shall  be  no  night  there:  a  paren- 
thesis thrown  in  to  explain  why  day  only  is  mentioned  in  the 
preceding  clause,  instead  of  the  full  phrase  day  and  night,  as 
given  in  Is.  —  tt|v  66|av  .  .  .  t«v  c9v<ov,  the  glory  and  the  honor 


764  THE   APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHxN  [XXI.  26 

of  the  nations :  those  choicest  treasures  of  theirs,  the  possession 
of  which  is  counted  a  glory  and  honor. 

27.  From  the  nations  coming  up  to  the  holy  city  with  offer- 
ings of  homage,  the  Apocalyptist  turns  in  contrast  to  such  as 
may  not  enter ;  cf .  v.  8,  22^5.  The  idea  is  that  of  Is.  52i,  Ezk.  -149. 
For  the  presence  of  such  in  the  new  earth  see  on  vv.  24  ff.  — 
TTOiwv  pSeXv-yiJia  /crX.,  doeth  an  abomination  and  a  lie:  the  mas. 
without  the  art.  (see  text,  note)  can  be  joined  with  the  neuter 
expression  wav  koivov,  because  the  latter  implies  a  person^  who 
is  made  unclean;  see  B.  Weiss  in  loc.  — el  jjlt]  ol  'Y€-Ypa|JL|i4voi 
act\.,  hut  only  those  who  are  written^  etc.:  s.c.  may  enter.  For 
tlie  brachylogy  see  Burton  §  274,  Win.  §  67,  1,  e. — tco  PipXiw 
/ctX.,  the  LamVs  hook  of  life  :  see  on  13^. 

221.  Hitherto  in  the  vision  (21*"^)  the  Apocalyptist  has 
spoken  of  the  visible  splendors  of  the  new  Jerusalem  and  its 
relation,  as  the  abode  of  God,  to  the  nations  of  the  earth.  He 
now  comes  in  22^"^  to  that  which  nourishes  and  gladdens  the 
life  of  God's  servants  therein.  The  river  of  life,  whose  streams 
make  glad  the  city  of  God  (Ps.  46^),  flows  out  from  the  throne 
through  the  midst  of  the  city.  This  feature  accords  with  the 
river  of  Eden,  Gen.  'I^^ ;  but  the  details  are  directly  suggested 
by  the  Avaters  which  in  EzekieFs  vision  issue  from  under  the 
temple  and  flow  forth  to  heal  the  waters  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and 
to  give  life  whithersoever  they  come,  47^^12;  cf.  also  Zee.  14^, 
'  It  shall  come  to  pass  in  that  day  that  living  waters  shall  go 
out  from  Jerusalem.'  The  effect  of  the  waters  in  regions  beyond 
tlie  city,  spoken  of  in  Ezekiel's  vision,  does  not  appear  to  be 
thought  of  here  ;  the  passage  is  chiefly  concerned  with  what 
affects  the  spiritual  life  of  God's  servants.  For  the  significance 
of  the  waters  here  cf.  v.  17,  216,  7^^  Jno.  41^.  Students  of  the 
origins  of  eschatological  imagery  find  a  primitive  connection  of 
the  idea  of  the  river  of  paradise  with  the  Milky  Way,  and  of  the 
twelve  gates  of  the  heavenly  Jerusalem  with  the  signs  of  the 
zodiac;  cf.  Bouss.  447  ff.;  Gressmann  Ur sprung  d.  isr.-jud. 
Eschatol.  These  conjectures  are  interesting  in  a  historical 
study ;  but  our  Apocalyptist  and  the  O.  T.  writers  from  whom 
his  imagery  is  taken  are  without  doubt  unconscious  of  such 
primitive  connections,  if  they  exist.  —  lov  Opovov  tov  dpviou, 
the  throne  of  the  Lamb:  cf.  v.  3,  S^^. 


XXII.  2]  COMMENTARY  765 

2.  €V  (JLcaco  TT^s  ir\aT€ias  avTi^s,  in  tJie  midst  of  the  street 
thereof:  it  is  probably  best  to  take  these  words  as  a  part  of 
V.  1,  and  as  referring,  not  to  the  position  of  the  throne  (in  that 
case  we  should  expect  the  art,  to  be  repeated),  but  to  the  flow- 
ing forth  of  the  waters,  '  proceeding  out  ...  in  the  midst  of 
the  street  thereof ' ;  so,  a  number  of  com.  following  Matthiei 
(see  liV,  WH.).  Otherwise  the  new  and  distinct  object  of  the 
next  sentence,  the  tree  of  life,  would  be  introduced  without 
the  connective  kui,  mid,  or  the  repetition  of  the  vb.,  a  construc- 
tion opposed  to  the  author's  uniform  usage.  Moreover,  in 
Ezekiel's  vision  (47^~^^),  closely  followed  here,  the  waters  are 
seen  flowing  first  from  the  temple  (answering  to  (lod's  throne 
here),  and  out  through  the  courts  (answering  to  the  city  about 
the  throne,  v.  3).  But  as  regards  the  place  of  the  trees,  the 
river  alone  is  there  spoken  of,  there  is  no  allusion  to  the  street 
of  the  city.  Most  com.,  however,  join  the  phrase  with  v.  2,  and 
interpret,  '  In  the  midst  of  the  street  thereof  and  on  either  side 
of  the  river  was  the  tree,'  etc.  Or  some  (Ewald,  Diist.,  al} 
govern  Trorafiov  by  iv  fxea-oi,  'between  the  street  and  the  river, 
on  this  side  and  that ' ;  but  this  would  imply  two  streets,  one 
on  either  side  of  the  river,  with  a  tree-grown  space  between 
each  street  and  the  river ;  the  sing.  '  street '  is  against  this. 
In  any  case  the  general  representation  is  clear ;  a  broad  street 
and  a  river  run  through  the  city,  and  along  the  course  grow 
numerous  trees. 

The  tree  of  life  is  another  traditional  feature  of  paradise ; 
cf.  27,  Gen.  2^,  2  Es.  7^3,  8^2,  En.  25'^  *^-,  SI.  En.  8^f-.  The  de- 
scription in  our  passage  follows  almost  verbatim  Ezk.  47^^^ '  gy 
the  river  upon  the  bank  thereof,  on  this  side  and  on  that  side, 
shall  grow  every  tree  for  food,  whose  leaf  shall  not  wither, 
neither  shall  the  fruit  thereof  fail ;  it  shall  bring  forth  new 
fruit  every  month,  because  the  waters  thereof  issue  out  of  the 
sanctuary ;  and  the  fruit  thereof  shall  be  for  food,  and  the  leaf 
thereof  for  healing.'  —  IvtcvBcv  Kal  €K€t0€V :  equivalent  to  the 
evdiv  Kal  evdev  of  Ezk.  47 ^^^  LXX.  —  |-u\ov,  tree:  used  col- 
lectively; there  are  multitudes  of  trees. — TroLoiv,  diroSiSovs : 
if  the  mas.  be  adopted,  it  would  be  supported  by  the  looseness 
of  construction  frequent  with  the  author.  —  KapTTO-us  StoScKa, 
twelve  crops  of  fruit :  as  explained  by  the  following  words,  and 


766  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXH.  2 

by  Ezekiel's  phrase,  '  it  shall  bring  forth  new  fruit  every  month.' 
—  TO,  {|)vXXa  kt\.,  the  leaves,  for  the  liealing  of  the  nations: 
spiritual  healing  is  meant.  'T\\e  fruit  of  the  tree  is  doubtless, 
as  in  Ezk.,  thought  of  as  food  for  dwellers  in  the  city,  though 
that  is  not  mentioned  here.  Cf.  En.  25^,  '  Its  fruit  shall  be 
for  food  to  the  elect';  Test.  Lev.  18^^.  The  familiar  use  of 
the  leaves  of  plants  as  medicines  doubtless  suggests  to  Ezk.  this 
attribute  of  the  trees  in  his  prophecy.  For  the  healing  prop- 
erties of  the  tree  of  life  cf.  2  Es.  T^^s,  Ap.  Mos.  6^.  For  the 
presence  in  the  new  earth  of  those  in  need  of  healing  see  on 

2]^ 24  ft. 

3-4.  irdv  KaTd6€|jLa  /crX.,  there  shall  he  no  more  curse,  or 
accursed  thing :  at  this  point  in  the  description  of  the  holy  city 
and  the  blessedness  of  the  saints,  mention  of  the  absence  of  any 
curse,  as  an  unconnected  statement,  does  not  seem  in  place.  It 
is  probably  to  be  taken  as  part  of  a  thought  in  the  context  here. 
If  it  looks  forward  to  the  next  sentence,  the  meaning  would  be, 
there  will  l^e  no  accursed  thing  to  prevent  the  presence  of  God 
(cf.  Jos.  7^'^),  but  his  throne  will  be  there,  before  which  his 
servants  will  worship  undisturbed.  But  we  should  then  expect 
he,  instead  of  Kai,  to  introduce  the  next  clause.  A  thought 
better  suited  to  this  place  is  obtained  by  joining  the  words  with 
the  former  verse  ;  the  tree  of  life  will  heal  the  nations,  and 
there  will  be  no  more  a  curse  of  God  resting  upon  them.  In 
either  interpretation  the  words  are  not  a  mere  doublet  of  21^'^; 
see  on  v.  5  and  p.  770.  —  auToi),  auTw,  his,  him  :  God,  not  the 
Lamb,  is  meant.  The  writer  uses  the  sing,  because  he  is  think- 
ing of  God  as  supreme,  as  in  ll^^;  cf.  1  Co.  11^.  But  equal 
worship  is  offered  to  the  Lamb,  as  seen  from  5^^^.  —  Xarpev- 
aoucriv,  shall  serve :  offer  worship ;  cf .  7^^.  —  oxj/ovxaL  to  irpd- 
(TcoTTov  a-uToi),  shall  see  his  face :  cf.  Ps.  17^^,  Mt.  5^,  1  Jno.  3^. — 
TO  6vo|xa  atiTOv  ktX.,  his  name  shall -he  on  their  foreheads:  cf.  14^; 
see  on  IB^*^  for  the  meaning.  —  In  these  last  verses,  what  for  the 
saints  forms  the  supreme  felicity  is  reached,  immediate  presence 
with  God  and  tlie  Lamb. 

5.  vu|  ovK  (i(Trai  cti,  there  shall  be  flight  no  more :  the  words 
occur  in  21^5;  but  the  purpose  there  is  to  explain  a  limitation 
in  the  preceding  sentence  (see  note  there);  here  the  delight- 
someness    of    the    city    is    meant.     See    following   note.  —  ovk 


XXII.  5]  COMMENTARY  767 

iyovaiv  \peiav  /ctX.,  thei/  rieed  no  light  of  lamp,  etc. ;  here  again 
there  is  repetition,  cf.  21^3,  but  the  relation  is  different.  In 
2123  the  words  are  introduced  to  explain  the  unusualness  of  the 
city  in  certain  particulars,  its  want  of  the  ordinary  means  of 
illumination  ;  here,  in  vv.  2-5,  the  Apocalyptist  is  telling  of  the 
delightsome  life  of  the  citizens,  one  of  whose  joys  it  is  that  they 
need  no  sun  nor  lamp,  because  of  the  light  of  the  divine  glory 
present  with  them.  These  three  repetitions,  in  vv.  3  a  and  5, 
of  parts  of  2123-25,27^  Jq  jjq^  therefore  form  a  legitimate  ground 
of  objection  to  unity  of  authorship  here;  see  p.  770.  —  If  (^w? 
be  read  before  rjXiou,  it  must  depend  upon  ouk  exovaiv,  they  have 
710  light  of  the  sun.  —  paciXt-uaoucriv  /ctX.,  tliey  shall  reign,  etc.: 
the  description  of  the  blessedness  of  the  saints  in  the  new 
Jerusalem  closes  with  the  prophecy  of  their  unending  reign  in 
the  kingdom  of  God.  With  this  prophecy  close  the  visions 
of  the  book.  This  form,  which  the  promise  receives  in  the 
beginnings  of  apocalyptic  writings,  cf.  Dan.  72'^,  it  retains 
throughout;  cf.  1^,  321,  5^0,  Lk.  223o,  Ro.  ^^\  The  spiritual 
fact  denoted  by  this  sovereignty,  in  which,  according  to  apoc- 
alyptic figure,  the  saints  are  to  share,  is  expressed  for  us  in  our 
Lord's  words,  '  My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world  .  .  .  every  one 
that  is  of  the  truth  obeyeth  my  voice,'  Jno.  18'"  S  and  the  com- 
plementary utterance,  '  the  truth  shall  make  you  free,'  Jno.  8^2. 

Textual  Notes,  2P-22^  2P.  twv  ytfxovrwv  i<*AP  some  min  most  edd ; 
ras  ye/xovaas  Q  most  min  R  Alf  'Wa  (see  A  p.  137)  «/,  probably  a  correction. 
— 10.  After  TToAtv,  some  min  R  insert  ttjv  fxeyaXrjv.  — 12.  For  €)(ovcra,  before 
T€i;(0?,  R  with  a  few  min  reads  c^oijo-av  re.  —  The  words  kul  etti  .  .  .  SwSeKa 
are  wanting  in  A.  — 14.  e)(oiv  APQ  (wanting  in  S*)  some  min  most  edd ; 
exov  H'^  most  min  R  Ws  Sod.  — 1.5.  R  with  some  min  and  vers  omits  fierpov 
before  KoXafjLOV.  —  Q  most  min  omit  Kai  to  ret^os  auxT/s.  — 16.  ctti  crraStcDv 
kP  many  min  R  most  edd ;  ctti  o-raStous  AQ  many  min  Lch  Ws  Alf  WHmrg 
al.  —  21.  For  ^lavyr^'i,  R  reads  Stac^avTj?. —  23.  Before  avrr;,  K°  some 
min  insert  ev.  —  24.  R  with  one  min  some  auc  com  adds  twv  o-oj^o/xevwv 
after  tdvrj.  —  After  So^av,  Q  many  min  some  vers  and  anc  com  R  add  Kat 
T-qv  Tifi-qv.  —  27.  Instead  of  koivov,  R  reads  kolvovv,  without  authority. — 
voLmv  KA  most  min  edd ;  ttoiovv  PQ  some  min  and  anc  com  R,  due  to  con- 
formation to  KOIVOV.  —  Before  Trotwv,  the  art.  is  wanting  in  K^'A  some  min 
Lch  Ws  Alf  Sod  al;  bracketed  by  AVII  Bouss  Sw  al.  It  is  inserted  in  K* 
most  min  Ti  Tr  RV  al,  probably  a  correction  to  relieve  the  hard  expression 
KOIVOV  Ktti  TTOtwv  fSSeXvyfjM,  but  see  Com.  See  Ws  Ap.  .5  and  8.5.  —  22'.  Be- 
fore TTOTafLov,  R  with  many  min  has  KaOapov.  —  2.    (.vrevOev  kul  eKeiOev  AQ 


768  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN 

(wanting  in  P)  most  miu  edd ;  evd^v  km  evOcv  H ;  €VTtv6ev  km  evrevOev 
some  min  R.  — ttoiovv  SQ  most  min  R  most  edd  ;  ttoiwv  A  min  Ti  Bouss. — 
ttTToStSovs  XQ  many  min  Tr  Ti  WHmrg  Sod  Bouss  al;  a7ro8i8ouv  A  many 
min  R  Ws  Alf  WH  al.  See  Ws  Ap.  118.  —  5.  en  kAP  min  vers  anc  com 
edd ;  ck€l  some  min  and  vers  anc  com  R.  —  Before  \v)(vov,  HA  some  min 
and  vers  most  edd  insert  ^wtos  ;  wanting  in  PQ  most  min  R ;  bracketed  by 
Alf  Sod  al.  —  Before  rjkiov,  H  many  min  vers  R  most  edd  read  ^wtos  ;  AP 
some  miu  WH  al  read  </)ws,  probably  a  copyist's  mistake.  —  rjXiov  is  wanting 
in  Q  many  min. 

Criticism  of  21^-22^.  Apart  from  minor  objections  raised  against  certain 
words  and  phrases,  the  grounds  for  criticism  of  this  paragraph  are  fouud  in 
three  particulars.  (1)  It  is  said  to  duplicate  21^"^,  introducing  as  a  new 
subject  a  vision  of  what  has  already  been  seen.  The  Apocalyptist  has  seen 
the  new  .Terusalem  descending  from  heaven,  and  has  heard  a  voice  from 
the  throne  declaring  the  blessedness  which  awaits  the  dwellers  there. 
Nothing  further  is  now  to  be  expected.  Therefore  the  appearing  of  an 
angel,  21^  *■,  taking  the  Seer  to  the  top  of  a  high  mountain  to  behold  the 
city  descending,  together  with  its  great  glories,  must  be  a  later  addition,  or 
a  fragment,  which  the  author  of  the  Apocalypse  in  its  present  form  has 
incorporated  without  the  changes  necessary  to  adapt  it  properly  to  its  con- 
text ;  so,  Weyland,  Volter,  Erbes,  Sabatier,  J.  Weiss,  al. 

The  answer  to  this  criticism  is  twofold.  In  the  first  place  a  writer  whose 
visions  of  a  renewed  world  and  God's  presence  with  his  people  follow  so 
closely  the  traditional  Jewish  pictures  could  not  fail  to  portray  the  visible 
glories  of  the  future  Jerusalem,  a  favorite  theme  in  the  O.  T.  prophets  and 
other  apocalyptists.  And  he  expressly  states  that  his  vision  included  a 
view  of  the  city  adorned  in  this  outward  splendor,  21^^.  Some  description 
of  this  must  then  be  expected  in  the  record  of  his  visions ;  but  nothing  of 
the  kind  appears  in  vv.  3-8.  The  glory  there  spoken  of  very  briefly  is 
wholly  spiritual  and  personal.  And  it  may  be  noticed  also  that  in  the 
structure  of  the  book  the  great  powers  and  motives  entering  into  the  course 
of  action  are  represented  in  great  tableaux  as  it  were.  Such  are  the  scenes 
of  Jehovah  and  the  Lamb  in  the  court  of  heaven,  chapts.  4-5  ;  of  the  woman 
and  the  dragon,  chapt.  12 ;  of  the  Beast  and  his  adjutant,  chapt.  13 ;  of 
Rome  and  her  fall,  chapts.  17-18.  In  a  book  with  such  a  literary  structure, 
a  revelation  of  the  glories  of  the  new  Jerusalem,  to  which  all  hope  has 
been  directed  from  the  beginning,  could  not  be  wanting.  The  loss  of  such 
a  vision  as  this  would  diminish  the  symmetry  of  the  book.  —  In  the  second 
place,  as  regards  the  bringing  in  of  the  passage,  the  author  follows  a  man- 
ner seen  elsewhere  in  the  book.  Thiis  in  1.5^  he  announces  the  theme  of 
the  vision  of  which  he  is  to  tell ;  then  in  1.5^  ^-  the  vision  itself  is  intro- 
duced as  if  not  already  announced.  Analogous  is  the  vision  of  chapt.  18 
completing  what  in  a  summary  way  had  been  announced  in  19^^  (see  note 
there),  aad  had  been  promised  in  17^.  Cf.  also  the  vision  of  \2^~^,  after- 
wards expanded  in  12^^"".  So  here  in  21^  the  Apocalyptist  alludes  inci- 
dentally to  the  new  Jerusalem  as  a  part  of  what  he  is  foretelling,  and  then 


CRITK^ISM   OF  XXI.  9-XXII.  5  769 

in  vv.  9  if.  gives  the  vision  of  the  city  itself.  The  theme  of  vv.  1-8  is  the 
supreme  relujioun  sif/nijirance  of  the  new  order  which  centers  in  the  Jerusa- 
lem to  be  shown  in  the  later  passage.  See  p.  756.  It  must  not  be  for- 
gotten that  the  author  in  the  arrangement  of  the  record  of  his  visions, 
which  were  received  at  different  times,  must  frequently  have  in  mind,  and 
may  allude  to,  something  to  be  fully  introduced  later.  If  this  is  a  part  of 
his  manner,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  even  if  the  rigorous  critic  pronounces 
it  a  defect. 

(2)  The  vision  in  some  of  its  details  is  said  to  be  inconsistent  with  the 
general  situation  supposed  in  it.  The  last  judgment  has  taken  place,  all 
evil  has  been  overcome  and  consigned  to  its  final  punishment,  the  new 
earth  and  the  new  Jerusalem  have  been  brovight  in.  On  the  other  hand, 
without  the  gates  of  the  holy  city  there  remain  the  Gentiles,  who  shall 
come  to  Jerusalem  with  their  offerings,  212*-26 .  there  remain  the  common 
and  unclean  who  nuiy  not  enter  and  who  are  yet  to  be  healed  by  the  leaves 
of  the  tree  of  life,  212",  002,  cf.  22i5.  The  paragraph  (21»-225)  is  therefore 
regarded  by  many  as  a  slightly  changed  Jewish  document,  which  together 
with  the  other  features  of  traditional  Jewish  eschatology  retains  also  these 
representations  of  the  heathen  who  still  remain  in  the  earth  as  the  subjects 
of  God's  people  in  the  messianic  kingdom ;  see  pp.  51  ff.,  54.  So,  many 
critics,  e.ff.  Vischer,  Pfleiderer,  Spitta,  Sabatier,  J.  Weiss.  The  redactor  in 
adopting  the  document  made  some  Christian  additions,  bvit  was  not  careful 
to  revise  it  to  bring  it  into  harmony  with  its  position.  These  additions 
made  by  the  redactor  consist  chiefly  in  the  mention  of  the  Lamb  ;  these  are 
said  to  be  dragged  in  at  the  end  of  their  clauses,  thus  betraying  themselves 
as  appended  later  with  a  special  purpose ;  they  could  be  omitted  without 
detriment  to  the  construction.  Such  are  found  in  21^i  1*'  22,  23,  27^  221-  ^. 
The  mention  of  the  apostles  21^^  is  a  Christian  addition. 

But  if  the  borrower  of  the  Jewish  document  had  felt  the  necessity  of 
making  at  least  eight  additions  to  give  it  a  Christian  tone  and  suit  it  to  a 
place  in  the  book,  he  could  hardly  have  failed  to  remove  these  references 
to  the  heathen  in  21^^~^'^,  22^,  which  would  immediately  present  themselves 
to  a  reviser  as  at  variance  with  the  rest  of  the  Apocalyptist's  picture ;  a 
glance  at  the  passages  will  show  that  they  could  be  omitted  as  easily  as  the 
critic  omits  the  allusions  to  the  Lamb  and  the  apostles.  Their  presence 
furnishes  evidence  against,  rather  than  for,  a  redactor's  work.  As  regards 
the  excision  of  allusions  to  the  Lamb,  on  the  ground  of  a  loose  connection 
with  their  clauses,  it  is  interesting  to  apply  the  same  principle  to  some  of 
the  N.  T.  epistles.  In  2  Thess.  e.g.  Jesus',  Jrsus  Christ  and  a  few  phrases 
containing  these  words  could  with  equal  ease  be  omitted  and  leave  a 
perfect  sentence  in  1"-  ^<  ^",  2^'  ^'  ^*^  i*^,  3^'  ^'  ^%  the  word  Lo?y/  being  referred 
to  God ;  there  would  remain  then  in  the  epistle  nothing  distinctively  Chris- 
tian except  the  salutation  and  blessing.  So  in  Titus,  the  Christian  phrases 
in  2^^,  3"  could  be  as  easily  expunged  and  with  the  same  effect  as  regards  the 
Christian  character  of  the  epistle.  An  adequate  solution  of  the  difficulty 
in  these  allusions  to  the  heathen  in  our  paragraph  is  found  in  the  writer's 
use  throughout  the  passage  of  familiar  language  and  imagery  occuring  in 
3d 


770  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

the  prophets  and  other  Jewish  writers.  Ilis  picture  is  drawn  on  conven- 
tional lines.  The  terms  and  figures  are  those  used  everywhere  in  descrip- 
tions of  the  complete  triumph  of  the  messianic  kingdom  over  all  the  earth 
in  the  last  days.  Incongruities  of  the  kind  appearing  here  lie  for  the  time 
being  entirely  beyond  the  Apocalyptist's  thought.  The  usage  is  similar  to 
that  found  in  6^^ ;  there  also  the  conventional  language  of  apocalyptic  is 
employed,  which  if  taken  strictly,  would  declare  the  removal  of  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,  though  these  are  in  the  following  visions  seen  to  be  in 
existence ;  see  note  there.     See  pp.  722,  7i5. 

Charles,  An  Attempt  to  recover  the  Original  Order  of  the  Text  of  Rev.  xx, 
4-xxii.  1915,  seeks  to  remove  the  discrepancy  in  question  here  by  a  theory 
of  two  distinct  cities  descending  from  heaven,  and  by  a  corresponding  re- 
arrangement of  the  text  in  chapts.  20-22.  His  view  is  that  the  Apocalyjj- 
tist  John  died  after  carrying  his  work  to  20^,  but  left  notes  for  its  comple- 
tion. These  notes  contained  a  vision  of  a  new  Jerusalem  which  should 
descend  and  form  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  in  the  preliminary  reign  of 
the  thousand  years  before  the  end.  During  the  time  of  that  city  the 
heathen  exist  in  the  earth  and  are  referred  to  in  verses  belonging  to  that 
vision,  21^4-27^  222,  is.  But  the  notes  left  by  the  Apocalyptist  contained 
also  another  vision,  one  of  a  second  Jerusalem  which  was  to  come  down 
with  the  new  heaven  and  the  new  earth  after  the  judgment.  In  the  world 
to  which  this  second  city  belongs,  there  would  be  no  sorrow  nor  sin.  These 
notes  left  by  the  Apocalyptist  were  put  together  and  appended  to  20^,  by 
an  unintelligent  literary  executor,  in  our  present  form,  which  confuses  the 
two  cities ;  a  rearrangement  of  the  text  however  restores  the  cities  as 
distinct,  and  removes  the  difficulty  under  consideration.  Charles  rearranges 
the  text  as  follows:  for  the  vision  to  which  the  first  Jerusalem  belongs, 
201-3,  2P-221-2. 1^-15, 17^  20^-10 ;  for  that  to  which  the  second  city  belongs, 
2011-15,  215  a,  4  d,  5  b,  6  a^  211-1  a  b  c^  223-\  The  rest  of  the  contents  is  arranged, 
2l6bc-8^  226-7,16,13,12,10,11,18,19,8,9,20,21.  Without  taking  up  in  particular 
the  difficulties  raised  by  this  theory,  it  will  perhaps  be  enough  to  observe : 
the  allusions  to  the  continued  existence  of  evil  in  212*-27,  22^  are  of  an  alto- 
gether incidental  nature,  and  probably  most  scholars  would  find  their  pres- 
ence more  easily  explained  by  the  writer's  use  of  traditional  figures  without 
thought  of  exact  consistency,  than  by  a  theory  requiring  so  violent  a 
rearrangement,  and  presupposing  the  Apocalyptist's  death  and  the  mistakes 
of  a  literary  executor. 

(3)  There  are  striking  repetitions  in  the  paragraph ;  2123  is  repeated  in 
225  b.  2125  in  225  a;  2127  in  22^=1;  a  fact  taken  as  certain  evidence  of  a 
redactor's  hand.  But  it  should  be  observed  that  repetition  is  one  of  the 
most  common  phenomena  in  Heb.  writers;  e.g.  in  the  chapt.  which  the 
author  has  distinctly  in  mind  throughout  this  passage.  Is.  60,  there  are 
similar  repetitions.  Cf.  1  b  with  2  b,  19  b ;  4  c  with  9  b ;  5  b  with  lib; 
19  with  20.  Moreover  in  our  passage  the  repetitions  are  in  no  case  mere 
duplications ;  the  repeated  sentence  is  brought  in  for  a  different  purpose ; 
see  Com.  on  the  respective  passages. 

In  addition  to  answers  offered  above  and  in  the  Com.  to  the  critical 


XXII.  G]  COMMENTARY  771 

objections,  and  besides  what  has  been  said  regardino;  the  necessity  of  such 
a  vision  in  the  book  (pp.  768  f.),  attention  may  be  called,  in  support  of 
the  paragraph,  to  numerous  examples  showing  parallelism  with  i)ther  parts 
of  the  book  and  indicating  the  work  of  the  same  hand.  In  chapt.  21  com- 
pare V.  9  with  171 ;  v.  10  with  17^,  IP,  31^,  op ;  v.  11  with  15»,  4«,  22i ;  v.  12 
with  141,  I916;  V.  15  with  111;  y^  17  ^jth  LJi^,-  v.  19  with  17S  I812,  iS; 
V.  22  with  18,  48,  111^  16';  v.  23  with  I81 ;  v.  27  with  218,  2215,  I38,  178.— 
In  chapt.  22  compare  v.  1  with  21^;  v.  4  with  7^^,  14^,  17^ 


XXII.  6-21.  The  Epilogue.  See  pp.  290  f.  The  purpose 
of  the  Epilogue  is  clear.  It  sets  forth  in  varied  and  solemn 
form  the  divine  authority  of  the  book ;  it  reiterates  the  great 
assurance  which  gives  their  significance  to  its  prophecies,  the 
certainty  of  the  Lord's  coming ;  it  solemnly  bids  the  hearers  to 
give  heed,  for  their  encouragement  and  warning,  to  the  mes- 
sage which  God  has  thus  sent  to  his  Church.  But  while  all 
this  is  clear,  there  are  formal  difficulties  in  the  details  ;  the 
thoughts  are  loosely  connected,  ejaculatory  utterances  are  thrown 
in,  there  are  repetitions  and  interruptions ;  also  the  person 
whose  words  are  given  cannot  always  be  identified  with  cer- 
tainty. Yet  these  irregularities  do  not  obscure  the  general 
significance ;  and  they  are  characteristic  of  the  author ;  see 
pp.  241  ff.  They  do  not  furnish  unquestionable  ground  for 
critical  objection,  or  for  a  rearrangement  of  the  text ;  see  pp. 
781  f. 

It  is  useful  to  survey  more  minutely  the  principal  thoughts 
of  the  Epilogue  in  comparison  with  the  Prologue,  1^~^,  since 
the  Prologue,  as  probably  the  last  part  of  the  book  to  be  written 
(see  pp.  420  f.,  426  f.),  was  pretty  certainly  influenced  by  the 
Conclusion  in  matter  and  form.  In  both  alike  the  revelation 
is  authenticated  in  the  most  solemn  manner ;  it  comes  from 
God  himself  (22^,  li),  and  from  Jesus  (22i6,  ji),  through  an- 
gelic agency  (22*^' 1^,  1^).  It  is  a  message  of  genuine  prophecy, 
226, 9, 10, 18  f.^  1".  The  author  of  the  book  is  the  John  well  known 
to  the  seven  churches,  22^  l^'  4'  ^,  but  duly  commissioned  as  a 
prophet,  22^^'^**,  1^'''"^^  The  book,  given  with  these  most  cer- 
tain sanctions,  is  to  be  read  in  the  churches,  22^8'!^,  l-^-ii.  Its 
messages  encourage  the  faithful  with  the  promise  of  sure  reward, 
227,12,14^  1^,  and  warn  the  unfaithful  and  unbelieving  of  impend- 


772  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN  [XXII.  6 

ing  retribution,  22^^  ^•' ^®  *^-,  1^.  The  coming  of  the  Lord  is  near, 
227.10,12,20^  13  The  central  divine  figure  is  he  who  was  known 
in  the  historic  Jesus,  but  is  to  come  in  the  majesty  of  the  as- 
cended Christ,  22^*^' ^'-^•,  l^-''.  Of  the  thoughts  in  the  P^pilogue 
which  do  not  appear  in  the  Prologue,  the  most  striking — rone 
most  natural  in  response  to  the  reiterated  promise  of  the  Lord's 
advent  —  is  the  yearning  cry  of  the  Apocalyptist  and  the 
Church,  echoing  tlie  Christian  ejaculation  current  at  the  time, 
Marana  tha,  Our  Lord,  come,  22^*^'^'^. 

XXII.  6.  tlirev  |jloi,  he  said  unto  me :  as  there  is  no  intima- 
tion of  a  change  in  the  speaker,  the  subj.  here  must  be  the  angel 
who  is  present  and  active  throughout  the  preceding  paragraph; 
cf.  21** *^'^^  22^.  — ouToi  ol  Xd-yoi,  these  words:  the  Xoyot,  words, 
include,  not  only  the  actual  utterances,  but  the  whole  revelation 
given  in  the  vision.  And  while  reference  is  here  made  directly 
to  what  is  revealed  in  the  vision  immediately  preceding  (21^- 
22^),  it  is  clear  that  all  is  included  which  is  presupposed  and 
culminates  in  that  vision  of  the  coming  of  the  new  Jerusalem, 
that  is,  the  revelations  of  the  whole  book  ;  this  is  shown  by  the 
general  scope  of  the  following  clauses,  and  especially  by  the 
express  designation,  'the  words  of  the  prophecy  of  this  book.' 
The  Epilogue  beginning  here  is  therefore  that  of  the  whole 
book,  whose  truth  the  angel  attests.  —  ttlcttoI  Kal  dXTiSivoi, 
faithful  and  true:  see  on  21'^.  — 6  6€6s  .  .  .  irpo(|)T]T(ov,  the  God 
of  the  spirits  of  the  prophets :  the  meaning  is  made  clear  by 
19^0,  where  '  the  spirit  of  prophecy '  is  the  Holy  Spirit  in  its 
activity  of  inspiring  prophecy.  The  spirits  of  the  prophets 
thus  inspired  are  meant  here ;  cf .  1  Co.  14'^2.  There  is  no  allu- 
sion here  in  the  plural  to  the  term  '  seven  Spirits,'  1^  (so,  some 
com.),  since  in  that  case  the  full  form  of  a  designation  so 
peculiar  would  be  required.  The  phrase  '  Lord  of  the  spirits,' 
i.e.  Lord  of  the  angels  and  other  spiritual  beings,  is  common  in 
En.,  e.g.  chapts.  37-71  passim,  and  some  com.  find  in  the  words 
of  our  verse  an  amplification  of  that  expression  ;  so,  Bouss. 
Blj.  But  the  words  here  added  show  that  the  divinely  illu- 
mined spirits  of  the  prophets  are  meant.  The  purpose  of  this 
sentence  is  to  authenticate  the  book  as  a  genuine  work  of 
prophecy  ;   God  who  controls  the   inspiration  of  the  prophets 


XXII.  71  COMMENTARY  773 

has  inspired  his  angel  and  the  Apocalyptist  to  show  his  serv- 
ants what  must  shortly  come  to  pass. 

direo-TciXcv  tov  d-yY^^ov  /ct\.,  hath  sent  his  angel^  etc.  :  the 
connection  here,  especially  the  phrase, '  what  must  shortly  come 
to  pass,'  compared  with  1^  shows  that  the  designated  activity 
of  the  angel  refers  to  the  revelations  of  the  book  in  general 
and  not  merely  to  those  of  the  last  vision,  21^-22^,  though  the 
special  office  of  an  angel  in  showing  a  vision  is  not  mentioned 
till  we  reach  17^.  The  disagreement  cannot  however  furnish 
sure  ground  for  criticism  of  the  paragraph  ;  see  p.  781. 
While  the  revelations  in  the  course  of  the  book  are  described 
as  received  in  various  ways,  i.e.  as  directly  from  Christ,  as 
seen  in  a  state  of  ecstasy,  as  heard  from  heavenly  voices,  etc., 
yet  in  late  Jewish  thought  an  angel  as  the  intermediary  in 
God's  communication  with  men  becomes  so  prominent  a  figure 
that  such  may  be  thought  of,  perhaps  vaguely,  as  also  present 
in  any  form  of  revelation.  So  here  the  Apocalyptist  in  look- 
ing back  upon  his  visions  as  a  whole  may  characterize  them  as 
mediated  l)y  an  angel,  even  in  cases  where  such  agency  has  not 
been  specifically  mentioned.  A  vision  may  be  received  in  an 
ecstasy,  and  at  the  same  time  an  angel  intermediary  may  be 
thought  of,  as  in  17^  ^-  What  is  expressly  stated  in  these  last 
visions  concerning  an  angel's  office  may  in  the  Apocalyptist's 
thought  be  associated  with  the  earlier  visions  and  ecstasies. 
With  the  language  of  our  verse  agrees  also  that  of  v.  16  and  1^. 
The  allusion  here  is  not  to  be  limited  to  the  office  of  the  '  angel 
interpreter,'  common  in  apocalyptic.  See  pp.  420  f .  —  The 
utterance  in  this  second  part  of  the  verse,  '  God  hath  sent  his 
angel,'  etc.,  is  probably  not  a  continuation  of  the  angel's  words, 
but  rather  those  of  the  Apocalyptist  himself,  as  in  1^;  at  this 
point  the  words  are  not  necessary  as  an  address  to  him,  they 
are  more  appropriate  as  an  assurance  given  by  him  to  his 
readers.  For  the  connection  of  the  first  three  utterances,  vv. 
6-7,  by  and.,  see  end  of  note  on  v.  7.  —  tois  SovXois,  his  serv- 
ants :  the  members  of  '  the  churches,'  as  in  v.  16. 

7.  i8ov  €pxo|xaL  Taxv,  behold.,  I  come  quickly :  this  announce- 
ment of  the  Lord's,  answering  to  the  yearning  of  the  CUiurch, 
is  given  as  if  he  himself  were  speaking  with  his  own  voice,  as 
in  vv.  12,  16,  16^^     The  words  might  have  been  introduced  as 


774  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXH.  7 

a  quotation,  as  in  v.  20  ;  instead  the  Lord  is  heard  as  it  were 
speaking  directly,  as  the  prophets  sometimes  introduce  an 
utterance  of  God's  without  tlie  customary, '  saith  the  Lord,'  e.g. 
Is.  16'"  ^"'\  61^,  cf.  Rev.  1^.  —  |i.aKdpios  6  r-qpwv  /crX.,  blessed  is 
he  that  keepeth  the  words,  etc.  :  this  utterance  is  best  understood 
to  be  that  of  the  Apocalyptist,  as  in  1-^.  The  expression,  '  this 
book,'  is  less  appropriate  to  Christ  speaking  from  heaven  than 
to  the  author  contemplating  before  him  the  book  he  has  now 
finished  and  is  about  to  send  to  his  readers,  as  in  vv.  18-19. 
In  vv.  9-10  the  angel,  standing  beside  the  author,  uses  the 
same  expression,  but  if  this  sentence  were  meant  as  his,  it 
would  more  fittingly  follow  the  opening  sentence  of  v.  6.  —  6 
TT|p«v  Tovs  Xo-yous,  he  that  keejjeth  the  words :  heedeth  the  mes- 
sage given. —  Tov  (BipXiou  TOVTOu,  tkis  book:  the  book  as  a  whole 
lies  before  the  author  finished ;  he  has  only  to  add  its  Conclu- 
sion in  these  verses,  6-21,  and  then  its  Superscription  l^"^,  and 
Exordium  1*~^.     For  the  book  as  a  work  of  prophecy,  see  p.  292. 

—  These  two  verses,  6-7,  contain  four  distinct  messages  to  the 
reader  regarding  the  book.  (1)  The  angelic  sanction  given  to 
the  truth  of  the  book.  (2)  The  solemn  affirmation  of  the 
Apocalyptist  that  it  is  God,  the  inspirer  of  prophecy,  who  has 
herein  revealed  to  his  servants  the  things  which  must  shortly 
come  to  pass.  (3)  The  assurance  given,  as  it  were,  by  Christ's 
own  voice  from  heaven,  that  the  central  promise  of  the  book, 
the  Lord's  coming,  is  about  to  be  fulfilled.  (4)  A  warning  to 
heed  the  prophetic  truth  of  the  book.  The  first  three  utter- 
ances, probably  to  be  assigned  to  three  distinct  speakers,  are 
linked  together  rather  mechanically  by  and,  as  it  were  in  a 
tabular  form. 

8-9.  Kd'yo)  TcodvvT|s  6  dKovcov  /cr\.,  and  I  John  am  he  that 
heard,  etc. :  while  vv.  6-7  give  the  superhuman  guaranties  of 
the  book,  the  author  in  these  verses  assures  his  readers  that  he, 
the  John  who  is  well  known  to  them  and  who  wrote  the  book, 
is  himself  the  very  one  who  saw  and  heard  what  is  contained 
therein ;  thus  the  book  is  authenticated  on  the  human  side.  — 
Tavxa,  these  things :  all  the  revelations  of  the  book  are  meant. 

—  0T€  T^Koucra  .  .  .  eTTtaa  kt\.,  when  I  heard  .  .  .  I  fell  down, 
etc.  :  since  the  arrangement  of  the  several  parts  of  the  Epi- 
logue   is  loose,  the    precise    moment  of  this  act  of  vehement 


XXII.  11]  COMMENTARY  775 

impulse  is  not  determined  by  the  place  of  the  sentence  in  the 
parugTaph ;  it  does  not  naturally  follow  the  giving  of  the  sum- 
mary passage  vv.  6-7,  which  is  composed  of  the  utterances  of 
several  speakers  deliberately  combined.  But  the  meaning  is 
clear  ;  at  the  close  of  all  the  visions  culminating  in  the  glory 
of  the  new  Jerusalem,  the  Apocalyptist,  overawed  by  the  reve- 
lations and  by  the  announcement  of  the  angel,  whose  words  set 
the  seal  of  divine  sanction  on  the  whole  series  of  prophecies, 
prostrates  himself,  as  was  not  unnatural,  to  offer  homage  to  so 
exalted  a  visitant.  The  angel  forbids  the  homage,  since  he  is 
only  a  fellow-servant  with  the  Apocalyptist  and  other  prophets, 
and  with  all  Christians  who  heed  the  message  of  the  l)Ook. 
The  purpose  of  the  passage  is  to  attest  with  emphasis  the  pro- 
phetic rank  of  the  author.  For  further  comment  on  the  epi- 
sode, see  on  lO^^  and  p.  742. 

10-11.  Verses  10-13  repeat  the  assurance  that  the  end  is 
near,  but  the  repetition  is  meant  to  enforce  the  encouragement 
and  warning  given.  The  angel  is  still  the  speaker  in  vv.  10-11, 
as  shown  by  /cat  Xeyei,  and  he  saith,  repeating  the  same  words 
of  V.  9 ;  cf.  the  use  of  the  phrase  in  19"  ^■,  21^,  also  koI  elirev, 
22^.  The  language  of  the  command  given  is  suggested  by 
Dan.  8^^,  12*'  ^,  where  the  prophet  supposedly  writing  centuries 
earlier  than  the  time  of  the  events  referred  to  in  the  prophecies 
is  bidden  to  seal  up  the  oracles,  to  keep  them  hidden  till  the 
time  of  their  fulfillment ;  thus  their  appearance  first  in  the 
time  of  Antiochus  is  explained.  Here  the  reverse  is  the  case. 
The  Seer  is  bidden  not  to  seal  up  the  prophecy ;  the  time  is 
near,  already  the  Church  needs  the  message  of  consolation  and 
warning  which  it  is  admonished  to  receive. — 6  dSiKcov  d8tKT|- 
cdTO)  €Ti,  he  that  is  unrighteous,  let  him  do  unrighteousness  still: 
the  words  are  a  reminiscence  of  Dan.  12^^,  which  also  follows 
the  command  in  regard  to  the  sealing  up  of  the  book  ;  cf,  also 
Ezk.  3^''.  There  is  a  tone  of  irony  in  the  utterance  ;  the  time 
is  short,  no  change  in  the  wicked  is  to  be  looked  for,  let  him 
continue  in  his  wickedness,  if  he  will  ;  his  penalty  will  soon 
fall.  This  is  the  tone  generally  in  apocalyptic.  The  second 
clause  is  an  encouragement  to  the  righteous  to  remain  stead- 
fast, since  the  end  is  near.  —  €Ti,  still :  denoting  the  continu- 
ance of  a  state  or  act,  not,  yet  more  (so,  some,  RV  mrg),  denot- 


776  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXII.  11 

ing  an  increase  in  degree  ;  only  with  a  comparative  word  has 
en  this  hitter  force.  The  aorists  here  are  not  inceptive,  they 
denote  rather  a  state  or  continued  activity,  which  is  regularly 
expressed  by  the  pres.,  but  which  the  Gk.  sometimes  views 
simply  as  a  fact,  or  whole,  without  regard  to  continuance,  and 
expresses  by  the  aor.  ;  see  H.  A.  §  836  a,  GMT.  §  56.  The 
variant  htKaLwOrjra)^  which  some  approve  and  interpret,  let  him 
become  still  more  righteous,  while  more  in  accord  with  the  other 
clauses  as  regards  the  form  of  the  word,  is  at  variance  with  the 
force  of  eVi. 

12-13.  The  angel's  announcement  in  vv.  10-11  is  followed 
in  these  verses  by  a  similar  announcement  with  its  promise  and 
warning  from  Christ  himself,  whose  words  are  again  introduced, 
as  if  he  were  speaking  in  person;  see  on  v.  7.  — 6  |JLL(r66s  |xou 
|i€T  €1X0-0,  my  reivard  is  with  me:  a  reminiscence  of  Is.  40^*^,  62^^. 
—  diroSovvai  cKdaTco  /ctA,.,  to  render  to  each  one  according  to  his 
work:  cf.  2'^'^  Ro.  2^'',  Ps.  62^^.  The  words  are  meant  for  both 
the  righteous  and  the  wicked.  These  two  clauses,  6  [XLad6<i 
ktX.,  and  airoSovvai,  ktX.,  are  found  combined  as  here  in  Clem. 
Rom.  3#;  the  author  of  the  latter  may  perhaps  have  been 
familiar  with  the  Apocalypse.  —  €*Yd)  to  d\<})a  ktX.,  I  am  the 
Al])ha  and  the  Omega,  etc.:  i.e.  the  Eternal  one;  see  on  1^. 
The  language  which  is  applied  to  God  in  1^,  21*^,  is  used  here, 
as  in  1^^  2^,  to  describe  the  person  of  Christ ;  see  on  1^".  The 
words  of  V.  13  seem  designed  to  give  solemn  assurance  of  v.  12  ; 
it  is  as  the  Eternal  one  that  Christ  is  to  judge  and  give  to  each 
according  to  his  works.  On  Christ  as  judge  in  the  Apocalypse 
see  p.  7-47. 

14-15.  The  blessedness  of  the  saints  and  the  doom  of  the 
wicked  are  set  over  against  each  other.  The  speaker  may  be 
Christ,  but  probably  the  Apocalyptist,  to  whom  belongs  gen- 
erally, in  the  Epilogue  and  elsewhere,  the  office  of  applying 
personally  to  the  readers  the  truth  revealed.  —  ol  ttXvvovtcs 
rds  aToXds  axiTtov,  they  that  wash  their  robes :  cf.  3^,  7^'*,  also 
1  Co.  6^^.  The  variant  ol  TroLOvvre<i  ra'i  ivTo\a<;  avrov,  they  that 
do  his  commandments,  makes  equally  good  sense  ;  cf.  12^'^,  14^^. 
Though  rtjpeiv  is  commonly  used  with  ivroX-q,  a  frequent  Johan- 
nine  phrase,  yet  iroielv  also  occurs,  cf.  1  Jno.  5^.  —  Lva  taxai, 
eLaeXBcDaiv:    the   clauses  may  be  taken  as  expressing  purpose 


XXII.  16]  COMMENTARY  777 

(Blass  §  65,  2),  or  result  (Burton  §  218);  for  interchange  of 
subjv.  and  fut.  ind.  see  Burton  v^  199. — clouaia  eui  to  |vXov 
ktA,.,  right  to  the  tree  of  life  :  lit.  power  over,  i.e.  to  eat  of  the 
fruit.  P^or  i^ovaia  iiri  with  ace.  =  power  over,  of.  6^,  IS''',  16^, 
Lk.  91.  The  tree  of  life  growing  in  the  midst  of  the  new  Jeru- 
salem is  meant  here,  of.  v.  2.  — irvXcocrtv:  a  peculiar  use  of  the 
instrumental  dat. ;  see  Win.  §  31,  7;  Blass  §  38,  1.  For  the 
gates  see  21^-*^-.  —  €|co,  without:  outside  of  the  holy  city.  This 
verse  is  closely  parallel  with  21^;  see  note  there;  cf.  also  21^'''. 
—  Kiives,  doi/s :  a  frequent  term  denoting  a  base,  malicious 
person,  cf.  Phil.  3^,  Ps.  2216-20^  2  K.  m.  Some  (Dust.,  al)  sup- 
ply here  the  imperat.  instead  of  the  ind.;  'out,  ye  dogs.'  If 
that  were  intended  the  vb.  could  hardly  be  omitted  ;  and  fur- 
ther, the  suggested  presence  of  such  persons  in  tlie  city,  or  tlieir 
effort  to  enter,  is  impossible.  For  the  existence  of  the  wicked 
on  the  earth  see  p.  745. 

16.  In  this  verse  is  added  the  last  and  most  solemn  attesta- 
tion of  the  book,  the  Lord's  words,  spoken,  as  it  were,  directly 
with  his  own  voice,  as  in  vv.  7, 12.  It  is  he,  the  historic  Jesus, 
he  the  Messiah  of  David's  line,  he  the  morning  star  about  to 
bring  in  the  eternal  day  of  the  new  kingdom,  who  has  sent  his 
angel  to  bear  witness  to  the  Prophet  of  these  revelations  for  the 
Church. — 'Itio-ovs,  Jesus:  there  is  an  emphasis  on  the  name, 
as  that  of  the  historic  person  known  to  the  Church.  It  is 
noticeable  that  in  almost  every  one  of  the  fourteen  places  where 
the  name  Jesus  is  used  in  the  book  it  is  in  connection  with  the 
office  of  witnessing  or  revealing ;  and  in  every  case  in  the  book 
where  that  office  of  Christ  is  spoken  of  he  is  designated  by  this 
name.  The  Fourth  Gospel  gives  a  similar  prominence  to  reve- 
lation in  the  earthly  work  of  Jesus.  —  tov  ayyiKov  |Xo\)  kt\.  , 
m//  angel,  etc. :  here,  as  in  v.  6,  all  the  revelations  of  the  book 
are  conceived  to  be  mediated  by  an  angel ;  see  note  there.  — 
v|jLiv,  ^ou  :  the  pi.  is  peculiar ;  it  is  best  explained  as  referring 
to  the  prophets  in  general,  of  whom  John  is  one,  cf,  vv.  6,  9.  — 
liri, /or;  for  this  meaning  of  evrt  with  the  dat.  cf.  Eph.  2^°,  see 
Kiihn.  II.  §  438,  ii.  f. — rats  £KK\T|oriaLS,  the  churches:  the 
seven  churches  of  Asia,  to  which  the  Revelation  is  addressed. 
That  the  message  is  meant  ultimately  for  the  whole  Church  is 
unquestionable;  see  on  1*.  — pil^a   root:  as  defined  by  the  fol- 


778  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXH.  16 

lowing  word,  in  the  Heb,  sen.se  of  that  which  springs  from  the 
root,  scion;  cf.  Is.  53^,  11^'^,  Ecclus.  47^.  The  character  of 
Christ  as  the  Messiah  is  spoken  of  because  it  is  in  that  office 
that  he  sends  to  his  people,  the  Church,  this  message  of  the 
fulfillment  of  all  the  messianic  hopes.  —  6  do-T-qp,  the  star : 
a  familiar  Heb.  symbol  of  the  expected  Davidic  King,  cf.  Num. 
2417^  '  There  shall  come  forth  a  star  out  of  Jacob';  this  is  un- 
doubtedly the  source  from  which  the  figure  is  taken  in  late 
Jewish  writings,  cf.  Test.  Lev.  18^,  Test.  Jud.  24\  though  the 
symbol  may  have  been  derived  primarily  from  Babylonian  as- 
trology. The  symbol  of  the  morning  star  may  refer  to  superior 
brightness  ;  but  in  this  connection,  in  which  the  thought  of 
the  advent  is  predominant  (cf.  especially  the  response  in  v.- 17), 
it  seems  to  denote  the  one  who  is  to  bring  in  the  perfect  day  of 
God.     See  on  228. 

17.  In  yearning  response  to  the  words  of  the  Lord,  the 
Spirit  speaking  through  the  Prophet,  i.e.  the  Prophet  as  moved 
by  the  Spirit,  and  the  Church,  lift  up  their  prayer  :  Come.  — 
T|  vu  11(1)11,  ^^^  Bride :  the  figure  is  used  here  of  the  Church  on 
earth,  still  waiting  for  its  marriage  with  the  Lamb ;  see  on  19'^. 
—  6  dKOvcDV,  he  that  heareth :  every  one  who  shall  hear  the  book 
read  in  the  assemblies  of  the  Christians  (see  on  l'^)  is  exhorted 
to  join  in  the  prayer  for  the  Lord's  advent. — 6  8ix|;(ov  ktX.., 
he  that  is  athirst,  etc. :  the  Apocalyptist  has  still  before  his 
mind  the  congregation,  to  whose  members  he  has  just  appealed ; 
and  he  turns  from  the  theme  of  the  advent  with  a  sudden  cry 
to  every  one  among  them  who  is  spiritually  athirst  to  come  and 
take  freely  the  water  of  life  which  Christ  offers.  For  the 
figures  used  see  on  v.  1  and  21^.  The  sudden  turn  in  this 
verse  of  the  Apocalyptist  to  direct  exhortation  of  the  hearers 
is  similar  to  that  in  13«^  W'-. 

18-19.  After  the  manifold  sanctions  of  his  book,  as  given  in 
the  preceding  parts  of  the  paragraph,  the  Apocalyptist,  in  a 
tone  in  keeping  with  its  divine  authority  thus  attested,  now 
adds  a  solemn  warning  against  any  changes  by  addition  or 
omission.  His  words  are  a  reminiscence  of  Dt.  4^,  '  Ye  shall 
not  add  unto  the  word  which  I  command  you,  neither  shall  ye 
diminish  from  it';  cf.  also  Dt.  12^^^  Jer.  26^.  The  warning  is 
addressed  to  the  hearer  (jravTl  tm  ukovoptl},  before  whom  the 


XXII.  20]  COMMENTARY  779 

book  is  read  in  the  congregation,  not  to  a  copyist ;  it  is  there- 
fore certainly  to  be  understood,  like  Moses'  injunction  regard- 
ing the  law  in  Dt.,  to  refer  to  perversion  of  the  divine  truth 
enjoined,  such  as  might  arise  through  some  distorting  addition 
made  in  the  thought  of  the  listener,  or  through  some  willful 
evasion.  The  severity  of  the  threat  uttered  has  raised  objec- 
tion to  the  passage,  as  if  it  were  aimed  at  a  verbal  fixedness, 
the  letter  rather  than  the  spirit,  and  as  if  at  variance  with  our 
author's  freedom  in  the  use  of  the  O.  T.  But  this  chara(;ter  is 
due  to  the  form;  this  follows  the  words  of  Dt.,  and  what  seems 
to  have  become  the  conventional  manner  of  safeguarding  the 
integrity  of  a  book.  In  illustration  of  such  a  usage  a  striking 
passage  is  quoted  from  the  pseudepigraphic  Aristeas,  311,  in 
reference  to  the  story  of  the  translation  of  the  Septuagint; 
'  When  the  whole  company  expressed  their  approval,  they  bade 
them  pronounce  a  curse  in  accordance  ivith  their  custom  upon 
any  one  who  should  make  any  alterations,  either  l)y  adding  any- 
thing or  changing  in  any  way  whatever  any  of  the  words  which 
had  been  written,  or  making  any  omission.'  Other  similar 
efforts  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  a  writing  are  seen ;  e.(/.  En. 
10410-13,  SI.  En.  48'5-9,  Joseph,  c  Ap.  I.  42.  See  Bouss.  Juden- 
tJium  125.  The  speaker  here  is  certainly  the  Apocalyptist,  not 
the  Lord,  as  some  interpret.  After  the  august  utterance  of 
V.  16  and  the  response  in  v.  17,  a  passage  of  this  character,  if 
assigned  to  the  Lord,  would  form  an  anticlimax  not  supposable. 
—  TT^s  Trpo<t)T)T€ias,  the  prophecy :  the  prophetic  character  of 
the  book  is  again  emphasized ;  in  this  lies  the  justification  of 
the  threat  uttered.  —  dTTo  tov  liiXou,  €K  Tf]s  ttoXcws, /Vom  the 
tree,  out  of  the  city :  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  language,  the 
offender  is  spoken  of  as  if  he  had  possessed  a  certain  part  of  the 
tree  and  the  city,  which  part  will  be  severed  from  the  rest  and 
taken  away  —  it  will  come  to  naught.  —  r&v  yiypa\L\i.iv(jiV  /ctX., 
even  the  things  which  are  written  in  this  book :  i.e.  the  tree  of  life 
and  the  city,  as  described  in  21i*'-22^ ;  a  share  in  the  tree  of 
life  and  the  holy  city  summarizes  all  the  blessedness  promised 
in  the  book  to  the  saints.  These  words  are  in  apposition  with 
Tov  ^v\ov       .    .    ayia^. 

20.    This  utterance  of  the  Lord   is  not  spoken  directly  by 
him,  as  in  vv.  7,  12,  16,   but  quoted  from   him   by  the   Apoc- 


780  THE  APOCALYPSE   OF  JOHN  [XXH.  20 

alyptist.  —  6  [laprvpiav  xavxa,  he  who  testijieth  these  thiyigs :  the 
reference  is,  not  to  ^aprvpoi^  I  testify,  v.  18,  but  to  'the  testi- 
mony of  Jesus  Christ,'  spoken  of  in  1^  (see  note  there);  the 
revelations  given  in  the  contents  of  the  whole  book  are  meant. 
—  d|XTJv,  Amen :  so  be  it  —  a  part  of  the  Apocalyptist's  response 
to  the  promise  of  the  advent  as  near.  — €PX°^  /ctX..,  Come,  Lord 
Jesus:  Gk.  version  of  the  current  Christian  ejaculation,  Marana 
tha  (Aramaic);  cf.  1  Co.  1622.     See  Hast.  III.  242. 

21.  The  book  opens  as  an  epistle,  l'**^-;  it  now  closes  with  a 
benediction  similar  to  that  which  in  one  form  or  another  appears 
at  the  end  of  all  the  Pauline  epistles.  It  is  an  epistle  which 
incorporates  the  record  of  the  revelations  given  to  the  author. 
The  benediction  begins  with  the  unvarying  Pauline  phrase 
(cf.  also  Heb.  1325),  -^  %a/3t?,  the  grace.  Among  the  different 
endings  of  the  benediction  presented  by  the  variant  readings 
(see  text,  note),  those  which  are  to  be  preferred  are  unlike  any 
found  in  the  epistles. 

Textual  notes,  22*'~2i.  6.  O,  before  Knptos,  ^A  some  rain  R  edd ;  wanting 
in  PQ  most  min  WHnirg.  —  For  twv  Trveu/xarajv  twv  TrpocftrjTwv,  R  with  some 
rain  and  vers  reads  twv  ayiwi/  irpocjirjTUiv.  —  7.  R.  with  some  min  and  vers 
omits  /cat  before  lSov. —  11.  For  pvrrapo'i,  R  has  pvTrwv. — pvTravOrjTO)  ^  min 
most  edd;  pvirapevOrjTu)  Q  many  min  Alf  Wllmrg  at;  R  has  pvTroyaaru) 
without  authority.  —  8tKaioo-ui/r;v  irofqaaToi  i< AQ  many  min  vers  edd  ;  SiKatw- 
O-qTia  some  min  R,  which  seems  to  be  due  to  conformation  to  the  other  vbs. 
But  the  epistle  from  Vienne  and  Lyons  to  the  churches  of  Asia,  2^  cent., 
see  Euseb.  HE.  V.  1,  has  this  form  in  a  free  citation  of  this  passage ;  see 
Zahn  GK.  I.  p.  201.  —  14.  ttAwovtcs  ras  o-roXas  avrcov  KA  some  min  vers  anc 
com  most  edd ;  Trotowres  ras  evroAa?  avrov  Q  most  min  vers  anc  com  R 
Bouss  Sod  al.  See  Ws  A  p.  p.  10,  also  Com.  — 16.  tin  i<Q  most  min  R  edd ; 
ev  A  some  min  Lch  Ws  WHmrg  al.  —  For  irptoLvo';,  R  has  opOptvo';.  This 
and  the  following  variations  of  R  in  w.  17-18  are  translations  from  the  vlg 
(see  p.  413).  —  17.  For  epxov,  (.pxf-<rOi)),  R  has  eX^c,  eA^erw.  — 18.  For  fiaprvpoi 
eyo),  R  has  (Tvp,fm.pTvpov/xaL  yap.  —  19.  Before  twv  yeypa/x/xevwv,  R  with  vlg 
has  Kai.  —  20.  R  with  some  min  has  vai  before  €pxov.  —  21.  After  Kvpiov, 
some  min  and  vers  R  have  rjixiav.  —  After  Irjaov,  Q  many  min  vers  R  Sod  al 
add  XpicTTov ;  bracketed  by  WH  ;  wanting  in  KA  most  edd.  —  There  are  six 
variants  of  the  phrase  |u,£Ta  ktX.  Only  the  following  call  for  notice  here ; 
ixera  -rravTwv  twv  ayiwv  Q  many  min  vers  anc  com  Bouss  Sod  ;  /Acra  tojv  ayiwv 
K  vers  Tr  AH  WH  RV  Blj  al ;  fjuera  Travrtov  A  vers  Lch  Ti  Ws  al.  There  is 
no  conclusive  reason  for  preference  among  these.  The  reading  of  R,  intra 
iravTdiv  vfx(Dv,  is  a  translation  from  the  vlg.  See  Nestle  EinfiiJirunf/'^  p.  125  f . ; 
Hast.  TV.  7;];j.  —  afXTjv  is  added  at  the  end  in  kQ  many  min  and  vers  R  RV 


CRITICISM  OF  XXII.  G-21  781 

Sod ;  wanting  in  A  many  min  most  edd.  —  The  subscription  aTroKa\vil/i<; 
lojavvov  is  given  in  KA  ;  wanting  in  Q  most  min. 

Critirisin  of  22'^-'^^.  (irounds  of  criticism  have  been  found  in  this  para- 
graph in  the  multiplicity  of  unconnected  thoughts,  in  the  interruptions  and 
repetitions,  and  in  the  abrupt  introduction  of  new  speakers.  But  see  p.  771, 
also  the  Com.  in  detail.  Further  critical  contentious  are :  («)  The  agency 
of  the  angel  is  out  of  place,  as  in  the  primitive  form  of  the  Apocalypse  the 
Seer  receives  his  revelations  directly  from  Christ;  so,  Spltta,  J.  Weiss,  many 
others;  but  see  pp.  77;},  420  f.  {!>)  In  vv.  18-19  a  redactor  is  trying  to 
canonize  his  own  words  through  Johannine  authority ;  Erbes,  al ;  but  see 
Com.  in  loc.  (<■)  Reminiscences  of  other  passages,  or  parallelisms,  betray 
the  hand  of  a  redactor;  for  example  (Spitta  221  ff.),  v.  6  is  derived  from 
V.  16  and  1^"^;  v.  7  is  derived  from  vv.  10, 12,  20  ;  v.  9  is  repeated  from  IQ^'^ ; 
similarly,  according  to  Volter,  Offcnh.  142  ff.,  v.  7  is  a  reminiscence  of  16^^ 
igioend.  vv.  8-9  imitate  19i0;  vv.  14-15  imitate  217-«.  But  these  parallel- 
isms (with  the  probable  exception  of  vv.  8-9  and  19i°,  upon  which  see  Com. 
in  loc.)  are  of  a  kind  that  indicates,  not  an  imitator  or  interpolator,  but  a 
single  author,  whose  thoughts  and  characteristics  naturally  appear  repeat- 
edly in  different,  but  appropriate,  connections. 

The  more  important  among  the  critical  theories  proposed  are  as  follows : 
Vischer  (oi)  makes  the  paragraph  the  work  of  a  Christian  redactor,  com- 
bining without  order  sayings  which  he  attributes  to  the  Apocalyptist  and 
to  Jesus.  Spitta  (222  ff.)  thinks  that  the  passage  in  its  jirimar/j  part  is  the 
conclusion  of  the  original  Christian  Apocalypse,  corresponding  to  the  epis- 
tolary form  of  the  opening  of  the  book.  But  numerous  additions  were 
made  by  the  redactor;  of  these  the  principal  are  w.  6-7,  9,  14-15,  17 a b, 
18b-20a.  Weyland  (174  f.),  on  the  other  hand,  finds  here  the  conclusion 
of  his  Jewish  document  Alpha,  to  which  the  Christian  redactor  has  added 
7  a,  12-13,  16-21,  and  some  short  phrases.  Volter  (Offenb.  U2E.,  UHE.) 
assigns  the  primary  form  of  the  Epilogue  to  a  redactor,  who  wrote  in 
Domitian's  time,  perhaps  in  the  early  part  of  it ;  to  him  belong  vv.  6,  8-9, 
10-11,  14-15,  21.  But  a  later  redactor,  writing  in  the  end  of  Domitian's 
reign,  or  perhaps  in  Trajan's,  added  vv.  7,  12-13,  16-20.  Erbes  (118  ff".) 
refers  the  whole  conclusion,  22*'~-^,  to  his  Apocalypse  of  the  year  62  a.d., 
except  vv.  18-19,  which  may  belong  to  a  later  editor.  J.  Weiss  (108  ff.) 
thinks  the  passage  contains  a  remnant  of  the  original  conclusion  of  the 
Johannine  writing  addressed  to  the  seven  churches,  but  that  this  has  been 
transformed  and  enlarged  by  a  redactor.  lie  suggests  as  the  Johannine 
part  w.  8  a,  11  (introduced  by  the  first  phrase  of  10)  -14  a,  15-16,  20-21. 
It  vdll  be  noticed  that,  except  in  the  case  of  vv.  18-19,  there  is  not  una- 
nimity regarding  the  verses  to  be  assigned  to  a  redactor. 

Another  method  of  meeting  the  difficulties  of  the  passage,  starting  from 
the  opinion  that  these  are  due  to  a  derangement  of  the  original  order  of  the 
text,  proposes  a  rearrangement.  The  nature  and  scope  of  this  procedure 
are  sufficiently  shown  in  the  theories  of  Moffatt  and  Charles.  The  former 
arranges  as  follows:  vv.  8-9,  6-7,  10-11,  14-16,  13,  12,  17,  [18-19],  20-21. 


782  THE  APOCALYPSE  OF  JOHN 

The  arrangement  proposed  by  Charles  is  given  on  p.  770.  In  regard  to 
these  critical  hypotheses,  whether  of  redaction  or  rearrangement,  it  must, 
on  the  one  hand,  be  borne  in  mind  that  displacements  in  order  through 
accident,  or  the  intention  of  a  copyist,  are  frequent  phenomena,  as  are  also 
the  changes  of  revisers;  and  if  these  processes  are  clearly  indicated  in  our 
paragraph,  or  if  the  supposition  is  requisite  for  the  solution  of  the  problem 
presented,  there  need  not  be  great  hesitation  in  accepting  at  least  some 
theory  of  the  kind  above  mentioned.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  it  has  been 
seen  to  be  characteristic  of  our  author  to  depart  from  logical  order,  to  intro- 
duce parenthetical  utterances  of  a  different  speaker,  and  to  make  abrupt 
transitions  (see  pp.  2il  if.).  Probably  an  easier  solution  of  the  difficulties 
arising  is  found  in  these  usages  of  the  writer  than  in  a  theory  of  redaction, 
or  in  a  conjectural  rearrangement.  Unquestionably  a  writer  possessing  the 
literary  skill,  and  the  sense  of  symmetry  shown  conspicuously  in  some  parts 
of  our  book,  must  have  appended  to  his  work  a  Conclusion,  either  such  as 
the  present  Epilogue,  or  one  which  this  has  displaced.  That  the  Epilogue 
here  given  was  written  by  the  author  of  the  Prologue  seems  evident  from 
the  correspondence  in  language  and  thought,  see  p.  771.  That  the  pecu- 
liarities and  even  the  difficulties  are  those  belonging  to  our  Apocalyptist's 
manner  confirms  the  belief  that  we  have  his  original  Conclusion  preserved 
in  this  paragraph.  It  should  be  observed  that  the  general  purpose  of  the 
Epilogue  in  the  plan  of  the  book,  and  the  meaning  of  its  several  parts,  are 
not  materially  affected  by  the  critical  questions  raised. 


INDEX 


I.    Greek  Words  ^ 


a^Sucrcros,  561 
ayto?,  4:78,  502 

OLKokovOiO),    660 

dXr}Oivos,  478 

aAAos  ayyeAos,  662 

aAAos,  ttXt^v,  470 

a/xw/xov,  716 

av,  omitted  with  subjv.,  541 

ava  fxeaov,  546 

a^tos,  507 

avap'^-q,  648 

aTroStSwyui,  714 

aTTOKO.kvXJ/l'i,    417 

airoKpLvofjuaL,  544 

aTTOCTTeAAw,    419 
aTTO)^WpL^O/MlL,    529 

dpvtov,  509 

^aOia  Tov  crarava,  468 

/3dpos,  469 

/SaatXewL,  429 

l3i(3XapL8Lov,  580 
/3t/3Xiov,  504 

yivofxaL,  for  ei/At',  434 
yuvT^,  for  vvfj.(f>r],  726 

SeiXos,  753 

br]vdpLov,  520 

Sta,  with  ace.  and  gen.,  627,  640 


hidfioXos,  617 
SidSrjfxa,  634 

8t8a)/Ai,  553 

SiScDfit  86$av  $€(3,  604 

OLKaiwjxa,  7  2  I 

8ovXo<i,  419 
Speiravov,  664 

earrovs,  with  infin.,  453 
€;^ctpe,  intrans.,  596 
ei,  with  subjv.,  600 
elpijvTj,  424 
els,  as  indef.  art.,  559 
IV  /ca^'  ei/,  502 
eV  Kvpiio,    660 
evwTTtov,  640 

€^,  with  gen.  for  part,  gen.,  454 
i^ovaia,  712 
cpya,  449 
evayyeAtov,  655 
E(f>eaLa  ypdp.p.aTa,  447 
£;)(w,  with  infin.,  655 

^ao),  for  dva^ao),  640 
^vyo's,  520 

■^fiioipov,  550 

^dvaros,  523 

^eos  TOW  ovpavov,  604 

dvfxo'i,  opyrj,  657 

^i;/3a  y/vewyfjievrj,  480,  494 


1  This  list  is  not  intended  to  include  all  the  words  and  idioms  noticed  in  the  Com- 
mentary, much  less  to  exhibit  the  vocabulary  of  the  Apocalypse. 

783 


784 


INDEX 


iCjoeis,  429 

'lepocrdAv/xa,   lepovcraXrjfi,  356,   ibt 
iVa  clause  as  siibj.,  727 
mi,  with  result  clause,  558 
iva,  with  subjv.  or  fut.  ind.  for  infin., 
467,  482,  519,  554,  640 

KaL,  epexegetical,  421,  438,  527,  636, 

733 
Kai,  Hebraistic,  582 
KaL,  in  ellipsis,  610 
Kai,  in  passing  from  whole  to  a  part, 

680,  694,  718 
Kai,  in  passing  from  a  part  to  whole, 

687 
KUL,  with  apodosis,  657 
Km,  with  clause,  for  infiu.,  599 
KctAa/xos,  596 

KaTa^o\rj<;  Koa/xov,  vltto,  637 
Karrjywp,  626 
Ktpavvvfxi  aKparov,  657 
kXivt),  46/ 

KOKKlVOSj    693 

KoXXdofiai,  714 

KOTTOS,    660 

Xaix/3dv(ti,  pleonastic,  554 

Xarpevo),  598 

Xt/8av<oTOs,  553 

Xtvov,  6  i  9 

Adyos  Toii  Oeov,  421 

Adyos  VTrop.ovrj<;,  483 

fiapTvpui,  with  gen.,  421 

fidpTVi,  428 

/xe'AAo),  with  infin.  for  fut.,  582 

fioXvvo),  649,  652 

lx6(T-)(o<iy  502 

jXVKdoixai,  581 

ju,vo"Tr^pto V,  444,  583,  693 

vcKpcx;,  4  /  3 
yiKau),  508 


6  V,  355,  424 

d/Aoios,  with  ace,  437 

ovofxa,  473,  475,  603,  651 

OTTcaOev,  506 

oTTOD  av,  with  ind.,  653 

opfx.r]iJia,  719 

o/Dos,  698 

ocrtos,  675 

orav,  with  ind.,  503,  549 

ovai,  construction  after,  559 

ovat,  17,  564 

ovTws,  repeating  partic,  476 

d</)ts,  625,  738 

Trav,  after  a  negative,  541 
7rapc/u,/3oAr;,  746 
■n-apdivo<i,  649,  652 
Tre'/XTTW,  663 
TreptTraTco),  449,  475 
TTt'cTTis,  639,  659 
TTvev/xaTiKoJs,  602 
■7ro8ypr]<;,  438 

TTOUW,    636 

TToAeyitos,  601 
7rpo4>rJTL';,  466 
TrptordTOKOs,  428 
TTois,  instead  of  0  ti,  474 

pa^Sos,  596 

craKKos,  600 

(Trjfjiuov,  621 

(Toc^ta,  642 

aTprjvidw,  orp^vos,  713 

cr<f)payL^(x),  581 

(TW/iia,   <  17 

(TWTrjpia,  726 

Ta;^i',  608 

Dio?  dv6pii)Trov,  437 
ntds  ToB  ^eov,  465 


INDEX 


785 


(f)idX7],  679 
ipofSovfievoi,,  01,  GIO 
(f>piap,  561 
<l>v\aKi],  712 
<f>wvrj  vSoiTMV,  439 

;(aAKoAt/?ava),  438 


Xa|Ots,  424 
Xotvt^,  520 
Xptcrros  avTov,  609 
Xpwo?,  5S2 

il/v)(al  avOpwTTfOV,  717 

wpa,  484 


II,  Subjects 


Abaddon,  563 

Abraham,  Apocalypse  of,  195 

Abraham,  significance  of  story,  9 ; 
conscious  of  mission,  9 

Acta  Johannis,  377 

Acts,  book  of,  eschatology,  115 

Adam  and  Eve,  Life  of,  195 

Alcasar,  332 

Alleluia,  721 

Alogi,  340,  350,  378 

Alpha  and  Omega,  432 

Altar,  in  earthly  temple,  597 ;  heav- 
enly altar,  524,  552 ;  souls  of 
martyrs  beneath  it,  524 ;  altar 
personified,  680 

Amen,  the,  488 

Amulet,  462,  463 

Andreas,  325 

Angel,  of  abyss,  563 ;  angel  as  agent 
in  the  revelations  of  Apoc,  420, 
773;  angel  interpreter,  170,  691 

Angels,  of  the  seven  churches,  445; 
angels  as  a  council  of  God,  498;  as 
mediators,  553 ;  present  prayers  of 
the  saints,  511;  joy  in  salvation 
of  men,  544 ;  angels  of  punishment, 
664;  worship  of  angels,  728,  729, 
775 

Angelology,  70,  445 

Animals,    demonic,    6 ;      symbols    of 
monarchies,  71 
3k 


Anticlirist,  71,  88,  159,  160,  397; 
connection  with  a  Roman  ruler, 
399 ;  a  Nero  reincarnated,  400, 
406,  408 

Anticipation,  247 

Anticipatory  passages,  preludes,  and 
interludes,  245 

Antipas,  458,  459 

Aphraates,  386,  388 

Apocalypse,  meaning  of  term,  167, 
417,  418 

Apocalypse,  the,  author's  manner, 
some  characteristics  of,  239 ;  repe- 
tition, 241 ;  indefinite  expressions 
afterwards  explained,  242 ;  in- 
terruptions, brief  interjections,  243 ; 
prefatory  passages,  243,  244 ;  hyste- 
ron-proteron,  243 ;  anticipation, 
247 ;  sudden  changes,  248 ;  use 
of  symbols,  249;  proper  names  as 
symbols,  250 

Apocalypse,  the,  composition  of,  care- 
ful study  in,  214,  174,  175;  in- 
fluence of  O.  T.  and  apocalyptic 
writers,  215,  221,  238,  see  Sources, 
Criticism,  and  Unity;  the  book 
to  be  read  from  author's  historic 
and  literary  standpoint,  208,  239, 
304,  see  Motives 

Apocalypse,  the,  date,  206,  207;  pur- 
pose,   208;      addressed    to    whole 


786 


INDEX 


Church,  210,  423;  relation  to  its 
time,  210 

Apocalypse,  the,  early  circulation  and 
recognition,  337 ;  Apostolic  Fathers 
and  other  early  writers,  337 ;  op- 
ponents, 340;  absence  from  some 
versions,  341 ;  this  absence  ex- 
plained, 343;  action  of  councils, 
342 

Apocalypse,  the,  eschatology,  156; 
relation  to  tradition,  156,  162; 
variation  from  other  N.  T.  books, 
165 

Apocalypse,  the,  and  Fourth  Gospel, 
353  ;  differences,  linguistic,  354 ; 
theological,  357;  eschatolog!,jl, 
359 ;    conclusion,  361 

Apocalypse,  the,  as  prophecy,  292, 
306,  422;  contents,  of  prophecy 
determined  by  contemporaneous 
circumstances,  294;  the  principle 
applied  to  the  Apoc,  295;  vuiful- 
filled  predictions,  296 ;  prophecy 
not  history  written  beforehand, 
301 ;  application  to  the  Apoc, 
303 ;  catastrophic  and  evolution- 
ary, 304 ;  permanent  significance 
of  the  Apoc,  291,  306;  practical 
usefulness,  307 

Apocalyptic,  as  distinguished  from 
prophecy,  166,  168;  eschatological 
hopes  of,  167;  apocalyptic  opposed 
to  evolutionary,  304 

Apocalyptic  literature,  166;  charac- 
teristics of,  169;  visions  and  rap- 
tures, 169;  mysteriousness,  170; 
literary  dependence,  171 ;  pseudo- 
nimity,  172 ;  studied  conformity 
to  type  as  affecting  canonical  rank 
of  a  book,  174 ;  occasion,  175,  8 ; 
apocalyptic  tendencies,  in  O.  T. 
before  Daniel,  177 ;  non-canonical 
apocalypses,  181,  see  under  respec- 
tive authors ;  Christian  use  of, 
196 ;  Christian  apocalypses,  197 


Apostles,  449 ;  the  twelve,  759 

Appositive,  in  nom.,  224,  427 

Archangels,  the  seven,  551 

Aristion,  363,  365 

Ark,  the,  hidden,  461,  611 

Article,  the,  224,  227 ;   absence  of,  650 

Augustine,  325,  326,  327 

Authorship,  of  the  Apoc,  testimony 
of  the  book,  343 ;  author  a  Jew, 
345;  book  not  pseudonymous,  173, 
293,  345,  367 ;  question  of  author's 
identity  with  the  Apostle  John 
subordinate  in  importance,  347; 
early  external  testimony,  348 ;  in- 
ternal testimony,  351 ;  conclusion 
353 

Babylon,  Rome  called  so,  656 

Balaam,  doctrine  of,  identical  with 
Nicolaitanism,  459 

Baruch,  the  Apocalypse  of,  192 

Battle,  of  Anticlirist  with  the  Messiah, 
734 

Beast,  of  the  Apoc,  393 ;  figure  tra- 
ditional, 393;  symbol  of  Roman 
emperors,  394 ;  of  Antichrist,  397 ; 
Antichrist  a  Nero  reincarnated, 
400,  406,  408;  number  of  the 
Beast,  403 ;  Beast  identified  with 
one  of  his  heads,  406,  635 ;  sum- 
mary definition,  407 ;  second  beast, 
408 

Beast,  mark  of,  641 

Beast,  from  the  sea,  from  the  abyss, 
633,  697 

Beatitudes,  of  the  Apoc,  422 

Beelzebub,  Beliar,  70 

Berengaudus,  326 

Blessings,  of  an  ancestor,  6,  7,  14 

Book,  of  life,  476 

Book,  the  sealed,  see  Roll 

Books,  in  judgment,  66,  476,  748 

Bousset,  critical  theory  of,  236,  see 
paragraphs  on  criticism  in  Com., 
passim 


INDEX 


787 


Briggs,  critical  theory  of,  235 
Brimstone,  753 

Caius,  340,  350 

Captivity,   Babylonian,   influence  on 

Jewish  eschatology,  30 
Change,  of  speaker,  432 ;     of  place, 

579,  607;     of  tense,  576;     of  case 

after  preposition,  657 
Characteristics,      of      Apocalyptist's 

manner,  239 
Christology,  of  Apoc,  312 
Church,  the  whole,  addressed  in  the 

Apoc,  210,  423;     the  Church  the 

true  Israel,  535 
Clement,    of    Alexandria,    339,    350, 

378,  386,  389 ;    of  Rome,  391 
Clouds,  in  imagery,  580,  679 
Coming    age,    as    an    escTiatological 

term,  64 ;    sec  Kingdom  of  God 
Coming  of  Christ,  see  Parousia 
Coming,   of  Jehovah,   to  deliver  his 

people  and  establish  his  kingdom, 

34,  see  Deliverer 
Contents,  of  the  Apoc,  255 
Conversion,  of  Israel,  see  Israel,  final 

conversion 
Criticism,  of  the  Apoc,  216;    critical 

analyses,     224;       classification     of 

theories,  237;    service  rendered  by 

criticism,  238 
Criticism  of  respective  parts  of  the 

Apoc,   ll-^  422;     V^,  433;     po, 

446 ;    2-3,  492 ;    4-6,  531 ;    7,  547 ; 

8-9,   570;      10-lll^   604;      ll'^-ig^ 

612;      12l-'^    630;  12iM3^    644; 

14l-^   653;      146-20,    666;      15-16, 

688;     17,  709;     18,  722;     19i-20«, 

741;    20^-21^  754;    2P-22^  768; 

226-21,  781 
Crown,  metaphorical  use  of,  455 

Dan,  tribe  of,  som-ce  of  Antichrist,  543 
Daniel,    book    of,    178;      first    great 
apocalypse,  172 


Date,  of  the  Apoc,  206,  207 

David,  ruiiciueness  in  Hel).  liistory,  17 

Davidic  king,  26,  28,  ;>(),  40 ;  dynasty, 
rather  than  individual  king,  per- 
petuated, 40 

Davidic  kingdom,  perpetuated,  25; 
expectation  of  the  people,  25;  of 
the  prophets,  26,  27,  28 

Dead,  Clu^ist  among  the,  112;  men- 
tioned in  the  rabbis,  113 

Dead,  the,  state  of,  in  Heb.  thought, 
58,  68,  69;  in  the  N.  T.,  95,  108, 
112,  152,  161 ;  possibility  of  change, 
69,  112,  154;  question  of  finality 
of  utterances,  154 

Death,  meaning  of,  67,  94,  108,  109 

Death,  punished,  749 

De  Boor  fragments,  381 

Deliverer,  of  the  nation,  in  earlier 
thought,  God,  27,  37,  44;  in  later 
thought,  the  Messiah,  38,  44 

Demonology,  70 

Demons,  heathen  divinities  regarded 
such,  570 ;    demonic  animals,  6 

Demonstrative,  repeating  relative 
pleonostically,  481 

De  Rebaptismate,  385,  388 

Derived  material,  see  Sources 

Dionysius,  the  Great,  341,  350 

Disciple,  instead  of  apostle,  368 

Disturbances,  before  the  Day  of  the 
Lord,  see  Messianic  woes 

Donatists,  324 

Doxologies,  429 

Dragon  Myth,  614,  623 

Dramatis  personae,  variations  in,  508 

Drunken,  with  blood,  694 

Dualism,  between  God  and  evil 
powers,  71 

Dwell,  those  that  dwell  on  the  earth, 
483 

Dynasty,  theocratic,  41 

Elder,  the,  the  Elders,  in  Irenaeus 
and  others,  363,  373 


788 


INDEX 


Elders,  the  twenty-four  in  the Apoc, 498 

Emperor-worsliip,  198 

End,  the,  743 ;  time  of,  see  Time 

Enemies,  of  God,  destroyed,  20,  21, 
29,  35 

Enoch,  Ethiopic,  181 ;  Slavonic,  183 

Ephesus,  447 

Epilogue,  771 ;  compared  with  pro- 
logue, 771 

Erbes,  234 ;  sec  paragraphs  on  criti- 
cism in  Com.  passim 

Eschatological  age,  glories  of,  35,  45, 
55,  57 ;  kingdom,  earthly,  54 ;  in- 
fluences broadening  outlook,  64 ; 
eschatological  hopes  of  apocalyptic 
and  prophecy  contrasted,  167;  escha- 
tological events  spiritualized,  101, 
104,  105,  106,  144,  149.  See  also 
Kingdom  of  God 

Eschatology,  defined,  3 

Eschatology,  of  primitive  age,  4,  8 ; 
patriarchal  and  pre-monarchical 
age,  8,  15;  Monarchical  age,  16, 
18,  29 ;  exilic  and  post-exilic  age, 
30  (earlier  centuries,  33,  later 
centuries,  63) ;  New  Testanjent 
era,  82 ;  Pauline,  83  ;  Johannine, 
100;  epistle  to  the  Heb.,  108; 
James,  110;  1  Peter,  111;  2  Peter 
andJude,  113;  Acts,  115;  oiu- Lord's 
doctrine,  117;  the  Apocalypse,  156 

Eschatology,  place  of,  in  Jesus'  view 
of  his  mission,  139,  see  Jesus 

Eschatological  discourse  in  the  Gos- 
pels, 143 

Eternal  life,  102 

Euphrates,  566;  the  four  angels  at, 
566 ;  dried  up,  682 

Eusebius,  as  witness  to  authorship  of 
the  Apoc,  341,  351,  385 

Evil  spirits,  kingdom  of,  overthrown, 
70,  72,  103,  109 

Evolutionary,  as  opposed  to  apoca- 
lyptic, 304 

Ezra,  Fourth,  see  Second  Esdras 


False  prophet,  see  Second  beast 
Fire,  pimishment  in,  68,  657 
First-fruits,  648,  649 
Forerunners,  of  the  Messiah,  39 
Fourth   Gospel,   as  report   of  Jesus' 

words,  118 
Frogs,  683 

Gehenna,  68 

Gentiles,  relation  to  messianic  king- 
dom, 51 ;  recognize  Jehovah  and 
come  to  Jerusalem  to  worship,  52, 
54;  contrary  view,  53,  see  Na- 
tionalism ;  saints  rule  over  Gen- 
tiles, 429,  470 

Georgios  Hamartolus,  381 

Give  glory  to  God,  idiomatic,  681 

God  of  heaven,  604 

God's  presence  with  his  people,  749 

Gog  and  Magog,  37,  744 

Gospels,  sources  of,  119 

Grammatical  irregularities  in  the 
Apoc,  224,  354,  424,  437 

Grotius,  333 

Gimkel,  236,  see  paragraphs  on  crit- 
icism in  Com.  passim 

Harlot,  figurative  use  of  word,  690 

Harmagedon,  685 

Harvester,  vision  of,  661 

Heads,  of  beasts,  a  succession  of  rulers, 

696 
Heaven,  in  O.  T.  not  destined  abode 

of  the   saints,    54 ;     sometimes   so 

in  later  writers,  67,  70 
Heaven    and    earth,    blended    in   the 

renewed   world,   67,   98,    103,    110, 

162 
Hebrew  nation,   perpetuation  of,  25, 

34,  see  Nationalism 
Hebrews,  epistle  to,  eschatology,  108 
Hegesippus,  392 
Heracleon,  386,  389 
Hippolytus,  321 
Historical  method,  defined,  2 


INDEX 


789 


History,  coloring  earlier  predictions, 

7,  14 
Holy  land,  see  Land 
Horn,  as  symbol,  510;  the  ten  horns, 

699 
Horsemen,  the  four,  517 
Horses,  the  plague  of,  564 
Hysteron-proteron,  243 

Ignatius,  391 

Incense,  accompaniment,  or  symbol, 
of  prayer,  511,  553 

Inconsistency,  in  use  of  a  tradition, 
745 

Indefinite  expressions,  afterwards 
made  definite,  242 

Individual,  growth  of  idea,  32,  60; 
influenced  by  law,  33 ;  influence  of 
Ezekiel,  32,  61 

Interimsethik,  140 

Interludes,  244 

Intermediate  state,  see  Dead,  the 
state  of ;  sometimes  not  thought  of, 
69 

Interpretation  of  the  Apoc,  diffi- 
culties in,  1 ;  progress  in,  2 ;  his- 
tory of,  318 ;  first  four  centiu-ies, 
319 ;  from  fifth  to  end  of  fifteenth 
century,  325 ;  from  sixteenth  cen- 
tury to  present  time,  330;  classi- 
fication of  methods,  334 

Interpreting  angel,  170,  691 

Interruption,  interjection  of  brief 
utterances,  243,  244 

Irenaeus,  320,  338,  348,  368;  his 
date  and  trustworthiness,  368 ; 
sources  of  his  information  regarding 
the  Ephesian  John,  368,  373 

Isaiah,  Ascension  of,  196 

Israel,  final  conversion  of,  159,  482, 
589,  592 

James,  epistle  of,  eschatology,  110 
Jerusalem,  called  the  great  city,  601 ; 
in  Jewish  hope,  seat  of  the  escha- 


tological  kingdom,  30,  35,  54; 
seat  of  millennial  kingdom,  160 

Jerusalem,  the  heavenly,  56,  97,  110, 
162.     »SVv  New  Jerusalem. 

Jesus,  his  doctrine  of  the  kingdom  of 
God,  132 ;  the  kingdom  both  pres- 
ent and  future,  134 ;  relation  to  the 
Church,  135 

Jesus,  eschatology  of,  117;  its  re- 
lation to  his  Messiahship,  117; 
place  of  eschatology  in  his  view  of 
his  mission,  139 ;  principal  escha- 
tological  expectations,  144 ;  sum- 
mary statement  of  his  eschatolog- 
ical  teaching,  155.  See  also  on  his 
Messiahship  and  Doctrine  of  the 
kingdom 

Jesus,  Messiahship  of,  117;  his 
messianic  consciousness,  118,  129, 
131,  132;  our  knowledge  of  his 
utterances,  118 ;  the  Gospel  sources, 
121 ;  his  acceptance  of  messianic 
titles,  122;  his  use  of  title.  Son  of 
man,  124 ;  his  messianic  work, 
129;  his  early  silence  regarding 
his  Messiahship,  129 ;  departure 
from  traditional  ideas  of  the  Mes- 
siah, 130 ;  not  the  Messiah  in  name 
only,  131 ;  evidence  of  messianic 
claims  furnished  by  events  in  his 
life,  137;  evidence  from  early 
christian  belief,  138 

Jew,  use  of  name  in  the  Apoc,  453 

Jews,  final  conversion  of,  see  Israel 

Jezebel,  466 

Joachim,  326 

Johannine  writings,  eschatology,  100; 
agreement  with  Pauline,  101,  104, 
107,  163,  164;  relation  to  tra- 
ditional eschatology,  101 ;  two- 
fold aspect  of  eschatological  terms, 
101,  see  Eschatological  events  spir- 
itualized 

John  the  Apostle,  at  Ephesus,  366; 
evidence      from      tradition,      367 ; 


790 


INDEX 


Irenaeus,  368,  see  Irenaeus;  Jus- 
tin, Polycrates  and  others,  377; 
the  Apostle  confused  with  the 
Presbyter,  375,  378;  argument 
against  the  Apostle's  sojourn  at 
Ephesus,  379 ;  prophecy  of  Mk. 
.1039,  380;  Papias,  380;  Martyr- 
ologies  and  other  witnesses,  385 ; 
silence  of  N.  T.  and  second  century 
writers,  390 ;  conclusion,  393 

John  the  Apostle,  his  martyrdom, 
380  ff. 

John,  the  Presbyter,  362 

Jonah,  piu-pose  of  the  book,  52 

Jubilees,  Book  of,  189 

Judah,  tribe  of,  leader  in  religious 
history,  17 

Jude,  epistle  of,  eschatology,  113 

Judging,  synonymous  with  ruling, 
739 

Judgment,  the,  66,  87,  94,  106,  108, 
110,  111,  114,  116,  153,  161 ;  awards 
in,  67,  94,  107,  109,  110,  111,  114, 
117,  153,  161,  163,  187;  the  judge, 
75,  94,  107,  109,  116,  165,  747 

Justin  Martyr,  320,  338,  349,  377 

Key,  of  David,  479;  keys  of  death, 
441 

King,  futiu-e  ideal,  26 ;  see  also  Theo- 
cratic king,  and  Messiah 

Kings,  saints  called  so,  429 

Kingdom,  the  eschatological,  its  place 
according  to  christian  eschatology, 
97,  103,  110,  115,  150,  162;  for  its 
place  in  Heb.  expectation,  see 
Jerusalem 

Kingdom  of  God,  the  idea,  emergence, 
9,  11,  15;  presence  in  monarchical 
age,  19;  in  exilic  and  post-exilic 
age,  32,  34 ;     in  N.  T.  era,  87,  95, 

102,  110,  111,  112,  114,  116,  132, 
149,  162 

Kingdom  of  God  and  the  Chm"ch,  96, 

103,  112,  135 


Kingdom  of  God,  present  and  futxure, 

96,  102,  134,  149 
Kingdom  of  heaven,  the  term  in  Mt., 

132 
Kingdoms    of    Israel,    northern    and 
southern  contrasted,  17 

Lake,  of  fire,  735 

Land,   a,   possession  of,   in  Heb.   es- 
chatology, 10,  25,  30 
Language,    of    the    Apoc,    223,    see 

Grammatical  irregularities 
Laodicea,  486 
Law,  the,  influence  of,  in  Babylonian 

captivity,  31,  32 
Legalism,  period  of,  53 
Legendary  period,  in  biblical  history, 

4,5,6 
Life,  90,  94,  102,  164 
Lion,  of  tribe  of  Judah,  508 ;  figiu-e  of, 

joined  with  that  of  a  lamb,  511 
Litotes,  474 
Little  Apocalypse,  143 
Living   Creatures,    the   foiu",    in    the 

Apoc,  500 
Locusts,  the  plague  of,  559 
Lord's  day,  the,  435 
Liicke,  334 
Lyons    and    Vienne,    epistle    of    the 

churches  at,  339 

Manna,  in  messianic  kingdom,  461 
Man  of  sin,  88,  see  Anticlu-ist 
Marcion,  340,  350 
Marriage  of  the  Lamb,  725,  726 
Martyr,  use  of  the  term,  386,  428 
Martyrs,  judging  and  ruling,  739 
Measiu-ement,  mark  of  preservation, 

597 
Melito,  339 
Mercy  of  God,  present  in  punishment, 

312,  554,  569 
Messenger,  in  Malachi,  41 
Messiah,  growth  of  idea,  26,  29,  40, 

44,    72,   85,    101,    116,    186;     the 


INDEX 


791 


Messiali  not  always  present  in 
eschatological  hope,  5,  14,  41,  72; 
names  of,  43,  72,  478,  732 ;  Messiah, 
not  at  first  thought  of  as  super- 
human, 50;  later,  as  preexistent, 
73  ;  other  superhuman  attributes, 
74 

Messiah,  functions  of,  44;  as  priest, 
46,  189 ;  as  prophet,  47 ;  as  judge, 
75,  see  Judgment;  as  defender  of 
his  nation,  730,  see  Deliverer;  as 
sufferer  for  sins  of  his  people,  47, 
49,  So,  116,  130,  429 

Messiah,  hidden,  48;  snatched  away 
at  birth,  48;  put  to  death  after 
reign  of  glory,  50 

Messiah,  son  of  Joseph,  distinguished 
from  Messiah,  son  of  David,  50 

Messiahship  of  Jesus,  see  Jesus 

Messianic  interregnum,  37,  76,  see 
Millennium 

Messianic  woes,  38,  87,  111,  148,  157 

Messianic,  as  synonym  of  escha- 
tological, 4 

Methodius,  323 

Millenarianism,  320  ff.,  327 

Millennium,  37,  76,  98,  103,  110,  112, 
114,  160,  184,  735 

Mission,  Hebrews  conscious  of,  9,  12, 
51 

Monarchies,  agents  of  Satan,  71 

Monotheism,  12,  51 

Morning  star,  471 

Moses,  Apocalypse  of,  195 ;  Assump- 
tion of,  194 

Mother,  the,  of  the  Messiah,  616,  621, 
628 

Motives,  four  leading,  in  the  Apoc, 
240 

Mount  Zion,  647 

Muratorian  Canon,  339 

Mystery,  meaning  of,  444,  583 

Name,  new  and  secret,  461,  462; 
Clirist's      unknown      name,      732 ; 


names  written  on  the  victor,  485; 
names  of  blasphemy,  198,  635; 
proper  names  as  symbols,  250 

Nation,  Heb.  perpetuation  of,  25 

Nationalism,  in  Heb.  eschatology,  10, 
20,  23,  25 ;  gradually  yields  to 
universalism,  34,  52,  54,  64,  189; 
disappears  in  christian  eschatology, 
97,  101,  112,  117,  130,  163 

Nations,  Gentile,  come  to  new  Jeru- 
salem to  worship,  675 

Nearness,  supposed,  of  messianic 
age,  15,  22,  36,  87,  92,  105,  108, 
110,  111,  114,  116,  145,  157 

New  covenant,  29 

New  heavens  and  earth,  56,  97,  103, 
110,  115,  150,  162,  749 

New  Jerusalem,  56,  162,  189,  486, 
755 ;  measiu-ements  of,  759  ff . 

New  name,  see  Name 

New  song,  512 

Nicolaitans,  450,  459,  464,  468 

Nicolas  of  Lyra,  329 

Number,  of  elect,  to  be  filled  up,  527 

Numbers,  symbolical,  250 

Origen,  322,  339,  350 
Oxymoron,  657 

Palm   branches,    tokens   of   rejoicing, 

544 
Papias,  338,  349,  362,  see  De  Boor 

fragments 
Paradise,  location,  67  ;  meaning,  70 
Parentheses,  interjection  of  brief  utter- 
ances, 244 
Parousia,  86,  104,  108,  110,  111,  114, 
116,  144,  165,  304,  331.     See  Day 
of  the  Lord,  Judgment,  Nearness 
Parthians,  519,  565,  567,  704 
Participle,  with  article,  as  noun,  545 
Patmos,  Apocalyptist's  sojourn  there, 

434 
Paul,     his     inherited     view     of    the 
Messiah,  84  ;    revolutionized  on  the 


792 


INDEX 


journey  to  Damascus  and  by  the 

experiences  of  the  Hfe  in  the  Spirit, 

85,  86 ;  his  eschatology,  86 
PauHne  epistles,  84 ;    apocalypses,  86 
Perfect,  aoristic,  474,  511,  544 
Perganium,  455;     as  seat  of  Satan's 

throne,  457 
Permanent  significance  of  the  Apoc, 

291 
Persecution,  of  saints  in  the  last  days, 

158 ;  Roman  persecutions,  201 
Persian    influence    in    Jewish    escha- 
tology, 79 
Peter,   First,   eschatology.    111;     the 

End  prominent.  111;  Clu-ist  preach- 
ing to  the  dead,  112 
Peter,  Second,  and  Jude,  relation  of 

the  two  epistles  to  each  other,  113  ; 

eschatology,  114 
Philadelphia,  477 
Pillar,  in  the  temple,   the  victor  as 

such,  485 
Place,  of  righteous  dead,  91,  92,  512; 

see  Paradise,  the  Dead 
Place,  Seer's  change  of,  692 
Plague,  of  bowls,  668 ;    relation  to  the 

Egyptian,  671.     See  Third  Woe 
Polycarp,  369,  376,  392 
Polycrates,  377 
Pope,  the,  as  Antichrist,  329,  330,  331, 

333 
Popular   tradition,   used   in   prophets 

and   apocalyptists,    499,    517,    551, 

see  Sources 
Practical  usefulness  of  the  Apoc,  303 
Prayers  of  saints  for  judgment,  526, 

551 
Preludes,  in  the  structure  of  the  Apoc, 

244,  245 
Present  and  coming  ages,  64,  87 
Priesthood,  of  emperor-worship,  639, 

see  Secontl  beast 
Priests,  the  saints  as  such,   13,   112, 

429,  741 
Primasius,  326,  414 


Promises,  earliest  religious,  4,  6,  8 
Prophecy,  see  the  Apoc  as  prophecy 
Prophet,  his  vision  limited,  301 
Protevangelium,  5 
Punishment,  in  presence  of  the  angels, 

657 ;    angels  of  punishment,  664 
Punishment,  of  the  wicked,  in  Jewish 

eschatology,  generally  physical,  68; 

sometimes  spiritual,  67 ;    unending, 

68,  69;     limited  in  the  rabbis,  69. 

See  the  Dead,  Judgment,  awards  of. 
Purpose,  of  the  Apoc,  208 

Ranch,  critical  theory  of,  234 
Recapitulation  theory,  322 
Redeemed,  on  Mount  Zion,  144,000, 

648 
Redundancy,  241 
Remnant,  doctrine  of,  22,  27,  28 
Restoration,  of  Israel,  28 
Resurrection  body,  63,  89,  106,  152 
Resurrection  of  the  dead,  lateness  of 

the  belief,   58;     growth   of  belief, 

60;    the  doctrine  in  the  N.  T.,  87, 

89,  105,  108,  111,  151,  161 
Resurrection,  the  general,  747 
Resurrection,  of  unrighteous,  62,  93, 

106,  151,  161 
llibeira,  331 
Roll,  the  little,  575,  578 
Roll,  the  sealed,  .504,  .507 ;    not  read, 

507,  515,  519 
Rome,  destruction  of,  158,  690,  703, 

711 
Root,  of  David,  509 

vSabatier,  231 ;  see  paragraphs  on 
criticism  in  Com.  passim 

Saints,  reign  of,  767 

Salvation,  721 

Sardis,  472 

Satan,  ruler  of  this  world,  66;  of 
evil  spirits,  70 ;  calumniator  of 
men,  617 ;  imprisoned  and  released, 
160,   735;     final   doom,    161,   743; 


INDEX 


793 


hostility  to  the  Messiah,  612,  015; 
seat  of  his  kingdom,  in  the  heavens, 
617 ;  expulsion  therefrom,  617 ; 
his  persecution  of  the  mother  of 
the  Messiah,  618 

Schmidt,  critical  theory  of,  235 

Schoen,  232,  see  paragraphs  on  criti- 
cism in  Com.  passim 

Sea,  in  heaven,  500,  674;  sea  gives 
up  its  dead,  749 ;  no  sea  in  the 
new  earth,  751 

Sealing  of  the  saints,  534 

Second  assault  of  hostile  powers  on 
the  people  of  God,  36,  161,  743 

Second  beast,  408,  639 

Second  death,  161,  455 

Second  Esdras,  Fourth  Ezra,  190 

Second  Isaiah,  31 

Second  Zechariah,  43 

Selection,  a  principle  in  religious  his- 
tory, 9 

Serpent,  in  Eden,  6 

Seven,  frequency  in  the  Apoc,  253 ; 
as  a  constructive  featiu-e,  253 ; 
seven  divided  into  3+4,  254; 
seven  chiu"ches,  why  this  number, 
423 ;  choice  of  these  particular 
churches,  210,  436;  seven  epistles, 
258,  .  446,  see  respective  cities ; 
seven  heads  of  the  Beast  as  moun- 
tains, 698;  seven  kings  of  Rome, 
704;  seven  lamps,  425,  499,  510, 
551 ;    seven  Spirits,  424,  473,  510 

Sibylline  Oracles,  184 

Signs,  of  the  end,  87,  89,  105,  111, 
114,  148,351 

Singular,  for  plural,  523,  530,  601 

Smyrna,  452 

Solomon,  Odes  of,  187 ;  Psalms  of, 
186 

Son  of  man,  in  Daniel,  41 

Son,  the,  of  man,  as  name  of  the 
Messiah,  72 ;    its  use  by  Jesus,  124 

Song,  of  Moses  and  the  Lamb,  676 

Sorcery,  570 ;  at  Ephesus,  447 


Sources,  used  by  the  Apocalyptist, 
with  or  without  modification,  171, 
174,  215,  221,  437,  496,  499,  517, 
527,  533,  536,  555,  560,  575,  593, 
613,  615,  671,  699,  al.  passim 

Spirit  of  prophecy,  729 

Spitta,  233,  see  paragraphs  on  crit- 
icism in  Com.  passim 

Star,  as  a  person,  560 

Stones,  precious,  497 

Studied  composition  of  the  Apoc, 
174,  175,  214 

Suffering  servant  in  Isaiah,  49 ;  see 
Messiah  as  sufferer  for  sin 

Siuiimary,  of  contents  of  the  Apoc, 
255 

Superscription  of  the  Apoc,  written 
last,  421 

Sword,  of  the  mouth,  731 

Symbolic  acts,  719 

Symbols,  use  of  in  the  Apoc,  249 ; 
significance  of  details,  not  to  be 
exaggerated,  249,  251 

Tabernacle,  of  testimony,  678 
Talent,  688 

Te  Deum,  the  heavenly,  721 
Temple,  heaven  as,  524,  545,  552 
Tertullian,  339,  350,  378 
Testaments  of  the  Twelve  Patriarchs, 

188 
Testimony,  of  Jesus,  421,  526 
Theocracy,  11 

Theocratic  king,  19,  26,  30,  40,  42 
Theology  of  the  Apoc,  310;    doctrine 

of  God,  310;     of  Christ,  312;     of 

the  Holy  Spirit,  316 
Theophilus,  339 

Things  that  are,  443,  261,  275,  620 
Third  woe,  the,  607,  627,  669 
This  age,  64 
Throne  room,   in   heaven,   496,   498, 

500,  539,  651,  674,  see  Temple 
Thimders  and  lightnings,  as  symbols, 

499,  553,  574,  578,  610 


794 


INDEX 


Thyatira,  463 

Ticonius,  324 

Time  of  the  end,  77;  computation 
of,  78,  331;  fixed  measure  of 
iniquity,  fixed  number  of  saints, 
to  be  filled  up,  78,  527 ;  also  time, 
not  fixed,  influenced  by  prayers 
of  saints  and  martyrs,  by  repentance 
of  Israel,  79,  116;  hastened  by 
holy  living,  115.     See  Nearness 

Times  of  events,  fixed  by  God,  567 

Transcendental  outlook,  in  Jewish 
eschatology,  34,  64,  65 

Tree,  of  life,  451,  765 

Tribes,  the  twelve,  list  of  in  the  Apoc, 
542 

Twelve  apostles,  the,  759 

Unity  of  the  Apocalypse,  216;  his- 
torical evidence,  218  ;  general  ob- 
jections to  theories  of  compilation 
and  enlargement,  218;  ultimate 
test  of  unity,  220,  240;  nature  of 
unity,  as  understood  in  present 
Com.,  221;  language,  as  bearing 
on  unity,  222;  author's  manner 
and  aim,  as  bearing  on  unity,  239. 
See  Criticism  and  Critical  Analyses 

Universal,  in  distinction  from  national, 


in  eschatology,  27,  52,  64,  166,  see 
Nationalism 

Victorinus,  321 

Vintage,  vision  of,  661,  663 

Vischer,  229,  see  paragraphs  on  crit- 
icism in  Com.  passim 

Volter,  225,  226,  see  paragraphs  on 
criticism  in  Com.  passim 

War,  in  heaven,  617,  624 

Warrior  Messiah,  730 

Water,  of  life,  764 ;  waters,  as  sym- 
bol, 702 

Weiss,  J.,  235,  see  paragraphs  on  crit- 
icism in  Com.  passim 

Weizsjicker,  225,  227,  see  paragraphs 
on  criticism  in  Com.  passim 

Weyland,  230,  see  paragraphs  on 
criticism  in  Com.  passim 

White,  garments,  475,  544,  679; 
white  stone,  462 

Winds,  in  eschatological  imagery,  541 

Wine,  of  God's  wTath,  656 

Witnesses,  the  two  in  Chap.  11,  590 

Word  of  God,  name  of  the  Messiah, 
732 

World,  this,  meaning  of  term,  66 

Wrath,  of  the  Lamb,  529,  160 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America. 


BS2825  .4.B39 

The  Apocalypse  of  John; 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


1    1012  00014  1566 


